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Journal and Society Organization 

EDITOR: Deborah M. Pearsall, American Archaeology Division, 107 Swallow HaU, Univer- 
sity of Missouri, Columbia, MO 65211. 

ASSOCIATE EDITOR (Spanish): Alejandro de Avila B., Department of Anthropology 
University of California, Berkeley CA 94720. 

NEWS & COMMENTS EDITOR: Gary J. Martin, 94 Blvd. Flandrin, 75116, Paris, France. 
FAX: 33/1/45533001. 

BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Carlos E.A. Coimbra, Jr., Escola Nacional de Saude Publica- 
FIOCRUZ, Fundacao Oswaldo Cruz, Nucleo de Doencas Endemicas, Rua Leopoldo 
Bulhoes-Manguinhos, 21.041 Rio de Janeiro-RJ-BRASlL. 

BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Nancy J. Turner, Environmental Studies Program, PO. Box 1700, 
University of Victoria, Victoria, B.C. CANADA V8W 2Y2. 

PRESIDENT: Cecil H. Brown, Department of Anthropology, Northern Illinois University, 
DeKalb, Illinois 60115. 

PRESIDENT-ELECT: Catherine S. Fowler, Department of Anthropology, University of 
Nevada, Reno, Nevada 89557 

SECRETARY/TREASURER: Brien A. Meilleur, Missouri Botanical Garden, Center for 
Plant Conservation, PO. Box 299, St. Louis, MO 63166. 

CONFERENCE COORDINATOR: Jan Tmibrook, Department of Anthropology Santa Bar- 
bara Museum of Natural History 2559 Puesta Del Sol Road, Santa Barbara, CA 93105. 

BOARD OF TRUSTEES 

ROBERT A. BYE, JR., Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, MEXICO: ethnobotany, 

ethnoecology. 
TIMOTHY JOHNS, Macdonald College of McGill University CANADA. 
Ex officio: Past Presidents Steven A. Weber, Amadeo M. Rea, Elizabeth S. Wing, and Paul 

Minnis; Permanent board member Steven D. Emslie; The Editor, President, President 

Elect, Secretary/Treasurer, and Conference Coordinator. 

EDITORIAL BOARD 

KAREN R. ADAMS, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, USA; paleoethnobotany. 
EUGENE N. ANDERSON, University of California, Riverside, USA; ethnobotany. 
BRENT BERLIN, University of California, Berkeley, USA; ethnobiological classification, medi- 
cal ethnobotany. 

H. SORAYYA CARR, El Cerrito, CA, USA; zooarchaeology, 
GAYLE J. FRITZ, Washington University, St. Louis, USA; paleoethnobotany . 
DAVID R. HARRIS, University College, London, ENGLAND; ethnoecology, subsistence sys- 
tems, archaeobotany, 

TIMOTHY JOHNS, McGill University, CANADA; chemical ecology, ethnobotany, 
HARRIET V. KUHNLEIN, McGill University, CANADA; ethnomitrition^ human nutrition, 
GARY J. MARTIN, Grupo de Apoyo al DesarroUo Etnico, Oaxaca, MEXICO; ethnobiological 
classification. 

DARRELL A. POSEY, School of Anthropology and Museum Ethnography, Oxford Univer- 
sity, ENGLAND; natural resource management, ethnoecology, ethnoentomology, tropical cul- 
tural ecology, 

AMADEO M. REA, San Diego Natural History Museum, USA; cultural ecology, zooarchae- 

ology, ethnotaxonomics. 
ELIZABETH J. REITZ, University of Georgia, USA; zooarchaeology, 
MOLLIE S. TOLL, University of New Mexico, USA; prehistoric and historic ethnobotany. 

Feature editors Carlos E.A. Coimbra and Nancv L Turner (see above). 



Journal of Ethnobiology is published semi-annually. Manuscripts for publication, information for the "News and 
Comnients" and book review sections should be sent to the appropriate editor on the inside back cover of this issue. 



^Society of Ethnobiology 
ISSN 0278-0771 



Journal of 

Ethnobiology 



VOLUME 14, NUMBER 1 



SUMMER 1994 



Advertising Information 



Journal of Ethnobiology 



published by the Society of Ethnobiology 



Mailing Instructions. All initial advertising contracts and correspondence 

should be sent to: 



Secretary /Treasurer 

Society of Ethnobiology 

Brien Meilleur 

Missouri Botanical Garden 

Center for Plant Conservation 

P.O. Box 299 

St. Louis, MO 63166 

phone: (314) 577-9450 

FAX (314) 577-9465 



Insertion orders and camera ready copy should be sent to 



Editor, Journal of Ethnobiology 

Dr. Deborah Pearsall 

American Archaeology Division 

103 Swallow Hall 

University of Missouri 

Columbia, MO 65211 

phone: (314) 882-3038 

FAX (314) 882-9410 



MISSOURI BOTANICAL 



CONTENTS 



Ki.w . Y 1QQ4 



GARDEN LIBRARY, 



EDITOR'S VIEW 



1 



TOWARD RECONSTRUCTING ANCIENT MAIZE; 
EXPERIMENTS IN PROCESSING AND CHARRING 

Susan Goette, Michele Williams, Sissel Johawiessen, Christine A. Hastorf . . 1 

CHARACTERIZATION OF MESTIZO PLANT USE 

IN THE SIERRA DE MANANTLAN, JALISCO-COLIMA, MEXICO 

Bruce F. Benz, Francisco Santana M., Rosario Pineda L., Judith Cevnllos £., 
Luis Robles H., Domitila de Niz L 23 



CHOICE OF FUEL FOR BAGACO STILLS HELPS MAINTAIN 
BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY IN A TRADITIONAL 
PORTUGUESE AGRICULTURAL SYSTEM 

George F. Estabrook 43 



TRIBES, STATES, AND THE EXPLOITATION OF BIRDS: 
SOME COMPARISONS OF BORNEO AND NEW GUINEA 

Christopher Healey 



59 



THE DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNOZOOLOGY 
OF REPTILES OF THE NORTHERN PORTION 
OF THE EGYPTIAN EASTERN DESERT 

Steven M. Goodman and Joseph J. Hobbs 



75 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 101 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Oat Bran, edited by Peter J. Wood 

Richard Evans Schultes 21 

Presiding seminar dan lokakarya nasional etnobotani, Cisarua-Bogor, 19-20 
Februari 1992, edited by Rusdy E. Nasution, Soedarsono Riswan, Prabowo 
Tjitropranoto, Eko Baroto Waluyo, Wahyono Martowikrido, Harini Roemantyo, 
and Salikin S. Wardoyo 

Joseph E. Laferriere 22 

Crops and Man (Second Edition), by Jack R. Harlan 

Richard Evans Schultes 42 

Histoire lUustree du Caoutchouc, by Jean-Baptiste Serier, Antionette Diez, 
and Anne Van Dyk 

Richard Evans Schultes 57 

The Ethnobotany of the Chacobo Indians, Beni, Bolivia, by Brian M. Boom 
Mark G. Plew 58 



IV 



CONTENTS Vol. 14, No. 1 



The Tasaday Controversy: Assessing the Evidence, edited by Thomas N. 
Headland 

Joseph E. Laferriere 74 

Ayahuasca Visions: The Religious Iconography of a Peruvian Shaman, by Luis 
Eduardo Luna and Pablo Amaringo; Amazon Healer: The Life and Times of an 
Urban Shaman, by Marlene Dobkin de Rios; Guiado Pelo Lua: Xamanismo e 
Uso Ritual da Ayahuasca no Culto do Santo Daime, by Edward MacRae 

Jonathan Ott 106 

Before the Wilderness. Environmental Management by Native Californians, 
edited by Thomas C, Blackburn and Kat Anderson 

Nancy /. Turner . , - . 110 

Altrove 1: Societa Italiana per lo Studio degli Stati de Coscienza, edited by 
Claudio Barberi, Antonio Bianchi, Gilberto Camilla, Francesco Festi, Marco 
Margnelli, Bruno Pochettino^ and Giorgio Samiorini 

Jonathan Ott 112 

Handbook of Edible Weeds, by James A. Duke 

Robert Bye 115 

The Palaeoethnobotany of Franchthi Cave, by Julie M. Hansen 

Mark G. Flew 117 

Kava: The Pacific Drug, by Vincent Lebot, Mark Merlin, and 
Lamont Lindstrom 

Jonathan Ott 119 

Aromatic Plants and Essential Constituents, by Zhu Liangfeng, Li Younghua, 
Li Baoling, Lu Biyao, and Xia Nianhe 

Richard Evans Schultes 121 

Ethnobotany of the Waimiri Atroari Indians of Brazil, by William Milliken, 
Robert R Miller, Sharon R. Pollard, and EUsa V Wandelli 

Bret Blosser 122 

Funghetti, by Silvio Pagani 

Jonathan Ott 124 

New Directions in the Study of Plants and People: Research Contributions 

from the Institute of Economic Botany, edited by G. T. Prance and M. J. Balick 
Charles R. Clement 125 

50 Jahre LSD-Erfahrung: Eine Jubilaumsschrift, edited by Christian Ratsch 
Jonathan Ott 127 

ZauberPilze, edited by Ronald Rippchen 
Jonathan Ott 129 

Lista Anotada de las Plantas Medicinales de Uso Actual en el Estado de Quin- 

tana Roo, Mexico, by Ma. T. Pulida Salas and L. Serralta Peraza 

Robert Bye and Edelmira Linares 131 

Plants of the Gods: Their Sacred, Healing, and Hallucinogenic Powers (Reprint 
of 1979 Edition), by Richard Evans Schultes and Albert Hofmann 

Jonathan Ott 132 

Les Plantes des Dieux: Les Plantes Hallucinogenes, Botanique, et Etnologie 

(Translation of 1979 Edition), by Richard Evans Schultes and Albert Hofmann 
Jonathan Ott 134 



p 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



V 



Rivers of Change: Essays on Early Agriculture in Eastern North America, 
by Bruce D. Smith 

Willard Van Asdall 136 

Persephone's Quest: Entheogens and the Origins of Rehgion, by R. Gordon 
Wasson, Stella Kramrisch, Jonathan Ott, and Carl A. P. Ruck 
Joseph E. Laferriere I37 

Wild Seasons: Gathering and Cooking Wild Plants of the Great Plains, by 
Kay Young 

Willard Van Asdall 138 




issue of the Journal takes us from the lab to the field and from Mexico to 
New Guinea. The geographical and topical diversity of these offerings are 



matched 



the five articles for this 



issue are one reflection of the breadth of on-going research in ethnobiology. 

We begin in the lab with experimental research on charring maize. It is note- 
worthy that this research, which will have wide appHcation in paleoethnobotany 
was conducted by undergraduates under the direction of Christine Hastorf and 
Sissel Johannessen. The next three articles each echo, in varying degrees, the 
theme of sustainable use of natural resources: what can be learned from peoples 
living in traditional relationships with the natural world? The first takes us to the 
Sierra de Manantlan, Mexico, and a report of long-term, collaborative research 
into mestizo plant use by Bruce Benz and colleagues. George Estabrook then 
presents the implications of fuel choice on maintaining biodiversity in Portugal. 
Christopher Healey 's paper comparing patterns of exploitation of birds in Borneo 
and New Guinea brings out the importance of understanding the wider social 
and political contexts of human-animal interrelationships. We end with a Daoer 



Goodman and Joseph 



much 



classification of this often understudied group. 



reviews 



with this issue we are listing book reviews by title, author, and reviewer (rather 
than just page number). Note also that there is a change in how back issues of the 
Journal are distributed: in a moment of weakness Cecil Brown volunteered to store 
and send these out. Write him at the Department of Anthropology, Northern 
Illinois University, DeKalb, IL 60115-2854 (Ph. 815-753-0246) to inquire about the 
availability and price of issues you may be missing. 

Finally, I would like to welcome H. Sorayya Carr and Gayle J. Fritz to the 
Editorial Board of the Journal. These new board members represent an expansion 
of the board, to insure that manuscript flow in any one research area does not 
overwhelm an individual board member. Let me take this opportunity to thank 
all Board Members for their hard work, and especially their efforts to speed up 
the manuscript review process. It still takes longer than we'd like to get manu- 
scripts through the complete review process; I thank our contributors for their 
patience — everyone involved with reviewing, editing, and compiling the Journal 



squeeze the /( 



DMP 



/■ 



Summer 1994 



TOWARD RECONSTRUCTING ANCIENT MAIZE: 
EXPERIMENTS IN PROCESSING AND CHARRING 



SUSAN GOETTE 

Anthropohgy Department 

University of Minnesota, Minneapolis MN 

MICHELE WILLIAMS 

Anthropologi/ Department 

Washington University, St. Louis MO 

SISSEL JOHANNESSEN 
Army Corps of Engineers 

St, Paul MN 



CHRISTINE A. HASTORF 

Anthropology Department 
University of California, Berkeley CA 



ABSTRACT. — We report the results of two experiments designed to assess the 
effects of processing and charring on maize fragments, so as to allow improved 
interpretation of maize remains recovered from archaeological sites. In the first 
experiment, kernels of three varieties of modern Andean maize were processed 
by three methods — toasting, sprouting, and boiling with wood ash — and then 
charred. The three processing techniques produced diagnostic characteristics that 
survived charring. It was also found that dimensional changes with charring were 
greater in processed kernels than unprocessed kernels. In the second experiment, 
after establishing a set of charring conditions, ears of six varieties of Andean 
maize were fragmented and the kernels and cupules measured before and after 
charring to determine the direction, degree, and variability of distortion. 



RESUMEN. — Reportamos los resultados de dos experimentos disenados para 
evaluar los efectos del procesamiento alimentario y la carbonizacion de frag- 
mentos de maiz, a fin de permitir una mejor interpretacion de los restos de maiz 
provenientes de sitios arqueologicos. En el primer experimento, se procesaron 
granos de tres variedades de maiz andino contemporaneo mediante tres metodos; 
fueron tostados, germinados, o hervidos con ceniza, y todos fueron despues 
carbonizados. Las tres tecnicas de procesamiento produjeron caracteristicas que 
perduraron despues de la carbonizacion y que pueden servir como diagnostico. 
Se encontro tambien que los cambios de dimensiones ocasionados por la car- 
bonizacion fueron mayores en granos procesados que en granos no procesados. 
En el segundo experimento, despues de establecer ciertas condiciones de car- 
bonizacion, se fragmentaron mazorcas de seis variedades de maiz andino y se 
midieron los granos y las cupulas antes y despues de la carbonizacion para 
determinar la direccion, grado y variabilidad de la deformacion. 



2 



WILLIAMS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



RESUME.— Nous reportons les resultats de deux experiences destinees a evaluer 
les effects d'utilization culinaire et de carbonization sur les fragments de mais, de 
fagon a ameliorer I'interpretation des restes de mais provenant de contextes 
archaeologiques. Dans la premiere experience, les graines de trois varietes de 
mais moderne des Andes ont ete grillees, germinees, et bouilliees avec des cendres 
de bois, puis carbonizees. Ces trois techniques ont produit des characteristiques 
diagnostiques qui ont survecu la carbonization. Entre autre, les changements 
dans les dimensions dus a la carbonization sont plus importants dans les graines 
preparees que nonpreparees. Dans la deuxieme experience, apres avoir etabli 
certaines conditions de carbonization, les epis de six varietes de mais andeens ont 
ete fragmentes et les graines et cupules mesurees avant et apres la carbonization, 
de iaqon a preciser la direction, le degre et la variabilite des distortions. 



INTRODUCTION 



Domesticated maize {Zea mays subsp 



New World crop, spread by human agency from 



Mesoamerica 



maize 



m 



Hundreds of maize 



were in use in the Americas at the time 



varieties, created and maintained by human groups each for its own particular 
purpose, were cultural artifacts. The recognition of these varietal differences in 
ancient maize remains recovered from archaeological sites is important for under- 
standinff the lone and complex interaction between people and maize. 



maize 



morphologies of a few specimens (Bird 1970; Bird and Goodman 1978; Goodma 
and Paterniani 1969; King 1987) is increased by the fact that in many archaeolog 
cal sites maize is preserved only if it was charred in antiquity. Further, maize eai 



mented 



fragments, and cob fragments 



the hard cupules that held the kernels. Several researchers (Benz 1994; Bird and 
Bird 1980; Cutler 1956; Cutler and Blake 1973; Pearsall 1980; Johannessen et al. 
1990; King 1987, 1994; Miksicek et al. 1981) have addressed the problem of develop- 
inc methods of measurement and statistical analysis that can be applied to classi- 



mentarv maize remains 



If archaeological maize types are to be reconstructed, it is essential to know 
how accurately measurements taken on charred fragments reflect the attributes of 
the original ear. Heating and charring distort the size and shape of kernels and 
cupules. Also, various types of maize processing undoubtedly changed kernel 
characteristics. The effects of charring and processing can be assessed by experi- 
mental means, and here we report on two experiments toward this end. The 
results should be understood only as one piece of the complex puzzle of recon- 
structing ancient maize. The myriad varieties of maize as well as variables in 
processing and charring conditions make it unwise to use the results as formulas 
to bp annlipd to everv set of archaeoloeical maize fragments. 



same problem 



approximate 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 3 



parts and on kernels, but it is not clear whether their conclusions are based on 
observations of archaeological material or on experimental reconstructions. Pear- 
sail (1980) experimented with charring and parching modern maize kernels in 
order to arrive at an appropriate adjustment to reconstruct the original size and 
shape of a cache of charred archaeological kernels. However, she was not success- 
ful in replicating the condition of the archaeological kernels, which appeared to 
have little distortion, pericarp splitting, or extrusion of the endosperm. After 
heating for 1.5 hours in sand over a Bunsen burner, the modern charred kernels 



extremely 



Mod 



estimated 



of 5% in length, 10% in width, and 50% in thickness, percentages midway 



More 



experimented 



regimes 



treatment) and endosperm 



experiment the condition of archaeological kernels, her various charring regimes 
producing kernels that were either uncharred, or broken and fragile (neither of 
which would survive well in the archaeological record). She therefore also used 
parched rather than charred kernels to estimate change with charring. She found, 
with some variation, for 105 kernels of seven different cultivars the width and 
length increased about 3% but the thickness increased about 38% (King 1987:136). 
She also found that kernels previously boiled or made into hominy showed greater 
change after charring than did charred unprocessed kernels (King 1987:146-147). 
An experiment by Benz (1994), which used entire cobs rather than fragments, 
found that the charred cobs, although variably distorted, were still readily distin- 
guishable as to race in a multivariate comparison. 



form 



method 



must be found to char maize 



experiment the sam 



m 



tion in the resultant data presented. 



experiments we contribute to mi 



maize fragments 



maize processing techniques. The experiments 



(Johannessen 



fragmented maize recovered from sites in the Manta 



with 



experiment, which 



maize 



ancient Andean techniques (toasting, sprouting, and boiling with wood ash) and 
the processed kernels were then charred. Kernels were measured and their char- 
acteristics were noted at each stage. In the second experiment, dealing with the 
effects of charring, a method of charring that replicates the condition of archae- 
ological maize was developed. Then a sample of over 400 kernels and 200 cupules 
from ears of six modern Andean maize varieties were measured, charred, and 



4 



WILLIAMS 



VoL 14, No. 1 



remeasured, and the changes produced by the charring were analyzed s 
tically. These two experiments allowed us to repHcate archaeological maize 



in the archaeological record. 



maize processing that may remain 



EXPERIMENT 



J 



In this experiment we wanted to see if different processing techniques resulted 
in distinctive kernels whose characteristics might be expected to survive charring 
and be distinguishable in the archaeological record. We tested the effects of three 
common Andean maize processing techniques on traditional varieties of modern 



maize. For each of the processes, we 



were charred. Mea 



surements and photographs were 



were 



with wood ash, and sprouting. Currently in the Peruvian Andes maize is com 
monlv processed for kancha (toasted maize), mote (boiled hominy), and chicha o 



maize 



wood 



pericarp is loosened. These are rubbed off by hand, and the resulting maiz pelado 



maiz 



moist until they germinate. The winapo, or sprouted maize 



dried, milled, boiled with water, strained, and fermented to make the beer (Bird 
1970; Cutler and Cardenas 1947; Gade 1975; Mejia Xesppe 1978). 

The antiquity of these processes is apparent in their descriptions in early 
ethnohistoric documents, and in old Quechua names such as moti, camcha, and 
winapo aque {chicha from sprouted maize) (Horkheimer 1973). Garcilaso de la 
Vega, born of an Inca mother in 1539, describes the traditional preparation of 
motis, camcha, and winapo as outlined above; "all this," he says, "I saw with my 
own eyes, and I was nourished until I was nine or ten with gara^ which is maize" 
(Garcilaso de la Vega 1985 [1609-16171:341). Prehistoric maize processing has also 
been discernable in some archaeological examples. Dried germinated maize, pre- 
sumably stored for c/r/c/za-making and dating to ca. A,D. 900-1400, has been 
recovered uncharred under very good conditions of preservation on the arid 
coast of Peru (Moore 1989). In wetter highland sites, however, where charring is 
necessary for preservation, the recognition of processed maize is more difficult. 
We wanted to see if these processing techniques resulted in characteristic kernels 
even after charring. 



Materials and methods.— Gade (1975), Bird (1970), Cutler and Cardenas (1947), 
Nicholson (1960), and Rick and Anderson (1949) discuss the varieties of Andean 
maize traditionally preferred for each of these three processes. For the experi- 
ment, we selected a characteristic variety for each process: the sweet corn Chullpi 
for making kancha, the large -kernelled flour variety Cuzco for mote, and a flour 
variety Huilcaparu for making chicha. The maize types were obtained in 1989 as 
shelled kernels in Bolivian markets in Cochabamba and La Paz. We chose shelled 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



5 




FIG. 1. — Kernels of three maize types at stages of the three processing techniques. 
A: unprocessed Chullpi (note the shriveled endosperm of this sweet corn); B; Chullpi 
toasted for kancha (shows vertical split down back of kernel); C: charred kancha 
(vertical split down embryo); D: unprocessed Cuzco) E: pericarp and point of 
attachment removed by wood-ash processing for mote; F: charred mote; G: unpro- 
cessed Huilcaparu; H: sprouted winapo for chicha (note pericarp over embryo 
pushed away by hypocotyl and radicle); I: charred winapo with hypocotyl and 

radicle burned away. 



maize over whole ears because sources indicate that maize is traditionally graded 



sam 



The 



The kancha process is very simple; dried Chullpi kernels are placed in a 
(we used a kancha pot from the central Andes) over high heat. A handful 
Is is toasted in three or four minutes while stirring constantly. The result- 



maize is toasted vellow with 



occurs 



down the embryo area or the back of the kernel due to the puffing of the formerly 
shrunken "sugar" portion of the kernel (Fig. lb). The radicle of the embryo pro- 
trudes upward through the cracked pericarp in many specimens. 

Mote, which is similar to North American hominy, is prepared in the Vil- 
canota Valley of Peru with the large floury kernels of Cuzco (Fig. Id) (Gade 1975). 
We used approximately one cup of hardwood ashes in two quarts of water to 
nrnrPQc ^C\-^00 Vprnpk of Cuzrn. The water and wood ash form a Ive solution with 



6 



WILLIAMS 



VoL 14, No. 1 



a pH of about 10. Once the ash and water mixture is boiHng the kernels are added. 
The pericarps began to loosen after ten minutes of boiling over a medium-high 
flame. The kernels were then rinsed under running water while being rubbed 
together, removing any remaining pericarps and many of the points of attach- 
ment (Fig. le). Maiz pelado has a distinctive ''hominy" smell and is light buttery 
yellow in color. Traditionally the peeled maize is added to soups or dried and 
stored for later use (Gade 1975). A second boiling in soup causes an enormous 
expansion of the kernels as they absorb water; the characteristic puffy appear- 
ance of mote or hominy results. 

Huilcaparu is a variety widely grown and commonly used to make chicha in 
the Cochabamba Valley (Cutler and Cardenas 1947:250) (Fig, Ig). The chicha- 
making process is long and complex, as illustrated by Cutler and Cardenas (1947). 
Freshly sprouted kernels (the malted grains introduce the enzyme diastase that 
changes sugars to alcohol through fermentation) are dried and then milled. The 
resulting flour is boiled, allowed to settle, and the supernatant is removed for 
fermentation. The fermenting process takes 3-5 days. 

The chicha processing technique we used was as follows: the maize was 
soaked overnight in water and a vermiculite mixture, and then sprouted for five 
days at 25°C in the moist vermiculite. When the majority of the kernels (15-20% 
of the kernels did not germinate) had radicles as long as the body of the seed, 
they were removed from the vermiculite and air-dried overnight. During ger- 
mination the expanding radicle and hypocotyl pushed away the pericarp cover- 
ing the embryo (Fig. Ih). The moist sprouted kernels were swollen to the limits of 
their pericarps, causing a puckered appearance across the tops of the kernels that 
was retained after drying. As the kernels dried, the radicle and hypocotyl became 
very delicate and broke off easily as did the pericarp covering the embryo. 
Nicholson (1960) states that in modern Peru the broken embryo parts are collected 
and saved for chicha production. Our processing sequence stopped here since in 
the next step the kernels are milled. Nicholson (1960) indicates that in the Andes 
maize is often sold or stored in the sprouted and dried state, and as we have seen, 
prehistoric examples of maize stored in this state have been found. 

The products of these three processing techniques were then charred by the 
method described in the next section of this paper, in sand over a Bunsen burner 
with intervals of cooling. Samples of the sprouted kernels were charred both in 
the wet and dried state. The toasted kanaka kernels unexpectedly took the long- 
est time to char — up to 60 hours. The sprouted kernels took 24-50 hours, and the 
peeled and dried mote kernels took only 12 hours to char. The amount of endo- 
sperm extrusion (that is, the percentage of all charred kernels in which the 
endosperm expanded greatly with the heat and bubbled out through a split 
pericarp causing a fragile and greatly distorted kernel) ranged from 5-35% 
overall and correlated with the processing method. The mote kernels had the 
lowest percentage similar extrusion percentages of about 10-15%. The dry- 
charred chicha kernels had a very high extrusion percentage of 20-35%. This 
variation in the percentage of kernels that extrude with charring may be a reflec- 
tion of the relative ability of kernels processed by various methods to become part 
of the archaeological record, since extruded kernels are very fragile and unlikely 
to survive. 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



7 



E 



01 
L) 



OJ 

E 



0) 



0) 

u 

0} 

E 



0) 

u 



2 2 

2 
1 8 

1.6 
14 

1.2 

1 
8 

6 

4 
2 





a 

o 

I 



T 

8 

o 

o 





o 

o 




i 

8 

o 
o 
o 




8 



8 



^ 





8 



8 



§ 






8 







ChullDi 

(n=150) 



process 
kanch23 



length 



width 



—thickness 



Cuzco 

(n=75) 



process 
mote 



Huilcaparu 

(n=l50) 



process 
chicha 



unprocessed 



I:- --:| processed 



processed and charred 



FIG. 2. — Range, variation, and change in the kernel measurments with process- 
ing and charring. The five bars of all box-plots mark the 10th, 25th, 50th (mode), 
75th, and 90th percentiles. 



To determine the metric changes resulting from the processing techniques, 
the kernels were measured at each stage; unprocessed, processed, and charred- 
processed. The measurements taken were length, width, thickness, and the angle 
of the two long sides (see below and Fig. 4 for details). One hundred and fifty 



each stage. 



Huilcaparu 



Results. — Results of the maize kernel measurements are illustrated in Fig. 2, which 
shows the range of variability and change in length, width, and thickness with 
each stage of the three techniques. In general we see the same directional changes 
in the charred processed kernels as we do in charred unprocessed kernels (see 
below and Table 2). The greatest change is in increased thickness, with a slight 
decrease in length, and little change in width. Fig. 2 shows that in most cases the 
change in shape takes place during charring rather than processing. Table 1 gives 



8 



WILLIAMS 



VoL 14, No. 1 



TABLE 1. 

charring. 



Maize type 
(process) 



Dimensions 



length 
width 
thickness 
angle 



Chullpi 

(kancha) 



P 



P&C 



-2.0 

+L0 

+29.9 

+31.0 



-8.0 

+4.5 

+39.0 

+68.0 



Cuzco 

(mote) 



P 



P&C 



+1.2 

-2.3 

+4.1 

+15.6 



+4.3 

-4.2 

+38.0 

+10.3 



with 



Huilcaparu 



(chicha) 



P 



P&C 



+1.1 

+4.0 

+13.1 

+5.8 



-9.7 
-1.6 

+42.8 



P: processed; P&C: processed and charred. Figures are percentage change in mean dimensions from 



un 



the mean changes in percentage for each type after processing and again after the 
processed kernels are charred. We can see by a comparison with Table 2 that the 
processed kernels get much thicker with charring than do the unprocessed ker- 
nels (mean increase of 40% as opposed to 13%), although the other dimensions 
undergo much the same amount of change. This confirms King's (1987) findings 
that processing does have a role in determining charred kernel shape, and further 
specifies that the major change is in the thickness. 

Perhaps more important is the appearance of the charred and processed ker- 
nels (Fig. lc,f,i). The toasted Chullpi kancha kernels kept their characteristic ver- 
tically cracked embryo or kernel back after charring. Even the protruding radicles 
survived charring intact. The browned and puffed areas of the pericarp became 
fragile after charring but the pericarp retained its integrity. Charring increased 
the overall puffiness of the kancha kernels. The sprouted Huilcaparu lost the 
delicate hypocotyls and radicles with charring, leaving holes where they had 
emerged from the embryo. The pericarp covering the embryo was also lost during 
charring. Processed and charred sprouted Huilcaparu kernels have a vertical crack 
down the embryo, similar to that of the toasted Chullpi kernels, but are distinctive 
in that their embryos are depleted and sunken. Those kernels most resembling 
archaeological maize were the carbonized lye-treated mote kernels. The endosperm 
of the Cuzco, having lost its restricting pericarp in processing, expanded greatly 
with charring. The expansion left the embryo with a sunken appearance. 
Although sunken, the embryo was still persistent on most kernels even after the 
boiling and charring processes. 

Of the three processing techniques, the mote kernels were the quickest to char 
and were the most durable after charring, thereby making them the strongest 
candidates for preservation. In addition, they show the closest resemblance to 
much archaeological maize in lacking their pericarps, often their points of attach- 
ment, and occasionally their embryos. Processing maize with wood ash was a 
widespread practice in the Americas; the results of this process could make up 
much of the maize debris recovered from archaeological sites. King (1987:146) also 
reached this conclusion as a result of her experiments. 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 9 



Conclusions. — We 



periments. 



remains 



radicle /hypocotyl holes and the missing embryo pericarp. The chicha characteris- 
tics might occur in any sprouted maize so archaeological context must be consid- 
ered. Kancha kernels might be less distinctive because unprocessed kernels also 
puff during charring. However, the protruding radicle and the embryo crack 
would be good distinguishing characteristics for kernels that had been auicklv 



Mote kernels were the most 



mbryo 



ttachment 



EXPERIMENT TWO: THE EFFECTS OF CHARRING 



This experiment was designed, first of all, to devise a system of charring 
would replicate the appearance of most charred archaeological maize. This w 
allow a more reahstic estimate of the amount of distortion produced by st 
charring method, and also provide insight into the kinds of conditions that 
have preserved the maize we find archaeologically. Further, the experiment 



samples of kernels and cu 



from a number of maize varieties. We concentra 

and cupules, rather than whole ears or cobs, since in our experience most charred 
archaeological maize is found in a fragmented state. Overall, 434 kernels and 221 
cupules from six maize varieties were measured both before and after charrine. 



Materials and methods. — Specimens of six cultivars of modern Andean maize were 
used for this experiment. The varieties were selected to give variation in size, 
shape, and endosperm type so that differences in the effect of charring could be 
assessed. The six varieties are (1) Confite puntiagudo, a popcorn with small pointed 
kernels, (2) Chullpi, a many-rowed sweet corn, (3) an unnamed variegated flour 
variety with imbricated yellow and red striped kernels, (4) San Geronimo, a white 
flour variety, (5) Morocho, a flint type with characteristic round kernels, and 
(6) Cuzco morado, a dark red, large-kernelled 8-row flour variety (Fig. 3). The four 
endosperm types represented have the following characteristics. Popcorn grains 
are composed mostly of a very hard vitreous endosperm with a small amount of 
soft starch in the center. Steam generated in the soft center causes it to explode 
with heating, Flint-type kernels also have a hard translucent endosperm with 
starch in the center, the proportions varying by variety. In flour varieties the 
endosperm consists of soft starch. In sweet corn much of the sugars are not 
converted into starches with maturation, and the kernels are translucent and 
shrivelled when dry (Sturtevant 1899; Purseglove 1972:303-304). 

Two ears of each variety were selected to provide the kernels and cupules for 
analysis. The two ears from each variety had the following row numbers: Confite, 
one 12-row and one 16-row; ChuUpi, one 14-row and one 16-row; variegated, both 
10-row; San Geronimo, both lO-row; Morocho, one 10-row and one with very irregu- 
lar rows that was counted as 9-row; and Cuzco morado, one 8-row and one lO-row. 
The sample of kernels and cupules from the two ears of each maize variety is of 



A 






B 




■^ 




>*■ 



^ 




\ 



' -p^ 



-t": 



*», 



-#- 



V 



=^^_ 




C 





E 





A^ 



"0- 



■W** 





F 



^ 





'W- ^a-^ 



t^ 




f 





FIG. 3. 



maize types used in the charring experiment. A: Confite 
C: Variegated : D: San Geronimo: E: Morocho: F: Cuzco morado. 



in centimeters 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



11 



length 



width 



thickness 







embryo 




KERNEL 



width 



i 



side view 




height 



top vfew 




I 



angle -W 




Cross section of maize ear 



tip length 



CUPULE 







round square 

Cap types 



beaked 



FIG. 4, — Kernel and cupule measurements used 



means considered representative of the m 



within the variety as a whole; the emphasis here is rather on the change and 
variation that comes about with charring. The ears were all collected from Andean 
markets or farmers 6-10 years ago, and have since been stored in a herbarium 
cabinet, and thus were thoroughly air-dry. 

Twenty percent of the kernels and cupules from each ear were measured. 
First, the length, center width, row number, and total number of kernels of each 
ear were recorded. All kernels were removed from each ear and 20% of the total 
were selected by picking blind-folded from a box. Selection of the cupule sample 
was more difficult, since cupules cannot readily be separated from an uncharred 
cob. Therefore, before charring, the cupule measurements had to be taken on the 



sam 



We experimented with sawing (Benz 



became the limiting factor in determining 



arrangement 



mashed the cupules. Hand 



maged the walls of the cupules, and hammering 



were made 



each end. The cupules in the six exposed cross-sections were those used in the 



sample from 



Measurements 



were those that can readily be taken on archaeological specimens (Fig. 4). Kernel 
measurements were length, width, thickness, and angle of the two long sides. 
Kernel cap types were coded as round, square, or beaked. Cupule measurements 
were width, height, depth, center length, wing length, and angle. All measure- 
ments except angles and cupule depth were taken with sliding caliners to thp 



12 



WILLIAMS 



Vol. U, No. 1 



nearest 0.05 cm. Angles were measured to the nearest 5° by laying the kernel or 
cupule on a piece of laminated polar coordinate graph paper (delineating the 360'' 
of a circle), lining one of the long sides on the 0° line and moving the kernel or 
cupule until the other long side was flush with a degree line. Cupule depths were 
measured from the front lip to the deepest part of the cupule pocket using a 

calibrated metal probe. 

Previous experiments in charring maize have resulted in extensively swollen, 
broken, extruded and fragile kernels (King 1987; Pearsall 1980). Not only are such 
kernels unlikely candidates for preservation, but both King and Pearsall note that 
archaeological maize remains often appear well-preserved with little apparent 
distortion, although often the kernel embryos are missing as well as much of the 
nerirarn. The ancient conditions of charrine that produced such maize remains 



xperimentally 



In this experiment we tried a number of charring techniques to find that 
which produced the least fragile and least distorted charred maize fragments. The 
most successful method was slow charring in a reducing atmosphere at relatively 
low temperatures, with periodic intervals of cooling. Test kernels and cupules 
were charred in sand over a Bunsen burner at a temperature of about 180-190° C. 
The fragments were heated for 1.5 hours, allowed to cool completely, heated again 
for 1.5 hours, cooled, and so on until completely charred through to the center. 
This method took an average of 16 hours burning time to char one sample ol 
kernels. Kernels charred at the same temperature but without the cooling inter- 
vals showed more frequent endosperm extrusion; 25% of the kernels as compared 
to 17% with the cooling intervals. Cupules were charred on the cob using the 
same method, with a shorter charrine time of 10-12 hours per cob 



We 



cu 



crumble- or become more 



remeasured 



3ls and cupules from the six modern Andean maize varieties were 
following this successful method, and the charred fragments were 



Change in kernels and cupules. — ^The maize kernels generally became shorter, wider, 
and thicker with charring. The percentile box-plots in Fig. 5 show the range of 
variation and the change with charring in length, width, and thickness for each of 
the six maize types. The box-plots have the properties of (a) showing the central 
tendencies and full range of variation for the samples for each maize type and 
each variable, and (b) allowing comparison of sizes and shapes among varieties. 
Overall mean change for the kernels consisted of a 6% decrease in length, width 
was minimally affected with an increase of only 1%, and thickness increased most 
to an average of 13% (Table 2). These findings differ from previous experiments 
using parched maize (King 1987; Pearsall 1980), where it was reported that all 
three dimensions increased. The measured angles of the kernels undergo a slight 
average increase of about 6%. The kernel caps tended to become slightly more 
round; 8% of the square cap types and 6% of the beaked types became round after 
charring. Two indices useful in describing the shape of kernels from the front and 
the top, ratios of width/length and width/ thickness respectively, also change 
with charring. Since width generally increases as length decreases, the width/ 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



13 



TABLE 2. 



maize 



Figures show direction and percentage of change before and after charring. 



Dimensions 



Confite Morocho ChuUpi Cuzco San Ger Variegated All Ears 



Kernels 

Length 
Width 
Thickness 
Angle 

Cupules 

Height 
Width 
Depth 

Center Length 
Wing Length 



(n = 94) (n = 64) (n = 85) (n = 75) (n - 72) (n = 54) (n = 437) 



-1.4 

-0.4 

+ 10.4 

-2.7 



+ 6.0 
-15.7 
-38.5 
+9.6 
+9.7 



-3.7 

+3.6 

+ 17.2 

+6.7 



-7.6 

+2.0 
+ 13.1 

+ 1.6 



-4.1 

0.0 

+20.6 

-1.9 



-6.8 

+0.8 

+ 10.0 

+21.2 



-8.8 

-0.6 

+5.1 

+ 13.4 



-14.9 
-13.5 
-18.2 

+ 14.8 
+ 14.6 



-9.1 

+6.3 
-54.5 
+44.8 
+44.2 



-12.3 

-8.6 

-22.7 

+23.4 

+0.6 



12.7 
-17.1 

-4.0 

+26.7 

+2.8 



-10.3 

-8.4 

-29.1 

+57.8 
+37.0 



-5.5 

+ 1.2 

+12.5 

+5.5 



(n = 47) (n = 32) (n = 42) (n = 37) (n = 36) (n = 27) (n = 221) 



-8.2 

-9.7 

-30.5 

+26.4 

+15.7 



1^ 



14 



• 12 



1 

I ' 

.4 



2 

1.6 
1.4 

« 1 2 

a 

• '■ 

E 

e 
« 

u 6 



2 
1.4 



t.2 



1 



3 .i 








: 
: 




t 
t 



Confite 




i 





ChuMpi 




8 








Variegated 



# 



% 



X 

: 




o 
a 



• 



T 



\ 




length 



width 



thickness 



1.6 



1.4 



1.2 



I 



Z .8 

e 
« 
u 



i 



t.4 



1.2 



I 



e 



\A 



1.4 



1.2 



I 



o 
o 

X 



T 




X 



7 



3 





length 



t 



San 
Geronimo 





: 





I 



I 







liorocho 



I 



! 





s 



Cuzco 
morado 











width 



thickness 



I 



HRCharred 



■=;:->:l chamd 



FIG. 5. — Range and variation (shown by percentile box-plots) in kernel measure- 
ments for each maize type before and after charring. 



14 



GOETTE, WILLIAMS, JOHANNESSEN & HASTORF Vol. U, No. 1 



1 2 



1 



8 



in 

k, 

a 
a 

I <■ 

c 



Confite 
ear one 





B 



o 
X 





T.2 



u 



I 



a 



o 

I u 



o 
u 



.4. 



-2 



Confite 
ear two 




?9 





B t 



B 4^ 




height widlh depth 



center 
length 



tip 
length 




M 

(0 

I. 



.2 






Cuzco 

morado 




« 







o 
o 




height width 



depth center tip 
*^ length length 



t 




unch erred 



charred 



FIG. 6. — Range and variation in cupule measurements for each maize type before 
and after charring. Measurements for the two ears of Confite are shown sep- 
arately, because it was found after removal of the kernels that the cupules of the 
two ears were quite different. 



more 



width, the width/thickness 



Fig. 5 and Table 2 show that although kernels of most varieties show the same 
general tendency for increase or decrease in each variable, the amount of change 
varies considerably. The amount of change does not correlate with endosperm 
type; the three flour varieties together show a wider range of variation than 
among the three other endosperm types (pop, flint, and sweet). 

For the cupules, we found that the cupule height, depth, and width decreased 
while the center and wing lengths increased with charring (Fig. 6). Mean overall 
change consists of a 8% decrease in height, a 30% decrease in depth, a 10% 
decrease in width, a 307c increase in center length, and a 16% increase in wing 
length. Table 2 shows that, again, while the direction of change was consistent in 
most varieties the amount of change varies greatly. 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 15 



from ajwle. — The row number 



among the more 



man and Paterniani 1969). With fragmented archaeological maize 



where the row number 



researchers have used the angle measured on the two long sides of a kernel or 



approximate 



the 360° occupied by the kernel or cupule; in an eight-row ear, for example, a 
kernel will occupy 45° (one-eighth of a circle) and a cupule 90° (each cupule bears 
two kernels). However, this angle can be affected by the fact that kernels are 
generally offset slightly so that their edges do not abut, and in some types the 
rows are irregularly arranged. Thus the generalization that row number = 360/ 
angle-of-kernel (or row number = angle-of-cupule X 2) does not necessarily 
reflect reality. Some attempts have been made to assess the accuracy of the angle 
method of determining row number. Pearsall (1980) measured the angles of 25 
kernels from ears of known row number (8, 10, 12, and 14-row cobs), with limited 
success in predicting row number. She found that the 8- and 10-rowed measured 



from 



measured as 8, 10, or 12-row; and that the 14-row measured fairh 
measurements were made by the Cutler and Blake (1973) method 



number of pre-cut angle 
n experiment measuring 



(8-row)^ 36° (10-row), and so on. Bohrer 



Is from 
from the 14-row cob eave measured 



'c 



of the 



kernels correctly. She does not state how the angles were measured. King 
(1987:128-129) found from measuring the angles of 160 kernels of eight varieties 
(measured by photo-copying the kernels and then drawing and measuring the 



measurements resulted in incorrect 



number determinations. 

We tested the degree of accuracy of using angles to predict row number by 
plotting the measured angles against the angles calculated from the actual row 
number of the original ears. Fig. 7 shows the scatterplots, regression, and correla- 
tion for actual vs. expected angle for the kernels (uncharred and charred) and for 
the charred cupules (uncharred cupule angles could not be measured since they 
couldn't be detached from the cob). The figure shows considerable variation in the 
measured angles of kernels from ears of the same row number, and overlap 
between and among row numbers. For uncharred kernels, only about 43% of the 
total variation in measured angles is attributable to the difference in row number. 
The predictive value of angles measured on the charred kernels was somewhat 
better {R^ = .57). The angles measured on charred cupules were the best predictors 
of row number (i?^ = .64). This may be due to the fact that the expected angles of 
cupules are farther apart than those of kernels by a factor of two. In other words, 
60° and 72° (cupule angles from 10- and 12-row cobs) are more easily discrimi- 
nated than 30° and 36° (kernel angles from 10- and 12-row cobs). 

An analysis of variance, however, does reveal significant differences (at 95%) 
in angle measurements between samples from most row numbers. The mean 
angle measurements of the kernels and cupules were very close to their expected 
angles (Fig. 8) in most cases. However, the kernels from the 14-row ears and thp 



16 



GOETTE, WILLIAMS, JOHANNESSEN & HASTORF Vol. 14, No. 1 



a 



o 
u 
t 



o 
I. 
I 

CM 



o 
( 

o 



« 
o 

I 

01 



o 
I 

03 



1 .04x - 4.434, R-squ4r*d: .43 



0) 






CD 



e 
0; 



0) 



(A 



£ 




expected angle (°) 



I.I6&X - 6.914^ R-fqu4re4: .566 




uncharred 

kernels 

(n=437) 



charred 

kernels 
(n=434) 



expected angleC**) 



o 
I 



Q 
U 
I 



O 

I 
CM 



I 

O 



« 

o 
k. 
I 

a* 



o 

oo 



« = t.036x - 4.231 , R-square^: .635 



01 

c 

0) 

L. 

3 

o 

E 




charred 

cupulas 

{n=22n 



expected angleC*) 



FIG. 7. 



measured 



measured 



? measurement to reconstruct row number 

'sunflowers/' *One ear with unevpn and vm 



rows 



TOW 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



17 




50- 



45 



40 




30 




20- 



15J 




T 



O 



o 



o 



n=29 



i 



O 




f 




n=37 



T 



n=I90 



n = 35 



O 



f 



I 1 

n=42 n=102 



CHARRED 
KERNELS 

(n=437) 



ROW 
NUMBER 



o 



I 

oo 



o 






o 



I 

o 



o 



I 



o 



I 



o 



I 






100 



90 



80- 



70 



60- 



50 



40- 



30 



J L 



n=15 



O 



n=19 



4 

J L 



<^ 



O 



— r 1 

n=98 n=19 



O 




T 



n-21 




n=49 






CHARRED 
CUPULE3 

(n=221) 



mean and 9598 confidence intervals 
of measured angles 

O expected angle 

Ql difference significant at 95^ 



difference not significant at 9595 



FIG. 8. — Analysis of variance in measured angles. The figure shows the mean 
angles and 95% confidence intervals of kernel and cupule samples from different 
row numbered ears, compares sample means to expected angles, and indicates 
the significance level of differences between groups (derived from analysis of 
variance). 



18 



WILLIAMS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



cupules from the 9-row (one ear of Morocho had irregular and varied rows and wSs 
counted as being 9-row) had measured angles lower than expected, and thus the 
differences between the 14- and 16- row kernels and the 9- and 10-row and the 12- 
and 14-row cupules were not significant statistically. This suggests that measured 
angles from kernels and cupules often do reflect the actual row number on a statistical 
basis, although measurements on individual fragments have limited accuracy. 



A note on processing. — An unexpected outcome of the experiment was the condi- 
tion of the charred kernels. Of over 400 kernels, none lost their pericarps or 
embryos during the burning process. Charred archaeological kernels, otherwise 
well-preserved, are often missing all or most of their pericarps and often their 
embryos, and we have tacitly assumed that these were lost during the charring 
process. However, this may not be so, since in this experiment every kernel 
without exception retained its pericarp and embryo intact, even after 20 hours of 
burning. It seems plausible that the loss of pericarp and embryo from archae- 
ological kernels with minimal distortion may have resulted from processing before 
they became charred, rather than from the charring itself. This bears out the 
findings from the experiment described above, from which we concluded that 
kernels processed with lye to remove their pericarps have the best chance of being 
preserved in the archaeological record. 



SUMMARY, DISCUSSION, AND CONCLUSIONS 



Our first experiment resulted in distinctive appearances for charred maize 
kernels subjected to three common Andean forms of processing. There is pres- 
ently enormous variation in the maize varieties preferred for mote, kancha, and 
chicha, and it is probably safe to assume that the prehistoric people of the Andes 
had as widely varied tastes as the modern residents. Since we know that different 
types of maize react somewhat differently to charring, we cannot make a direct 
comparison between the appearance of archaeological maize and our modern 
processed and charred maize. However, we believe that the distinguishing char- 
acteristics described in Experiment One are the results of the processing method 
and not just the maize variety. 

We cannot predict how hundreds of years in the soil affect charred maize. The 
grinding force of freezing and thawing could wear away at the persistent but 
fragile pericarps of kancha and chicha kernels leaving them naked like mote 
kernels. The embryos of the kernels could be preferred by animals or soil 
microbes, removing them before complete charring occurred. We can only sug- 
gest the many forces that could occur before^ during, and after deposition, and 
thus cannot make direct comparisons between experimental processed and 
charred kernels produced in the laboratory and those recovered from archae- 
ological sites. But we do know that charred processed maize is quite distinct from 
unprocessed charred maize, and that the results of the three methods were dis- 
tinct from each other, and that these attributes may be preserved in ancient 
kernels. Finally, we recognize mote or hominy (pericarps removed by boiling with 
lye) as the process that results in maize most likely to be preserved and most 
resembling the condition of archaeological kernels. 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 19 



In the second of these experiments we found a method of charring maize 
successfully, and assessed the effects of charring on the size and shape of the 



atmosph 



maize 



term 



maize 



similar 



near hearths that were periodically kindled. 



burial in soil or ash 



measurements 



charred maize fragments accurately reflect attributes of the original material. We 
found (a) that all measurements taken on a kernel or cupule are not affected to the 
same degree by charring, therefore the fragments change in shape as well as size; 



same 



imensions 



imension 



varieties, we found considerable variation in the amount of change among vari- 



formula 



maize 



same width 



width/ thickness 



height and width of cupules were found to decrease about 10%, and the length to 



increase roughly 2U%, so that the most radical change is in the shape of tl 
from the top, becoming longer and narrower. We also found, as have 
researchers, that angle measurement of single kernels and cupules i 
accurate predictor of row number, having about 50% or less chance of 
with kernels and a somewhat better chance with cupules. However, the i 
sample of measurements does often accurately reflect the row number. 
Our experiments have detailed the effects of only a few of many 



ns of charring and processing. The variation in morphologica 
maize kernels and cupules, as well as the many unknown 



make 



of ancient maize types and their uses a daunting problem. We 

most fruitful avenue of research lies in a combination of multivari- 

nalysis of large systematic samples of ancient maize fragments, 

experimental work, not only on the conditions producing mor- 



maize 



pes (Johannessen et al. 1990; Johannessen and Hastorf 1989). 

All will agree that it is risky to draw conclusions about types and usage from 
small sample of archaeological maize fragments. Nevertheless, standardized 
ascription and reporting of the raw data (so as to give the full range of vari- 
>ility) from even small samples can eventually build up large data bases that in 
njunction with results of experiments on modern maize can give a more confi- 
!nt picture of local and regional patterns of ancient maize use. 



20 



WILLIAMS 



Vol . 1 4, No. 1 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



We 



experiments. The research represents two Research Experiences for Undergraduates grants 
awarded under National Science Foundation grant BNS 84-51369. 



LITERATURE CITED 



BENZ, BRUCE F. 1986. Taxonomy and 
Evolution of Mexican Maize. Unpub- 
lished Ph. D. Dissertation, Department 
of Botany, University of Wisconsin, 
Madison. 

. 1994. Can prehistoric racial diver- 
sification be deciphered from burned 
corn cobs? Pp. 23-33 in Corn and Cul- 
ture in the Prehistoric New World. Sis- 
sel Johannessen and Christine A. 
Hastorf (editors) Westview Press, 
Boulder, Colorado. 

BIRD, ROBERT McK. 1970. Maize and its 
Natural and Cultural Environment in 
the Sierra of Huanuco, Peru. Unpub- 
lished Ph. D. Dissertation, Department 
of Anthropology, University of Cali- 
fornia, Berkeley. 

and JUNIUS B. BIRD. 1980. Galli- 

nazo maize from the Chicama Valley, 
Peru. American Antiquity 45:325-332. 

BIRD, ROBERT McK. and MAJOR M. 
GOODMAN. 1978. The races of maize: 
V Grouping maize races on the basis 
of ear morphology. Economic Botany 
31:471^81. 

BOHRER, VORSILA L. 1986. Guideposts 
in ethnobotany. Journal of Ethnobiol- 
ogy 6:27-43. 

CUTLER, HUGH C. 1956. Plant remains. 
Pp. 174-183 in Paul S. Martin, John B. 
Rinaldo, Elaine A. Bluhm, and Hugh 
C. Cutler: Higgins Flat Pueblo, West- 
ern New Mexico. Fieldiana: Anthro- 
pology Series Vol. 45, Chicago Natural 
History Museum. 

and LEONARD BLAKE. 1973. 

Plants from archaeological sites east of 
the Rockies. Missouri Botanical Gar- 
den, St. Louis. 

CUTLER, HUGH C. and MARTIN CAR- 
DENAS. 1947. Chicha, a native South 
American beer. Harvard University, 
Botanical Museum Leaflets 13:33-60. 

GADE, DANIEL W. 1975. Plants, Man and 
the Land in the Vilcanota Valley of 
Peru. Dr. W, Junk B.V., The Hague. 



GARCILASO DE LA VEGA, El Inca. 1985 
[1609-1617]. Comentarios reales de los 
Incas. Biblioteca clasicos del Peru No. 
1., Editorial Andina, Lima. 

GOODMAN, M.M. and E. PATERNIANI. 
1969. The races of maize: III. Choices of 
appropriate characters for racial class- 
ification. Economic Botany 23:265- 
273. 

HORKHEIMER, HANS. 1973. Alimenta- 
cion y obtencion de alimentos en el 
Peru prehispanico. Direccion Univer- 
sitaria de Biblioteca y Publicaciones de 
la Universidad Nacional Mayor de San 
Marcos, Lima. 

JOHANNESSEN, SISSEL, SUSAN GO- 
ETTE, and CHRISTINE A. HASTORF. 
1990. Modern and ancient maize frag- 
ments: An experiment in variability. 
Journal of Quantitative Anthropology 
2:179-200. 

JOHANNESSEN, SISSEL and CHRIS- 
TINE A. HASTORR 1989. Corn and 
culture in central Andean prehistory. 
Science 244:690-692. 

KING, FRANCES B. 1987. Prehistoric 
Maize in Eastern North America; 
An Evolutionary Evaluation. Unpub- 
lished Ph. D. Dissertation, Department 
of Agronomy, University of Illinois, 
Urbana. 

. 1994. Variability in cob and kernel 

characteristics of North American 
maize cultivars. Pp. 35-54 in Corn and 
Culture in the Prehistoric New World. 
Sissel Johannessen and Christine A. 
Hastorf (editors). Westview Press, 
Boulder, Colorado. 

MEJIA XESPPE, TORIBIO. 1978. Kausay 
Alimentacion de los Indios. Pp. 207- 
225 in Tecnologia Andina. R. Ravines 
(editor). Institute de Estudios Per- 
uanos, Lima. 

MTKSICEK, CHARLES H., ROBERT McK. 
BIRD, BARBARA PICKERSGILL, SARA 
DONAGHEY, JULLIETTE CART- 
WRIGHT, and NORMAN HAM- 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



21 



MONO. 1981. Pre-Classic lowland 
maize from Cuello, Belize. Nature 
289:56-59. 

MOORE, JERRY D. 1989. Pre-Hispanic 
beer on the coast of Peru. American 
Anthropologist 91:682-695. 

NICHOLSON, G.E. 1960. Chicha maize 
types and chicha manufacture in Peru. 
Economic Botany 14:290-299. 

PEARSALL, DEBORAH M. 1980. Anal- 
ysis of an archaeological maize kernel 



cache from Manabi Province, Ecuador. 
Economic Botany 34:344-351. 

PURSEGLOVE, J.W. 1972. Tropical Crops: 
Monocotylecions, Longman, London. 

RICK, CHARLES M. and EDGAR AN- 
DERSON. 1949. On some uses of maize 
in the sierra of Ancash. Annals of the 
Missouri Botanical Garden 36:405-412. 

STURTEVANT, E.L. 1899. Varieties of corn. 
USDA Experiment Station, Bulletin 137. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Peter J. Wood (editor). St. Paul, Minnesota: Amer 
Chemists (3340 Pilot Knob Road, St. Paul, MN 
. $90. No ISBN eiven. 



com 



need which is clearly set forth in the Foreword by the editor, Dr. P.J. Wood: "In 
1989, the public appetite for oat bran was at its peak. Both the product itself and 
media reports describing miraculous health benefits were avidlv consumed. . . . 



American Association of Cereal Chemists 



suggested that a book be 



compiled that would attempt to describe the nature of oat bran, its means 
manufacture and properties and what was known about its Dhvsioloeical efferi 



// 



with 



worthwhile attempt 



The chapters describe: 1) Structure of Oat Bran and Distribution of Dietary 
Fiber components (R. Gary Fulcher and S. Shea Miller); 2) Current Practice and 
Novel Processes (D. Paton and M.K. Lenz); 3) Comparisons of Dietary Fiber and 
Selected Nutrient Compositions of Oat and Other Grain Fractions (J.A. Marlett); 
4) Physiochemical Characteristics and Physiological Properties of Oat (1-3), (1-4)- 
B-D-Glutean (PJ. Wood); Physiological Responses to Dietary Oats in Animal 
Models (FL. Schinnick and J.A. Marlett); 6) Hypocholesterolemic Effects of Oat 
Bran in Humans (J.A. Anderson and S.R. Bridges). Each chapter contains a com- 
prehensive bibliography of literature cited, and there follows a detailed index. 

The American Association of Cereal Chemists has published a number of 
outstanding books which I have reviewed. I consider this volume to be one of the 
finest, particularly from the point of view of coverage and presentation of the 
latest scientific data which corrects some of the misunderstandings and misinfor- 
mation that has been in circulation. 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 



22 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. U, No. 1 



BOOK REVIEW 



Presiding seminar dan lokakarya nasional etnobotani, Cisarua-Bogor, 19-20 
Februari 1992. Rusdy E. Nasution, Soedarsono Riswan, Prabowo Tjitro- 
pranoto, Eko Baroto Waluyo, Wahyono Martowikrido, Harini Roemantyo, 
and Salikin S. Wardoyo (editors). Jakarta: Departemen Pertanian dan Lem- 
baga Ilmu Pengetahuan Indonesia (LIPI) (Herbarium Bogoriense, Jalan Raya 
Juanda 22-24, Bogor, Indonesia), 1992. Pp. viii, 432. $11.25 U.S. (Rp 22500) 



(paperbound). ISBN 979-8006-71-2. 



most 



world 



cultural units. 



upwards 



Not surprizingly, there is a great deal of ethnobotanical knowledge present in 
the islands, much of which is being lost very rapidly. Some of this information has 
been collected by Indonesian ethnobotanists across the country. To date, the re- 
sults of these studies have been scattered across pubHcations of a variety of 



mostly Indonesian publications. In 1992, however, 
)r to attempt to bring together ethnobotanists from 



are by Indonesian authors, and all are in Indonesian with English abstracts. 
Most of the papers are purely descriotive. some containing lone table; 



papers 



names 



food, fiber, medicine, contraception, and cosmetics, as 
treatments and in traditional ceremonies. There is littl 
?rvasive in much European and North American ethnc 

xonomy, chemical ecology, or optimization 



Nevertheless, the book is remarkable 



information 



This book will prove to be immensely useful to anyone w 



fostered. 



progress 



Joseph 



um 



22 Divinity Ave. 
Cambridge MA 



/. EthnobioL 14(1):23-41 



Summer 1994 



CHARACTERIZATION OF MESTIZO PLANT USE IN THE 
SIERRA DE MANANTLAN, JALISCO-COLIMA, MEXICO 



BRUCE E BENZ 

FRANCISCO SANTANA M. 

ROSARIO PINEDA L. 

JUDITH CEVALLOS E. 

LUIS ROBLES H. 

DOMITILA DE NIZ L. 

Instituto Majmntldn de Ecologia y 

Conservacion de la Biodiversidad 

Universidad de Guadalajara 

Apartado Postal 1-3933 

Guadalajara, Jalisco 
MEXICO^ C,P. 44100 



ABSTRACT. — Ethnobotanical research in the Sierra de Manantlan Biosphere Re- 
serve seeks to promote a local conservation ethic through acknowledgement, 
documentation, and application of existing indigenous knowledge and use of the 
local flora by the rural population. Use of and knowledge about the native plant 
species has been documented in nine rural communities over a three year period 
through interviews with more than 100 informants. Informants have been selected 
on the basis of their self-acknowledged experience and willingness to collaborate. 
More than half of the more than 650 plant species discussed in interviews have 
been reported to be employed for one or more purposes. 

Knowledge of a plant species' use appears to be related to relative floristic 
abundance while various categories of use tend to focus on certain specific vege- 
tation types. The most frequently cited species are those which are either natu- 
rally widely distributed or respond positively to human disturbance. Information 
elicited from more than 100 informants suggests that a considerable amount of 
empirical knowledge is not shared among informants. For example, more than 
20% of the species reported as useful are reported as such only by individual 
informants. This pattern appears to be independent of the rural community or 
general use category examined. Such idiosyncratic variability may stem from 
active experimentation by individuals or from local erosion of traditional knowl- 
edge through acculturation. 



RESUMEN. — Investigaciones etnobotanicas en la Reserva de la Biosfera Sierra de 
Manantlan intentan promover una etica conservacionista local a traves del reco- 
nocimiento, documentacion, y aplicacion del conocimiento existente y uso de la 
flora local por parte de la poblacion rural. El uso y conocimiento concerniente a 
las especies nativas de plantas se ha documentado por medio de entrevistas con 
mas de 100 informantes en nueve comunidades a traves de tres anos. Se selec- 
cionaron los informantes en base de su propio conocimiento tematico y su dispo- 
sicion a colaborar. Mas de la mitad de las 650 especies de plantas utilizadas en 
entrevistas han sido reportadas como utiles para uno o mas propositos. 



24 BENZ, SANTANA, PINEDA, CEVALLOS, ROBLES & NIZ Vol. 14, No. 1 



Parece que el uso de las plantas depende de la abundancia relativa en la flora y 
varias categorias de uso parecen enforcarse en las especies de ciertos tipos de 
vegetacion. Las especies mas frecuentemente citadas como utiles son aquellas que 
tienen una distribucion geografica amplia o responden positivamente a la pertur- 
bacion antropogenica. Informacion obtenida de informantes indica que una can- 
tidad considerable de conocimiento empirico no esta compartido entre ellos. Per 
ejemplo, mas de viente porciento de las especies reportadas como utiles se 
reportan como tal solo por informantes individuales. Este patron parece ser inde- 
pendiente de la comunidad o categoria general de uso examinado. Tal variabi- 
lidad de idiosincratismo podria deberse a la experimentacion activa o de erosion 
de conocimiento tradicional impulsado por la aculturacion. 



RESUME. — La recherche ethnobotanique an sein de la Sierra de Manantlan cher- 
che a promouvoir une ethique de conservation locale en s'appuyant sur les con- 
naissances existantes et Putilisation de la flaure locale par la population au- 
tochtone. Des interviews ont ete realisees avec plus de 100 informateurs dans neuf 
communautes et sur une periode de trois ans afin de connaitre les especes de 
plantes originaires et de savoir leur utilisation. Les informateurs ont ete selec- 
tionnes en fonction de leur connaissance thematique et de leur disposition a 
repondre. Plus de la moitie des plus de 650 especes de plantes mentionnees dans 
les questionnaires sont utilisees pour une ou plusieurs fins. 

L'utilisation des especes de plantes semble dependre d'une abondance flauris- 
tique relative; et certains types d'utilisation semblent dependre de certains types 
de vegetation. Les especes les plus frequemment utilisees sont celles que Ton 
rencontre en abondance de faqon naturelle, ou qui reagissent positivement a des 
perturbations d'origine humaine. Les renseignements obtenus des informateurs 
montrent qu'un nombre considerable de connaissance empirique n'est apparem- 
ment pas divulgue entre les informateurs. Par exemple, 20% des especes reportees 
comme etant utiles sont mentionnees par un seul et unique informateur. Ceci 
semble etre independant de la communaute ou du type d'utilisation examine. 
Une telle variabilite idiosyncratique pourrait etre ralentie a travers une experimen- 
tation active ou une erosion des cormaissances traditionnelles par acculturation. 



INTRODUCTION 



The Sierra de Manantlan is situated along the border of Jalisco-Colima a 
proximately 50 km north of the port of Manzanillo and 20 km west of Vole 
Colima (Fig. 1) in western Mexico. This small mountain range is situated at t 
confluence of three of Mexico's major mountain systems: at the western margin 
the Mexican Neo-volcanic axis, at the southern end of the Sierra Madre Occide 



Tamayo 



most extent of the Sierra Madre del Sur (Rzedowski 



importance of this mountain 



being set aside to conserve its remarkable biodiversity (Jardel 19S 
present-day vegetation of this region, a mosaic of eight broadly 
(Rzedowski 1978), contains a veritable wealth of plant and anima 



more 



^quez et al. 1990; Jardel 1992). The discovery of Zea diploperennis 
Guzman, an endemic diploid perennial wild relative of maize 
s 1980) provided the initial impetus for its Dreservation and ev 




is'^so' 





104' 

t 

I 

I 

I 



L CHANTE 



ahuacarJn 





V 



I 





BARRANCA DE LA 
^ NARANJERA 



^ENZONTLA 
^.CAMlCHtN 



VjX 




'^ 



A k^^ALAPA- 

^ AYOTlTL?Nf-fr 



EIXRUZ 



\ 



TERRERO. 



NEVADO 
" -AND- 

VOLCAN 
COLIMA 






N 



02 5 




KMS 



FIG. 1. 



Manantlan 



informants were consulted are indicated bv small 



ere Reserve in western Mexico. Communities where 



26 BENZ, SANTANA, PINEDA, CEVALLOS, ROBLES <& NIZ Vol. 14, No. 1 



ally for the federal decree establishing the Sierra de Manantlan as a Mexican 
Biosphere Reserve (139,000 ha; see litis 1980; Jardel 1992) and its eventual inclu- 
sion within UNESCO's Man and the Biosphere network of reserves. 

For millennia, the forested slopes of these mountains have provided many of 
the natural resources — agricultural soils, animal forage, and hunted and gath- 
ered products — nearby communities depend upon. Second, the forested slopes 
supply considerable quantities of runoff to three regionally important water- 
sheds, the Ayuquila-Armeria, the Marabasco, and the Purificacion, rivers that 
have been the basis for irrigation-based agriculture since before the arrival of the 
Spanish (Kelly 1945, 1949; Sauer 1948). 

Aside from the obvious economic motives for promoting a conservation and 
social development program in this mountainous region (Jardel 1992), the rich 
biological endowment of the Sierra de Manantlan Biosphere Reserve (SMBR) has 
proven to be exceedingly important for stimulating efforts to prevent local extinc- 
tion of many of the organisms that occur here and nowhere else. 

The objectives of the present study have been defined in the context of aims of 
the SMBR itself, which seek to integrate social with economic development and 
conservation to ensure that the local population adopts and /or maintains sustain- 
able practices of natural resource use and thus a sustainable environment. Goals 
of our ethnobotanical research are to describe existing patterns of plant utilization 
in and around the SMBR in pursuit of locally adapted and appropriate land use 
alternatives and to ascertain whether existing exploitation practices in any way 
threaten present or future natural resource availability. Our research focuses on 
describing the intensity of utilization of the species recognized as useful by the 
local inhabitants, and subsequently evaluating it to predict whether these utiliza- 
tion practices might conflict with the conservation objectives of this protected 
area. Our research also seeks to discern the structure of plant resource knowledge 
among the local inhabitants. Although our methodology initially sought to cor- 
roborate information provided by individual informants, the data obtained thus 
far suggest that such corroboration is relatively infrequent and variation between 
informants much more prevalent. 

In the following essay we evaluate plant use with respect to (1) the relative 
importance of plant families according to the abundance of utilized species, 
(2) the patterns of use with regard to vegetation type, (3) the intensity of use 
based upon the frequency of report of utilization, and (4) informant idiosyncracy 
in describing a species' utility. 



THE AREA AND ITS PEOPLE 



The Sierra de Manantlan, like much of western Mexico, has been inhabited 
for at least the last 2000 years (Kelly 1945, 1949, 1981). At the time of Spanish 
contact, the population in the region was widely scattered with only the valley of 
Autlan supporting a nucleated population large enough to be referred to as a city 
(Laitner Benz 1992). While the region's population at the time of Spanish contact 
consisted predominantly of Otomi speakers it also included people who spoke 
Nahua (Kelly 1945; Harvey 1972), In the Purificacion River valley, the population 
apparently spoke a large variety of languages, though it too had a Nahua overlay. 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 27 



Manantla 



ently inhabited principally by Nahua speakers (Sauer 1948; Harvey 1972). Only a 



Nahua speakers remain 



iierra de Manantlan. 
Manantlan is a mixed lot. While 



communities 



Camichin 



other communities are descendants of recent immigrants from outside tl 
One community in particular. El Terrero, is inhabited by the descei 
immigrants from Michoacan who arrived with the timber boom in 
(Jardel 1992). 

For the most part, the inhabitants of the Sierra de Manantlan live ui 
marginal socioeconomic conditions (see Jardel [1992] for details). While 
communities studied can be reached by motorized vehicle, many of the 
impassable durine some or all of the rainv season. Ipavinp^ thp'<ip mrr 



from 



communities 



While 



from 



tively high (ranging from 15-40%) in these communities due to the lack of perma- 
nence of trained educators and the frequent truancy of students needed to tend 
the fields or hvestock. The Reserve's communities are primarily maize agri- 
cultural although the people now see cattle as an increasingly viable economic 
option; all raise a few chickens and pigs. El Terrero, which has an active timber 
industry, is the only community which has a nonagricultural economic base. 

The Sierra de Manantlan Biosphere Reserve protects a relatively large expanse 
of Cloud Forest (CF) although it comprises only a very small fraction of the total 

of the Reserve (Jardel 1992). Tropical Deciduous Forest (TDF) comprises a 



very 



format 



in the Neotrop 



(FF) 



Tropical Subdeciduous Forest (TSF). The diversity of vegetation types provides 



more 



M. unpub. data), including ca. 25 local and many more regional endemic 



METHODS 



The communities 



the local peoples' awareness of the availability of the plant species present in 



this biosphere reserve. All nine communities have more or less ready access to 
six vegetation types— CF, OF, POF, TDF, TSF, and Gallery Forest— while only 
two of the communities have access to Fir Forest. As it turns out this suite of 
communities also provides a representative sample of the socioeconomic condi- 
tions prevailing in the region. Each communitv was visited periodicallv ovpr thp 



and/or fruiting herbarium specimens 
be used to facilitate interviewing. Spe 



28 BENZ, SANTANA, PINEDA, CEVALLOS, ROBLES & NIZ Vol. 14, No. 1 



mens used in interviews were collected in relatively undisturbed vegetation and 
along paths located within two to three hours walk from the community. Her- 
barium specimens are collected in sets of five or more; at least two specimens 
are used in interviews assuring that three to five or more informants saw and 

commented on all of the species collected during a particular visit to any one 
community.^ " 

Plants were shown to informants in a freshly field-pressed state. Information 
was elicited about a species' use by asking two questions. The first question is 
whether the informant recognizes and has a name for the plant, the second is 
whether the species is used for any purpose. If the informant provides a use for a 
particular species he/she is again asked whether it might have any additional use. 
Questioning continues in this way until the informant responds that he/she 
knows of no other use. 

We consulted numerous informants in each community in order to corroborate 
information provided by individual informants and to permit use of the frequency 
of informant response as a proxy measure for intensity of use. Individuals who 
were identified as knowledgeable in informal discussions with community officials 
and who expressed a willingness to endure our often lengthy interrogations partici- 
pated as informants. These primary informants have been repeatedly interviewed 
during the three years this research was underway. Other individuals have partic- 



themselves as knowledgeabl* 
male and female informants 



interviewed and we soueht to include 



majority of these individuals are either natives or have spent a considerable 
of their life in the community where they now reside. 

For the most part the interviews were conducted by persons who are 
local residents; half of the interviewers were born and raised in the vicinity < 
Sierra de Manantlan. Use of these resident locals (the authors FSM, ICE 



4 

from informants principally because many 
terminology used to describe such use often 
unique. 

The information discussed here is bas 
simplified the management and interpretat 



information 



mention 



informant (cf. Alcorn 1984). For exam 



muchil {Pithecellobium duke [Roxb.] Benth.) had been reported as useful by five 



"seed 



// 



informants. One of these informants provides four reports 

medicinal, the trunk makes good fire- 
wood, and the wood is useful in house construction. Another informant indicated 
that the bark is used medicinally and that the seed is edible. A third informant 
recognized the root as medicinal. The fourth recognized the trunk as being suit- 
able for fence posts and for firewood. The fifth described the bark as medicinal, 
and like the fourth informant, reported that the trunk is useful for firewood and 
as fenceposts. In this example the total number of reports of use is 12. 

The data was computer-coded and manipulated using a variety of data man- 
agement and statistical programs. Nonparametric statistical tests (Sign, Chi- 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



29 



TABLE L 



families of vascular plants in the Sierra de Manantlan 



representation of the 11 most common 



FLORISTIC INVENTORY^ 



Compositae 

Leguminosae 

Gramineae 

Orchidaceae 

Euphorbiaceae 

Solanaceae 

Malvaceae 

Labiatae 

Rubiaceae 

Scrophulariaceae 

Fagaceae 



(291) 
(213) 
(193) 
(126) 
( 62) 
( 51) 
( 48) 
( 45) 
( 36) 
( 33) 
( 31) 



ETHNOBOTANICAL INVENTORY 



Species 



Leguminosae (37) 



Compositae 



Solanaceae 

Fagaceae 

Rubiaceae 

Moraceae 

Gramineae 

Malvaceae 
Myrtaceae 

Labiatae 



(20) 



Euphorbiaceae ( 1 6) 



(16) 
(12) 
( 9) 
( 8) 
( 8) 
( 7) 
( 6) 
(6) 



■* Species numbers in floristic inventory after Vazquez et al. 1990. 

2 Numbers in parentheses are numbers of species. 

3 Numbers in parentheses are numbers of reports of use for all species. 



Reports of Use' 



Leguminosae 
Fagaceae 

Verbenaccae 

Solanaceae 

Moraceae 
Myrtaceae 
Compositae 
Sterculiaceae 



t 

Rosaceae 



(378) 
(327) 

(118) 
(118) 
(106) 

(100) 
(100) 

(100) 



Flacourtiaceae ( 83) 



( 71) 



Euphorbiaceae (61) 



-square, calculation of Pearson's correlation coefficients, and linear regression 

analyses) were obtained from these programs or calculated manually (Siegel 
1956). 



RESULTS 



?ful flora a representative sample of the areas fl. 



7 



One of the questions 



posed mitially was whether use or the rlora is m any way related to floristic 
composition of the study area. Stated another way, is utilization of the flora 
determined by the relative abundances of certain taxonomic groups? There ap- 
pear to be two ways of examining this question: first, by comparing the relative 
numbers of species per family reported by the Reserve's inhabitants with that of 
the area's flora; second, by comparing the relative importance of each family 
based upon total number of reports of use and comparing it to the relative 
floristic importance of each family. 

Comparison was made using family rank (Table 1) based upon the number of 
species present in the flora and the number of species reported as useful by the 

ve's inhabitants. Only two of the 10 most speciose famihes in the Reserve's 
—the (Drchidaceae and Scrophulariaceae — do not provide a relatively large 
number of useful species (i.e., more than five species). While numerous species 

from both of these families have been emuloved in interviews, onlv three sr>erip<q 



flora 



of the Scrophulariaceae and a single species of orchid have been designated as 
useful. Comparing how families are ranked in the floristic and ethnobotanical 
inventories leads us to infer that little difference exists in the order of family 
importance using these measures. Eight of the 10 families with the largest number 
of species reported as useful are also among the 10 most speciose families in the 
Reserve's flora; in fact the order of relative importance of the 11 most speciose 



30 BENZ, SAN TANA 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



families is not significantly different (Sign test; P < .2) from 
flora. Plant use in these nine communities of the SMBR thus 
to relative floristic abundance. Comparing relative family o 
quencv of report of use led to a similar conclusion, i.e.. that 



most 



families of the Reserve's flora are in the top 10 most commonly reported families 



reported (Table 1). 



more are in the 15 most comm 



Are all vegetation types subject to equal forms of use?— The specimens utilized in 
interviews were obtained from different types of vegetation. The aforementioned 
vegetation types are distinguished in part on physiognomy; for example, CF and 
TSF are similar in terms of tree diameters, heights, and shrub density while TDF 
is quite distinct, with short, small-diameter trees the rule and much higher shrub 
densities (Rzedowski 1979; Benz unpub. data). Vegetation types are also distin- 
guished in part on floristic, phytogeographic, geographic, and climatic/phenolog- 
ical characteristics. Such differences in forest structure and phenology led us to 
question whether anv one veeetation tvue mi^ht be rhararfpri^pd hv a cnprifir 



stemmed from both a human foraging 



I.e., are there more 



products available in one particular vegetation type more diverse than those from 
other vegetation types?, and from a conservation standpoint, i.e., is timber prefer- 
entially exploited from one or more types of vegetation? 

The specimens collected for use in interviews were obtained in nearly all 
11 types of vegetation present in the Reserve but not all types of vegetation nor all 
categories of use are equally represented. Comparison of use and vegetation 
types thus is based upon only six vegetation types and eight of 14 types of use 
(Table 2). 



number of times 



from 



types, that is, there is no a priori reason to expect that any one vegetation type is 
preferred over the others for any category of use. Acknowledging that a variable 
number of species were collected from each vegetation type and used in inter- 
views, that these species are for the most part represented in only one vegetation 
type, and that a variable number of informants were interviewed in each commu- 
nity we suspect that certain types of vegetation might harbor species of similar 
habit or life form which, in turn might be subject to similar forms of use and, 
therefore, subject to characterization. We are willing to admit that similarities and 
differences of species' uses across vegetation types might be attributed to the 
species present and their relative abundances in each vegetation type, or that the 
informants interviewed might have provided biased thematic knowledge; how- 
ever, for the moment, we focus on vegetation types as the source of this difference 
or similarity Statistical comparison indicates that considerable difference exists 
with respect to the number of reports of use of the species from each of the 
different vegetation types (x2=200.5; 30 df; p < .001; Table 2). 

Oak Forest appears to be the principal vegetation type for obtaining species 



whose wood is utilized. Three 



firewood 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



31 



TABLE 2. — Reports of use arranged according to vegetation type and type of 
use reported for the plant species by the local population. 



TYPE OF USE 



EDIBLE 



FIREWOOD 



FENCE POSTS 



CONSTRUCTION 



FORAGE 



INSTRUMENTS 



MEDICINAL 



Column 
Total 



TYPE OF VEGETATION 



TROPICAL 



TROPICAL 
SUB- 



OAK 



FOREST FOREST FOREST OAK 



821 
96.2 
-1.6 



95 

66.6 

4.3 



65 

43.5 
3.9 



71 

47.0 
4.2 



19 
43.7 
-4.5 



37 

34.8 

.4 



117 

154.1 
-4.1 



486 

22.9% 



19 

22.2 

-.8 



30 

15.4 

4.1 



9 

10.0 

-.3 



1 

10.8 
-3.2 



8 

10.1 

-.7 



11 

8.0 
1.1 



34 

35.5 

.1 



122 
5.3% 



103 
74.0 



45 

36.1 

1.7 



45 

33.7 

2.3 



19 
26.8 
-1.7 



103 

118.6 

-1.9 



374 
1 76% 



4 
20.8 



13 

10.1 
1.0 



1 

95 

-3.0 



10 
7.5 
1.0 



60 
33.3 

5.7 



105 
4.9% 



FOREST 



53 
594 



4.1 


-4.2 


-1.0 


36 


12 


33 


51.3 


14.4 


41.1 


-2.5 


-.7 


-1.5 


23 


5 


21 


33.5 


94 


26.9 


-2.1 


-1.5 


-1.3 



11 

290 
-3.8 



37 

270 

2.2 



16 
21.5 
-1.3 



129 
95.1 

4.5 



300 
14.1% 



FOREST 



159 

147.5 

1.3 



85 

102.2 

-2.3 



67 

66.7 

.0 



64 
72.0 
-1.2 



81 
671 

2.2 



59 

53.4 

1.0 



230 

236.3 

-.6 



745 
35.1 % 



GALLERY CLOUD PINE- DECIDUOUS DECIDUOUS Row 



Total 



420 

19.8% 



291 

13.7% 



190 
90% 



205 
9.7% 



191 
90% 



152 
7.2% 



673 



31 .7% 



2122 
1 00.0% 



^ The numbers in each cell from top to bottom refer to the observed frequency, (number of reports of 
use), the expected frequency, and the adjusted residual value. Adjusted residuals indicate the magni- 
tude and direction of the deviation of observed from expected standardized across all cells of the 
table. 



and construction — where wood is the forest product of interest show a higher 
than expected number of reports of use for OF than other types of vegetation 
(Table 2). This is probably due to frequent report of use of Quercus magnoUifolia 
Nee, Q. gentryi C.H. Muller, and Q. elliptica Nee. Reports of species' use where 
OF appears to provide less than expected number of reports is where forage or 



medicinal uses are concerned. 



32 BENZ, SANTANA, PINEDA, CEVALLOS, ROBLES & NIZ Vol. 14, No. 1 



whose overstorv is dominated 



trees, appears to be subject to greater frequency of use than expected for firewood 



Willd 



Xylosma velutinum [Tulasne] Triana & Planchon) than for other vegetation types 



except OR Contrary to expectation, species from Gallery Forest do not appear to 
be subject to use for construction purposes. 

Cloud Forest is one of the most diverse and highly endangered vegetation 
types in Mexico; its conservation is of high priority for the SMBR. The SMBR's 
Cloud forest does provide a notable abundance of edible plant products (e.g.. 



Mart 



McVaugh 



a large part of the SMBR's area, 
number of reports of medicinal 



ring in other vegetation types. 

Tropical Deciduous Forest does not appear to provide materials 



knowing 



m. TDF does, however 



Moldenke 



medicinal purposes 



ulmifolia Lam 



The focus of use in certain vegetation types is not totally unanticipated but 
may contradict the apparent taxonomic focus discussed earlier. In fact, it seems 



lat focused use in these vegetation types might in f 
taxonomic abundances, e.g.. Oak Forest, dominated 



with 



abundance of Leguminosae, Euphorbiaceae, and Anacardiaceae provides a myr- 
iad of medicinal species. While f loristic composition is undoubtedly a considera- 
tion in characterizing focus of use, very likely other factors should be considered 
in the future to fully understand why, for example, Cloud Forest provides an 
abundance of edible plant products (from a wide range of families) and Tropical 
Deciduous Forest is the focus of medicinal plant product extraction. 



Are important species subject to overexploitation? — Focusing on the how, where, and 
what of plant resource use has been an over-riding concern of our research in the 
SMBR. This is due to the need to detect excessive use of plant species in order to 
identify which, if any, might require management alternatives to ensure that the 
species do not become endangered by overuse. Thus we sought a measure of 
relative importance or intensity of use to detect species whose importance might 
be adversely affected by human use. 

Relative ethnobotanical importance of plant species has been estimated for 
various reasons by a variety of methods. Prance et ah (1987) derived relative 
importance values of families by assigning weights (more important versus less 
important) to general use categories such as edible or construction, and combin- 
ing these weights with the number of times (i.e., different plant parts) a plant was 
cited as useful. Johns et al. (1990) calculated consensus values for medicinal 
species based on the number of informants who employed a given species in the 
treatment of the same illness and on the species' relative abundance. While not all 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 33 



TABLE 3. 



number 



Manantla 



Informants Communities 

Distribution Reports Reporting Reporting Types Parts 

Species and Habitat^ of Use Use Use of Use Used 

Guazuma ulmifolia W,D,TFi 96 33 6 6 8 

Querciis magnoUifoUa W,N,OF 84 18 3 7 5 

Quercus gentry i L,N,POF 82 25 3 6 6 

Vitex mollis W,C,TF 68 28 7 5 8 

Enterolobium cydocarpian W,D,TF 67 17 4 93 

Psidium gulneense W,N,TF 53 16 3 7 5 

Byrsonima crnssifolia W,C,? 50 23 5 7 7 

Casearia corymbosa W,D,TF 46 24 5 5 5 

Ficus insipida W,D,TSF 45 24 5 10 7 

Inga eriocarpa W,D,OF 45 20 6 9 7 



Q 



W,N,OF 43 10 2 6 4 



Inga laurina W,N,TSF 36 12 3 7 4 



^ Distribution and habitat: W = widespread, L = local; D = disturbed habitat, N = natural habitat, 
C = cultivated /disturbed ground; OF = Oak Forest, POF = Pine-Oak Forest, IF = Tropical Deciduous 
and Subdeciduous Forests, TSF = Tropical Subdeciduous Forest. 



species demoristrating high consensus values in their study were among the most 
frequently utilized, the majority of widely used species did have high consensus 
values. In this case consensus and frequency of use appear to be related. Turner 
(1988: 275-276, 278) calculated an index of cultural significance as a product of 
■ ;hts, each assigned according to the plant's quality of "use" based on the 
t's cultural role in terms of its contribution to human survival, combined with 



wei 



estimate 



ystematic attempt to measure relative im 



species. Philhps and Gentry (1993a, 1993b) developed an index, overall use value, 
based on the sum of the number of different uses reported for a species by an 
informant. This index is based on the number of times each informant saw a 
species and reported its use, summed over all informants, and divided by the 
total number of informants. These authors demonstrate that a species will have a 
high chance of being useful if it is large, a tree, has a high population density, is 
common, or grows fast (Phillips and Gentry 1993b). 

We employ a similar rational in assessing relative importance but separately 
list as indicators of importance the number of reports of use, the number of 
different parts utilized and distinct uses given each species, and the number of 
informants who employ a given species, as well as the number of different com- 
munities in which the species is recognized as useful (Table 3). As might be 
expected, in many cases the species most often cited as useful are the same as 
those for which the greatest variety of uses are reported; considering all taxa 
reported as useful, the number of reports and number of uses are correlated (r^ = 
.48, p < .001). Independent of this relationship, however, 12 species of the total 365 



34 BENZ, SANTANA, PINEDA, CEVALLOS, ROBLES & NIZ Vol. 14, No. 1 



(see Table 3, Appendix A) present a significantly higher number of reports of use 
than the remaining 353, that is, their number of reports is greater than 2 standard 
deviation units from the mean (see Fig. 2, Appendix A). 

Frequency of report of use is probably related to abundance and availability 
(c.f. Johns et al. 1990; Phillips and Gentry 1993b). Hence it is not totally unexpected 
that five of these 12 species thrive in disturbed habitats (see Table 3) such as along 
paths in forests, that two are disturbed ground species that are frequently culti- 
vated, and that the five naturally occurring species are widely distributed in the 
Oak, Pine- Oak, or Tropical Forests of the SMBR, suggesting that tolerance to 
human disturbance and/or a wide habitat preferences might make certain species 
predisposed to human utilization (c.f. Bye and Linares 1983). 



How consistent are informants in reporting uses of plant species? — Examination of the 
relative importance of plant species to the population of the SMBR also calls 
attention to the relatively large number of species that are considered useful by a 
single informant for a single purpose (Fig. 2). Considering all taxa designated as 
useful and all categories of use, 21% of these species (78 of 365) are cited as useful 
by a single informant. The percentage of species reported only once nearly dou- 
bles if we consider only those species used medicinally (85 of 221). This general 
trend has been noted at the level of community as well. In a typical visit to one of 
the nine communities, 55% of the species (64 of 116) employed in interviews were 
recognized as useful and 289o percent (18 of 64) of these were identified as useful 
by only one informant. Thus it would appear that at most 80%» of the species cited 
as useful are subject to use by more than one individual. Neither the cultural or 
biological basis of this pattern, nor its significance, is currently understood, but 
we hypothesize that the apparently large proportion of idiosyncratic knowledge 
(more than 20%) existing among this population may be due either to experimen- 
tation or to the waning of traditional indigenous knowledge among the infor- 
mants of these mestizo communities (see Bernard et al. 1984). 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 



Use of the plant resources in the SMBR appears to be a function of relative 
taxonomic abundances of the area's flora. Floristically common plant families are 
represented by a greater number of species listed as useful. This is probably not 
uncommon in other areas of the world, though it has not, to our knowledge, been 
reported elsewhere in the ethnobotanical literature. 

The forms of use attributed to plant species in different types of vegetation 
are not uniform in the Sierra de Manantlan. While it might be expected that 
vegetation types that do contain woody or arboreal species are preferred sites for 
the collection of firewood or construction materials, the results discussed above 
suggest that differences exist in the use of species from five vegetation types: 
reports of use that focus on the wood of species from Oak and Gallery Forests are 
more numerous than from other vegetation types. Tropical Deciduous Forest and 
Pine Oak Forest species are more frequently identified as useful for medicinal 
purposes, and Cloud Forest appears to receive greater attention for its edible 
plant products than do the other vegetation types. Whether these tendencies 



NUMBER OF SPECIES 



80 



60 



40 



20 




a 



m 



m 



? 



v 



X 



v 



! 



.It 




111 








20 



40 



60 



80 



100 



NUMBER OF REPORTS OF USE 



FIG. 2. 



m showing the number 



more than 36 (see 



(Appendix A). 



iliz 



36 BENZ, SANTANA, PINEDA, CEVALLOS, ROBLES & NIZ Vol. 14, No. 1 



are due to a deliberate use of species found in these vegetation types, to the 
relative proximities of these vegetation types to habitation areas and the greater 
famiharity of informants with them, or to other sampling biases have not been 
tested. 

Plants that have significantly more reports of use are species with naturally 
widespread distributions or species that thrive in disturbed habitats. Humans 
might more frequently come into contact with such species, which would increase 
the possibility of experimentation. Once having been found suitable, the species 
would be included into the local ethnobotanical inventory and knowledge of its 
suitability widely disseminated. Widespread experimentation might then follow 
and lead to an even greater number of uses. 

While corroboration of a particular species' use by more than one informant 
was hypothesized at the outset, the seemingly large proportion of species reported 
as useful by a single informant was an unanticipated result of our research. The 
large number of informants that we have interviewed could be one source of the 
seemingly large amount of idiosyncratic knowledge; that is, many informants 
might be expected to have a proportionately more varied knowledge of the local 



fewer informants 
large number of uniquely util 
informants. We have recorded 
specimen by a common name 
seem rare and probablv would 



where an informant 



but these 



Our informants appear to prefer to err on the conservative side by admitting not 
to know a plant or its use instead of incorrectly identifying it. One final considera- 
tion is also plausible: that a large proportion of idiosyncratic knowledge is typical 
(J. Alcorn, personal communication 1993). This possibility is supported by recog- 



mi 



small fraction of the total knowledge about a communities 



among 



SMBR mi 



continued experimentation and maintenance of traditional uses, hence, to the con- 
servation of traditional empirical knowledge. The manner in which knowledge 
about use of local plant resources is distributed suggests that programs to mod- 
ernize these communities that have homogenizing effects on information flow 
will displace opportunities for experimentation and for the transgenerational 
transmission of knowledge. Many informants appear to know much about a few 
species and a little about a large number of species. If we permit such moderniza- 
tion to occur without assuring opportunities to pass along this knowledge, or if 
we permit these forests and the wealth of species they contain to be destroyed, the 
rich lore and erudition possessed by these people will surely disappear. 



NOTE 



^Voucher specimens collected during this research are deposited in the herbarium of 



Manantlan de Ecologia (ZEA) and the University of Wisconsin-Madison 



(WIS) 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



37 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



Financial support for this work was obtained from the University of Guadalajara. We 
thank H. litis, who suggested numerous improvements on an early draft, and him^ 
T. Cochrane, and M. Wetter of WIS, who continue to provide us with identifications of our 
collections. Thanks also to L. Guzman for his assistance in curating our collections at ZEA. 
J. Alcorn, R. Bernard, and R. Bye made observations on the manuscript that improved 
clarity and data presentation for which we are grateful. Finally we want to thank all the 
informants in the Sierra de Manantlan for so willingly providing such a rich body of 
information about the flora and vegetation that surrounds them. Tanja Netscher provided 
the French translation. 



LITERATURE CITED 



ALCORN, JAMS B. 1984. Huastec Mayan 

Ethnobotany University of Texas Press, 
Austin. 

BERNARD, H. RUSSELL, PETER KILL- 
WORTH, DAVID KRONENFELD, and 
LEE SAILER. 1984. The problem of in- 
formant accuracy: The validity of ret- 
rospective data. Annual Review of 
Anthropology 3:495-517 

BYE, ROBERT A. and EDELMIRA LI- 
NARES. 1983. The role of plants found 
in Mexican markets and their impor- 
tance in ethnobotanical studies. Jour- 
nal of Ethnobiology 3:1-13. 

HARVEY, HERBERT. 1972. The Relaciones 
Geographicas, 1579-1586: Native Lan- 
guages. Pp. 279-323 in Handbook of 

the Middle American Indians, Vol. 12. 
Howard Cline and Robert Wauchope 
(editors). University of Texas Press, 
Austin. 
ILTIS, HUGH. 1980. The 3rd University of 
Wisconsin-University of Guadalajara 

Teosinte Expedition to the Sierra de 
Manantlan, Jalisco, Mexico: December 
28, 1979 to January 21, 1980. Back- 
ground, Preliminary Results, and Com- 
mentary on Nature Preservation in 
Mexico. Manuscript. Reissued with 
corrections as Contributions from the 
University of Wisconsin Herbarium 
Vol. 1, No. 1, December 1983, Madison. 
, JOHN E. DOEBLEY, RAFAEL 



GUZMAN M., and BATIA PAZY. 1979. 
Zea diptoperennis (Gramineae): A new 
teosinte from Mexico. Science 203:186- 

188. 
JARDEL PELAEZ, ENRIQUE (Coordi- 
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vacion de la Reserva de la Biosfera 
Sierra de Manantlan. Laboratorio Nat- 
ural Las Joyas, Universidad de Gua- 
dalajara, Guadalajara, Jalisco. 

JOHNS, TIMOTHY, J. O. KOKWARO, and 
E.K. KIMANANI. 1990. Herbal rem- 
edies of the Luo of Siaya District, 
Kenya: Establishing quantitative crite- 
ria for consensus. Economic Botany 
44:369-381. 

KELLY, ISABEL 1945. The Archaeology of 
the Autlan-Tuxcacuesco Area of Ja- 
lisco. I. The Autlan Zone. Ibero- 
americana 26, University of California 
Press, Berkeley. 

Archaeology of the 



1949 



Autlan-Tuxcacuesco Valley. Vol. 2. The 
TuxcacuescO'Zapotitlan zone. Ibero- 
americana 27 University of California 
Press, Berkeley. 

. 1981. Ceramic sequence in 

Colima: Capacha an Early Phase. An- 
thropological Papers of the University 
of Arizona No. 3Z Tucson. 

LAITNER BENZ, KAREN. 1992. Organi- 
zacion Regional en el Area de Influen- 
cia de la Reserva de la Biosfera Sierra 
de Manantlan, Jalisco -Colima, en el 
Siglo XVI. Pp. 319-337 in Origen y 
DesarroUo de la Civilizacion en el 
Occidente de Mexico. Brigitte Boehm 
de Lameiras and Phil C. Weigand 
(Coordinadores). El Colegio de Mic- 
hoacan, Zamora, 

PHILLIPS, OLIVER and ALWYN H. 
GENTRY. 1993a. The useful plants of 
Tambopata, Peru: L Statistical hypoth- 
eses tests with a new quantitative 
technique. Economic Botany 47:15-32. 



38 



BENZ, SANTANA, PINEDA, CEVALLOS, ROBLES & NIZ Vol. 14, No. 1 



. 1993b. The useful plants of Tam- 

bopata, Peru: IL Additional hypo- 
thesis testing in quantitative eth- 
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R. CARNEIRO. 1987 Quantitative eth- 
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SAUER, CARL. 1948. Colima of New 
Spain in the Sixteenth Century. Ibero- 
americana 29, University of California 
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RZEDOWSKI, JERZY 1978. La Vegetacion 

de Mexico. Editorial Limusa, Mexico, 
D.F. 

SIEGEL, SIDNEY. 1956. Nonparametric 



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TAMAYO, JORGE L. 1980. Geografia Mo- 
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TURNER, NANCY J. 1988. "The impor- 
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Uo, Jalisco. 



APPENDIX A 



REPORTS 



SPECIES 
Bunchosia mcvaughii 

Trichilia hirta 

At achy s hypogaea 

Euphorbia ariensis 

Hut a polyandra 

Croton wilburi 

Euphorbia indivisa 

OxaJis hernandezii 

Penstemon roseus 

Pseudobombax elUpticum 

Calophyllum brasiliense 

Eucalyptus sp. 

Rhus bar clay i 

Solarium torvum 

zryngium nasturtiifolium 

Guarea glabra 

Citrus limon 

Caesalpinia mexicana 

Cynoglossum pringlei 

Quercus castanea 

Piper amalago 

Asclepias angustifolia 

Porophyllum ruderale 

Heliotropium indicum 

Chusquea liebmannii 

Paspalum clavuliferum 

Digitaria horizontalis 

Rauvolfia canescens 

Tridax procumbens 

Salvia sessei 
Baccharis pteronioides 



REPORTS 



SPECIES 

Salix microphylla 

Tinantia hngipedunculata 

Psacalium peltigerum 

Plumeria rubra 
Acacia angustissima 

Sty rax sp. 
Chamaecrista punctulata 

Coursetia mollis 

Spigelia scabrella 

Phoradendron reichenbachianum 

Rhytidostylis gracilis 

Antigonon flavescens 

Dalea obreniformis 

Lysiloma tergeminum 

Roripa nasturtium-aquaticum 

Raphanus raphanistrum 

Opuntia puberula 

Randia aculeata 

Tournefortia mutabilis 

Dyschoriste hirsutissima 

Salvia iodantha 
Arceuthobium globosum 

Acacia macilenta 

Anoda acerifolia 

Pavonia pleuranthera 

Malvaviscus arboreus 

Physalis nicandroides 

Hippocratea volubilis 

Ficus morazaniana 

Sida aggregata 

Senna occidentalis 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



39 



REPORTS 



2 

2 
2 
2 
2 

2 
2 
2 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 

2 
2 

2 

2 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 



SPECIES 

Conostcgia volcanalis 

Magnolia iltisiana 

Chamissoa altissima 

Crcscentia alata 

Talauma mcxicana 

Tournefortia dcnsi flora 

Sambiicus mcxicana 

I res in e celosia 
Buddlcia parviflora 
Salix bonplandiana 

Vigna lozanii 

Hcimia salicifolia 

Hedyosmum mcxicanum 

Piper rosci 
Phoradcndron amplifoliwn 

Da lea versicolor 

Fleischmannia arguta 

Leucocarpus pcrfoliatus 

Croton draco 

Citrus aurantiiim 

Marlynia annua 

Senna foetidissima 

Hypoxis mcxicana 

Trichilia americana 

Bur sera grandifolia 

Scoparia dulcis 

Bur sera fagaroid, 

Acacia riparia 

Bursera bipinnata 

Paullinia tomenlosa 

Senna fruticosa 

Picramnia antidcsma 
Zanthoxylum arborescens 

Eugenia jambos 

Passiflora filipes 

Uppia umbellata 

Croton fragilis 

Echinopterys eglandulosa 

Nectouxia formosa 

Daucus montanus 

Commelina erecta 

Solanum hrachystachys 

Xanthosoma robustum 

Crusea longiflora 

Gnaphalium canescens 

Sapium pedicellatum 

Amaranthus spinosus 

Sonchus oleraceus 

Triumfetta gonophora 

Melochia ade nodes 



REPORTS 
2 

2 

2 

2 

2 
2 
2 
2 
2 
2 

3 
3 
3 
3 
3 
3 
3 
3 
3 
3 



3 

3 
3 

3 
3 
3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

3 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 

4 



SPECIES 

Chryosophylla nana 

Ihunelia xorullensis 

Cestrum lanatum 

Cciba aesculifolia 

Crataegus pubescens 

Curatella americana 

Cyperus her ma} >Ji roditus 

Rhus pachyrrhachis 

Cissampchs pareira 

Eleusine indica 

Iresine interrupla 

Sapium macrocarpum 

Calathea sp. 
Populus guzmananllensis 

Rhychosia precatoria 
Cayaponia racemosa 



Munling 



Passifl 



ndifl 



s 



Lycopersicon esculentum 

var. leptophyllum 
Licaria triandra 

Baccharis trinervis 

Citrus aurantifolia 

Jacaratia mexicana 

Aristolochia tequilana 

Xylosma velutinum 

Ixophorus unisetus 

Agonandra racemosa 

Allium glandulosum 

Struthanthus interrupfus 

Satureja macrostema 

Senecio sanguisorhae 
Chenopodium graveolen 

Euphorbia heterophylla 

Jatropha mcvaughii 

Cucumis anguria 

CitruUus vulgaris 

Verhesina greenmanii 

Karwinskia humboldtiana 

Crotalaria longirostrata 

Calliandra houstoniana 

Petiveria alliacea 

Nicotiana glauca 

Cissus sicyoides 

Pithecellobium lanceolatum 

Ipomoea brae tea ta 

Heteropterys laurifolia 

Machaerium salvadorense 

Cnidoscolus autlanensis 



40 



BENZ, SANTANA, PINEDA, CEVALLOS, ROBLES & NIZ Vol. 14, No. 1 



APPENDIX A (continued) 



REPORTS 

4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
4 
5 

5 
5 

5 
5 
5 
5 

5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 
5 

5 
5 

5 
5 

5 
5 

5 

5 
6 

6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
6 



SPECIES 

Achyranthes aspera 

Wigandia urens 

Calathea soconuscum 

Acacia farnesiana 

Crataeva palmeri 

Cordia spinescens 

Ficus cotinifolia 

Bauhinia divaricata 

Psidium sartorianum 

Caesalpinia pulcherrima 

Qiiercus glaucescens 

Galea urtici folia 

Annona reticulata 

Govenia superba 

Muhlenhergia speciosa 

Thevetia ovata 

Paullinia sessiliflora 

Senna atomaria 

Portulaca oleracea 

Stemmadenia tomentosa 

Parathesis villosa 

Dryopteris rosea 

Rhipidocladum racemiflorum 

Manihot intermedia 

Panicum hirticaule 

Phoebe pachypoda 

Tagetes lucida 

Witheringia stramonifolia 

Randia tetracantha 

Solanum lanceolatum 

Marrubium vulgare 

Pisonia aculeata 

Sommera grandis 

Cestrum aurantiacum 

Genchrus ciliaris 
Oreopanax xalapensis 

Sida rhomb i folia 

Melia azedarach 

Alvaradoa amorphoides 

Glethra hartwegii 
Jaltomata procumbens 

Vitis berlandieri 
Thouinia serrata 

Dendropanax arboreus 
Parthenium hyslerophorus 

Gombretum fruticosum 

Pteridium arachnoideum 

Guardiola tulocarpus 



REPORTS 

6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
6 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
7 
8 
8 
8 

8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
8 
9 
9 
9 
9 
9 
9 
10 

10 
10 

10 
10 
10 



t 



SPECIES 

Alnus jorullensis 
Acacia cochliacantha 

Bursera simaruba 

Ghamaedorea pochutlensis 

Hamelia patens 

Gladocolea loniceroides 

Gyrtocarpa procera 

Anthurium halmoorei 



Ma ra n ta 



fl 



Bromelia plumieri 
Bumelia cartilaginea 

Croton draco 
Argemone ochroleuca 

Fuchsia fulgens 

Lippia dulcis 

Pereskiopsis aquosa 

Amphipterygiutn adstringens 

Lasianthaea ceanothifolia 

Tillandsia usneoides 

Begonia balmisiana 

Randia armata 

Nectandra glahrescens 

Sida barclayi 
Amaranthus hyhridus 

Quercus laeta 
Physalis philadelphica 



Juglans 



padifoli 



Hypt 

ton ciliato-glandulifera 

Riccinus communis 

Verbena Carolina 

Morisonia americana 

Spondias purpurea 

Hintonia lati flora 

Albizia tomentosa 

Buddleia sessiliflora 

Syngonium neglect urn 

Vernonia capreifolia 

Agave maximiliana 

Dahlia coccinea 

Piper aduncum 

Tithonia tubaeformis 

Guphea llavea 

Quercus salicifolia 

Sideroxylon capiri 

Brosimum alicastrum 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



41 



REPORTS 
10 

10 

10 

10 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

1 

12 

12 

12 

12 

12 

12 

12 

12 



13 
13 
13 
13 
13 
13 
13 

14 
14 
14 
14 
15 
15 
15 
15 
15 
15 
15 
15 
16 
16 



SPECIES 

Margaritaria nobiJis 

Smilax moraucnsis 
Porophyllum piinctatum 

Salix humboldtimia 
Qiicrciis rugosa 

Cercocarpus macroyhyUus 

Bixa orcllana 

Pithecelhbium ncnfJcuse 

Aristolochia taliscaua 

Crotalaria mollicula 

Ziziph us nicx Icana 

Celtis igiianaca 

Couepia polyandra 

CoccoJoba barbadensis 

Coffca arabka 
Lysiloma mkrophyllum 

Celasirus pringlci 
Acacia macracantha 

Acacia hindsii 
Comarostaphylis discolor 

Dorstenia drakena 

Rubus hiunistralus 

Vitex pyramidata 

Datura stramonium 

Rubus adenotrichos 

Solamim madrense 

Lepechinia caulesccns 

Verbesina sphaerocephala 

Plumeria obtusa 

Pithecellobium duke 

Miconia albicans 

Trichospermum mexicanum 

Cochlospermum vitifolium 

Plumbago scandens 
Opuntia fuliginosa 

Afinona purpurea 

Astianthus viminalis 

Ardisia revoluta 
Anoda cristata 



REPORTS 
17 

17 

17 

17 

17 

18 

18 

18 

18 

18 

19 

20 

21 

21 

21 

21 

23 

23 

23 

25 

26 

27 

29 

30 

32 

32 

32 

36 

43 

45 

45 

46 

50 

53 

67 

68 

82 

84 

96 



SPECIES 

Phytolacca icosandra 

Quercus peduncularis 

Cccropia obtusifolia 

Quercus obtusala 

Solatunn candidum 

Ficus pertusa 

Calliandra laevis 

Symplocos prionophylla 

Quercus rcsinosa 

Asclepias curassavica 

Psidiufu guajava 

Lantana camara 

Casimiroa watsouii 

Quercus acutifolia 

Eugenia cuhninicola 

Ternstroemia lineala 

Clethra mexicana 

Sty rax argenlcus 

Guaiacum coulteri 

Siparuna andina 

Ardisia compressa 

Casearia arguta 

Lysiloma acapulcense 

Juglans major 
Solanum americanum 

Prunus serotina 
Acacia pennatula 

Inga laurina 
Quercus elliptica 

Ficus insipid a 

Inga eriocarpa 

Casearia corymbosa 

Byrsonima crassifolia 

Psidium guineense 

Enterolobium cyclocarpum 

Vitex mollis 

Quercus gentry i 

Quercus magnoliifolia 

Guazuma ulmifolia 



42 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 14, No. 1 



BOOK REVIEW 



ps and Man (2nd edition). Jack R. Harlan. Madison, Wisconsin: American 
Society of Agronomy, Crop Science Society of America, 1992. Pp. xiii, 284. 
$34.00. ISBN 0-89118-032-X. 



It is a pleasure to see this second edition of Harlan's excellent treatise on crops 
and their influence on human history. It is more than a text book, but it might 
serve in many courses in economic botany: it is a philosophical understanding of 
humans' dependence on the Plant Kingdom. As expressed by the foreword writ- 
ten by two outstanding agronomists: 'As Dr. Harlan taught us in the first edition 
. . . and reinforces in this second edition, crops have shaped the evolution of 
human societies." And as Harlan himself states: "In the second edition, I have 



somethin 



comes obsolete every day and every year. By the time t 
some statements will be out of date and some views may 
would be little fascination in science if it were static. For 



Man 



ff 



human 



wide treatment 
Aee: Views on 



cultural Origin; What is a Crop?; What is a Weed 
Plants: Dynamics of Domestication; Space, Time \ 



Americas: Epiloeue — Who 



Charge here? There is 
detailed subject index. 



eadable type, and the price is modest and within 
purchase if it is used as a text book. With the 
roach to the study of plants and man, this well 
> a welcome addition to the complex understand- 



ing of man's dependence on the vegetation of the world 



Richard Evans Schultes 
Botanical Museum of Har\ 
Cambridge, Massachusetts 



/. Ethnohiol 14(l):43-57 



Summer 1994 



CHOICE OF FUEL FOR BAGACO STILLS HELPS MAINTAIN 

BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY IN A TRADITIONAL 
PORTUGUESE AGRICULTURAL SYSTEM 



GEORGE F. ESTABROOK 

The University of Michigan Herbarium 

and The Department of Biology 

Ann Arbor, Ml 48109-1057 USA 



ABSTRACT. — The present vegetation on the shale hills of central interior Portugal 
is called mate. It consists of shrubs mostly in the heath (Ericaceae) and bean 
(Fabaceae) families. Farmers in this region harvest malo and, whenever they plant 
a crop, bury it in their cultivated plots to make the soil fertile. Farmers cut mato at 
ground level, leaving the woody root crown (caudex) just at ground level. Mato 
plants regrow from these caudices. They are harvested again every four years. In 
additioi^, the woody caudex of primarily one species. Erica arborea, is occasionally 
dug up and burned to distill a brandy-like liquid, called hagaco, from the mass of 
grape skins, seeds, and pulp that is left over after the fermented wine is drawn off. 
Interviewing and observing farmers revealed important uses of many different 
mato species. Sampling mato vegetation from areas regenerating from four to 30 
years showed that E. arborea is competitively dominant and capable of reducing 
mato species diversity. The slow, cool burning qualities of any caudex would be 
adequate for a still fire, and farmers occasionally do use different species for this. 
However, the practice of occasionally removing the caudex of the competitive 
dominant for still fires serves to maintain the variety of useful species in the mato. 
The somewhat unfounded explanation that E. arborea caudex is best for still fires 
results every fall in appropriate and timely activity, and as such may serve better 
than would a more ecological, long-term explanation for the same practice. 



RESUMO. — O mato natural das forma^oes xistosas do centro interior de Portugal 
e formado por arbustos principalmente das familias Ericaceae e Fabaceae. Os 
agricultores daquela regiao cortam o mato e, sempre que fazem uma nova cultura, 
enterram-no nas suas hortas para melhorar a fertilidade do solo. Os agricultores 
cortam o mato rente a superficie da terra, deixando assim as suas raizes lenhosas 
logo abaixo da superficie. O mato regenera-se a partir dessas raizes e e cortado de 
novo todos OS quatro anos. Contudo, tambem as raizes lenhosas de Erica arborea 
sao por vezes arrancadas e queimadas na distilac^ab do bagaijo. Foram identifi- 
cadas varias utilizaqoes importantes de muitas especies diferentes de mato. A 
amostragem da vegetagao do mato das areas em regeneratjab durante quatro, oito, 
e trinta anos mostrou que a Erica arborea e a dominante competitiva e e capaz de 
reduzir a diversidade das especies no mato. Embora para um fogo de destilacao 
sejam adequadas as caracteristicas de queima lenta e de baixa temperatura de 
qualquer raiz, a pratica existente de arrancar as raizes so da dominante com- 
petetiva para queimar serve tambem para manter no mato a diversidade de 
especies uteis. A preferencia de certa forma arbitraria pela queima da raiz da 
£■ arborea em fogo lento proporciona faz cada outono uma lembranqa temporal 



44 



ESTABROOK Vol. 14, No. 1 



para uma atividade apropriada e desta forma pode servir melhor do que uma de 
longo termo, mais ecologoca. 



RESUME. — La vegetation naturelle du mato des collines de schiste du centre 
interieur du Portugal consiste d'arbustes, dont la plupart font partie des families 
Ericaceae et Fabaceae. Les agriculteurs de cette region moissonnent le mato et, 
quand ils sement une nouvelle culture, ils en enterrent de grandes quantites pour 
engraisser le terrain. Les agriculteurs coupent le mato a quelques centimetres au 
dessus du sol, en laissant les racines epaisses et ligneuses juste en dessous du sol, 
desquelles poussent de minuscules racines qui s'enfoncent dans la pierre pour 
des dizaines de metres afin de faire monter des elements nutrifs et de I'eau. Le 
mato repousse de ses racines epaisses et ligneuses et est moissone de nouveau 
tous les quatre ans. Parfois, les racines d'une espece. Erica arhorea, sont arrachees 
et brulees pour la distillation du bagaco. Des entrevues avec des agriculteurs et 
des observations des agriculteurs ont revele de divers usages importants de 
plusieurs especes de mato. La vegetation mato des locaux de quatre, huit, et trente 
ans de regeneration a demontre que E. arborea est le dominateur competitif et est 
capable d'abaisser la diversite d'especes dans la vegetation mato. Bien que les 
racines ligneuses de n'importe quelle espece de mato pourraient servir a faire un 
feu de distillation parce qu'elles brulent lentement et pas trop fort, le fait qu'on 
n'arrache que les racines du E. arborea pour cet usage sert a maintentir la diversite 
d'especes utiles du mato. 



INTRODUCTION 



imDortant reason to studv a traditional agricultural svstem where 



determine, from 



view, how 



ystem 



empi 



logical explanations for some or the very specihc, but seemmgly arbitrary prac- 
tices are not always apparent in the oral tradition of the contemporary popula- 
tion, especially when these practices are more related to long-term sustainability 
than to short-term productivity It is remarkable how the persistent empiricism of 
human beings, struggling to make their living in nature, results in practices that 
make ecological sense, even though they may be codified in ritual or explained in 
ways that seem superficial or not compelling ecologically. Indeed, local practi- 
tioners may have concepts, equally justifiable but very different from those of 
academics, of what constitutes a useful explanation. This study of a traditional 
Portuguese agricultural system provides several examples, one of which is an 
ecological explanation for what initially seemed an arbitrary but nonetheless very 
specific fuel choice for the brief annual task of distilling a brandy-like liquid, 
called bagaco, from the mass of grape skins, seeds, and pulp that is left over after 

wine has been made. 

In rural villages in Portugal, grapes are harvested in the fall and made into 
wine. After the fermented wine has been drained from the fermenting vat and 
casked, alcohol is distilled from the leftover grape skins and pulp by heating them 
gently over a cool fire. The distillate, called bagaco in some regions, is about 40% 
ethanol and 60% water, dIus traces of higher alcohols and impurities. A httle of it 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 45 



most of it is used as a household chem 



minor 



highest 



mountams m PortueaL are made predominantly of Precambrian 



wi 



resedimented 



capacity (Azevedo and Ricardo 1973), and also producing very deep, steep-sided 
valleys that alternate with these quartzite peaks and ridges. Paths over the steep, 
crumbly rock offer poor footing. There is Httle or no rain in the summer months 
when temperatures often exceed 30"" C. During the winter, temperatures are near 
0° C at dawn, rising to near 15° C during the day Frequent rains raise impassible 
torrents in the valley bottoms and erode from the hillsides what little soil may 
have accumulated during the past year. 

Human beings have been culturally and economically active in Portugal for 
thousands of years. However, low overall population densities before the six- 
teenth century, abundant nearby land that is more level and fertile, the harshness 
and infertiHty of these foothills, and the establishment there of Catholic church 
parishes not before the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, together suggest that 
this area had remained largely unoccupied until the fourteenth or fifteenth centu- 
ries. Although a discussion of the biological, social, political, and economic fac- 



may have motivated people to attempt to inhabit this 



seems 



many 



based on techniques that have enabled people to inhabit successfully this harsh 
and infertile area since the fifteenth century. These techniques, and the self- 



economies they supported, have largely disappeared from 



now. 



economic 



logical changes that have contributed to its disappearance. 



technology that enabled people to thrive in 



margmal environment 



maintain 

ds in narr 



are constructed of dry stone walls that hold the soil level. In winter, these terraces 
collect soil and water from above and help control water erosion. In the dry 
summer they facilitate irrigation by streams of water that trickle from sliehtlv 



dug above them about 10 m into 
from the rains of the past winter. 



matter 



^cted, as brush from the hill tops, and mixed with the soil. 
Shrubs, mostly heaths and legumes, make up the scrubby vegetation type 
d mato, which occurs in central -interior Portugal on the tops and upper 
2S of shale hills. The mato on any given place is cut near ground level every 
years. Mato is cut from somewhere, two or three times a week, all year long, 
removed to the village, where it is spread over the floor of indoor, ground 
rooms that house goats. After two to four weeks, this old mato is removed 
replaced with freshly cut mato. After its removal, the old cut mato is piled up. 



FRANCE 




Serra da Estrdia 



RibeJros 



RIo Pnical9 

Pampilhosa 
daSerra 




Fundao 




RIo Unhm 



Rio Zez6re 



Oleiros 







10 



20 km 



Castelo Branco 




FIG. 1, — Map showing the location of the village of Ribeiros, at the headwaters of the Rio Pracais in the southwest 
foothills of the Serra da Estrela, Portugal. At the town of Pampilhosa da Serra, The Rio Pracais meets the Rio 

Unha, a tributary of Rio Zezere in the Rio Tejo drainage. The stippled area is an empoundment. Region of map is 

approximately the rectangle sVvovs/^n on the inserted outline of Iberia. 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



4 



/ 



TABLE 1. — Principle mato species of the region studied. 



Scientific name 



Erica arborea L. 

Ulex minor Roth 

Genista trica)ithos Brot. 

Erica cinerea L. 

Halimium ocymoidies (Lam.) 

Wilk. in Wilk & Lange 
Lithodora diffusa (Lag.) 

LM.Johnson 
Caluna vulgaris (L.) Hull 
Erica umbeUala L. 
Chamaespartum tridentatum 

(L.)P.Gibbs 



Common name 



mato ncgral 
top bran CO 
top negro 

iirze 
unknown 



unknown 



marganse 
negrcla 
carqueja 



Family 



Ericaceae 
Fabaceae 
Fabaceae 
Ericaceae 
Cistaceae 



Boraginaccae 



Ericaceae 
Ericaceae 

Ericaceae 



Collector 

Number^ 



404 
407 

406 
403 
408 



401 



405 
402 

400 



^All voucher specimens were collected by G. E Estabrook and are housed at MICH. 



and at planting time, buried in the soil of the cultivated terraces. Cut mato, 
enriched by goats, is the source of virtually all soil-borne plant nutrients, and 
much of the soil's available water capacity. 

After a plant is cut, it regenerates from a woody root crown (caudex) just 
below the ground surface. These caudices ramify into an extensive system of fine 
roots, which penetrate for meters mto the soft shale rock below. Although vir- 
tually all mato species regenerate in this way, the woody caudex of essentially 
only one. Erica arborea, is dug out and burned to distill bagaco. The caudex of E. 
arborea burns cool and slow, thus distilling the bagaco with a minimum of impuri- 
ties and water. Pine (Pinus pinaster), used inside the houses for cooking and 
vs?'armth, would burn too hot, but any of the woody caudices of the mato species 
would burn cool and slow. Although the caudices of other mato species are 
occasionally used in conjunction with £. arborea, farmers clearly prefer £. arborea 
for still fires. Why principally just this one? They stated that it was used by their 
parents and grandparents, and that it is the best fuel for this task, but they never 
offered an explicit, functional or ecological explanation for their preference over 

other "roots/' 

Most of the principal mato species (Table 1) make distinct contributions, 
which this study will describe, to soil fertility and to other aspects of the local 
economy Therefore, the maintenance of the species diversity of the mato is an 
important objective of this agricultural system. This study will also present spe- 
cies abundance data from plots of mato regenerating for differing numbers of 
years and subjected to different harvesting histories. These data show that Erica 
arborea, if not held in check, becomes the dominant species, and thus reduces 
species richness and diversity in the mato. The choice of the regeneration organ 
(the caudex) of £. arborea as a still fuel eliminates the domination of this species. 
Elimination of dominance maintains the species diversity in the mato, which 
contributes to the sustainability of this self-sufficient village economy Grime 



48 



ESTABROOK Vol. 14, No. 1 



(1979) discusses in more detail competitive dominance and disturbance-mediated 
co-existence in stress tolerant plants. 

It takes 9-10 ha of regenerating mato to supply enough organic matter to 
create fertility in 1 ha of cultivated terrace. It seems likely that the availability of 
mato may have begun to limit the amount of terrace under cultivation by the 
beginning of the nineteenth century or earlier. In this situation, all mato would 
have been managed for soil fertility, and thus cut every three or four years. Once 
the practice of removing a few Erica arborea caudices each fall was established, the 
potential for E. arborea to reduce or eliminate other valuable species would no 
longer be directly observed by the villagers. In the absence of these direct obser- 
vations, a reason to remove every fall a few E. arborea caudices to burn in the brief 
task of distilling bagaco would ensure that the practice happened every year, 
and thus might serve the local economy better than would a more objectively 
founded, ecological explanation that did not require a specific action at a specific 
time. 



MATERIALS AND METHODS 



The principle area studied is the village group of Ribeiros, located in the 
Freguesia de Cabril, Concelho de Pampilhosa da Serra, Distrito de Coimbra, 
Portugal, at about north 40° 06' by west 7*^ 54'. The village is located near the 
center of this region of eroded shale foothills, among the branching streamlets 
(called ribeiros, hence the name) at the headwaters of the Rio Pracais, a stream 
that runs down a deep, steep-sided gully to the Unha river in the Rio Tejo 
drainage, as shown in Fig. 1, The elevation of the village is 750 m, with the hill 
tops and ridges rising 100-300 m above the village. Ribeiros is the modern 
name of the coalescence of three original settlements (Sobralinho, Melho, and 
Sanguasuga, located about 1 km apart but separated by deep stream gullies), 
which, judging from church records, was probably established in the late six- 
teenth century. It continued to grow steadily, and thrived in the nineteenth and 
first half of the twentieth centuries, reaching a population peak of approx- 
imately 300 in 1940, when the first road capable of carrying a motorized vehicle 
was built into the area to construct an empoundment (Fig. 1) to generate electric 
power. By the late 1940s, Ribeiros had begun to lose population rapidly, and 
by 1988 at the conclusion of this study there were some 25 residents, mostly over 
60 years old. Refer to Caldas (1981), Serrao (1982), and Brettell (1986) for a dis- 
cussion of possible reasons for the near universal demise of northern, interior 
Portuguese villages since the 1940s. 

In the 1980s, preindustrial agricultural technology was still practiced, if 
incompletely, by some of the residents of the villages of the Pracais valley, where I 
visited briefly in 1980, 1983, and 1984. The steep hillsides surrounding Ribeiros are 
covered with terraces, some of which may have been originally built over 400 
years ago when residents and place names in Ribeiros are first mentioned in 
church birth records. By the 1980s approximately half of these terraces had been 
abandoned and about 40% had been planted to apple, fig, and olive within the 
last decade or so by largely absent owners. The remaining 10% were still in 
cultivation, mostly in corn, bean, potato, and some rye. In terraces closer to the 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 49 



village, vegetables and herbs are grown. The mato is harvested at about one tenth 
the rate that it was 50 years ago when, according to residents, all terraces were 
planted with seeds. Because agricultural practices in the village are in decline, 
much of the mato on the surrounding hilltops had not been harvested for varying 
lengths of time, up to 30 or more years. 

1 lived in Ribeiros from August until December of 1987. Two married couples 
among the 21 permanent residents provided me with food and shelter, and intro- 



orscment 



me 



men, and four to six women who were never married 



widows 



my 



me. Tliree of the sinele women 



my 



months of my 



sam 



months 



mal interviews on demography, agricultural technology, and economic activities. 
Typically I spent half of each day talking either repeatedly to the same 13 accessi- 
ble residents of Ribeiros, or to visitors to the village (nine occasions) or to resi- 
dents of a nearby village (12 occasions). I talked with people usually as long as 
they would give me their attention, from a few minutes to often an hour or more. I 
asked the same things in many different ways on different days of the same 
people and also of different people. I found that whenever different people talked 

about the same technical subject, their representations were mutually consistent, 
never contradictory. 



determine 



These 



named 



Nova Flora de Portugal (Franco 1971, 1984). Voucher specimens were deposited in 
this herbarium, and at The University of Michigan Herbarium (MICH). 

To calculate the diversity and abundance of the species of plants in the mato 
from areas subject to different harvesting regimes, I collected samples of vegeta- 
tion from four areas (referred to as Areas 1-4) in the mato-covered slopes to the 
north and to the east of Ribeiros. Area 1, located 130 m above, and 1 km from, 
Ribeiros, has been actively harvested for as long as residents can remember. Erica 



still taken from 



from it recently. This 



m above, and about 2 km from 



been actively harvested. These 



m above, and 4 km distant from 



ws without 
cultivation 



from Ribeiros. Mato 



spontaneously when this rye plot was abandoned. Area 3 is the eastern part of 



this 



regenerated. It also contains young pines (Pinus pinaster. 
This pine does not survive fires but grows readily from 



50 



ESTABROOK Vol. 14, No. 1 



fires or other disturbance. Area 4 is the western part that did not burn. Its pines 
and mato are approximately 30 years old. 

The residents' description of the history of the vegetation in Areas 3 and 4 is 
corroborated by the age of the pines growing in these areas. Pines grow a swirl of 
branches from their trunk every year. For at least the first 20 and often up to 30 or 
40 years, one can age pines by counting these swirls. Sometimes a few years' 
swirls will be universally lost by wind or by a bud worm break out that inhibits 
the growth of swirls. This can be checked by counting growth rings. I cut down a 
7-year-old sapling, whose rings and swirls matched. 

In Area 1 and Area 2, mato is cut on a four-year cycle and had been regenerat- 
ing for the past four years. Individual caudices regenerate growth 10-20 cm in 
circumference during four years. Areas 1 and 2 have only five or six abundant 
species. At the scale of a meter square, relative species abundance varies little 
throughout these areas. So, from an arbitrary one square meter plot in each of 
Area 1 and Area 2, all vegetation was cut at about 3 cm above the ground, the 
approximate height at which it is cut by residents when harvested for use. Plants 
were sorted by species into plastic bags, and removed the next day to Coimbra 
where the contents of each bag were dried and weighed. 

In Area 3, some plants have grown to three times the size of those in Area 1 or 
2. Relative species abundance was quite variable at the scale of a square meter, 
but became more uniform for areas two or three times as large. For this reason, an 
arbitrary plot 2 m x 3 m was selected for harvesting. All vegetation was cut as 
described above and sorted by species. Because of the large amount of vegetation 
produced on this 6 m^ plot, the quantity produced by each species was weighed 
wet in the field and approximately 0.5 kg was sealed wet in a plastic bag and 
removed the next day to Coimbra, where it was weighed and dried and re- 
weighed to determine percent dry weight. 

No vegetation samples were taken from Area 4, but the kinds, sizes, and 
relative abundances of these very large plants were recorded. 

To determine the potential of each mato species to enrich the soil with mineral 
nutrients, each plant species was analysed for levels of minerals, including nitro- 
gen and phosphorous, at the Laboratorio Agricola Quimica Ribelo da Silva in 



Lisboa. 



RESULTS 



agriculture 



my interviews 



was 



residents do with and say about the most common species in the mato establishes 
the conspicuous importance of maintaining the biological diversity of mato spe- 
cies. Second, the relative abundances of mato species measured from plots with 
different disturbance histories evidences that Erica arhorea becomes dominant in 
plots where it is not periodically reduced. Third, the relative abundance among 
mato species of mineral nutrients essential for crops establishes the inconspicuous 
importance of maintaining the biological diversity of mato species for soil fertil- 
ization. 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



51 



TABLE 2. 



accumulation 



(gm) of accumulation per m^ precedes average accumulation per year for each 
species. 



Areas 
Size, age 
Species 



Erica arbor ea 

Ulex minor 

Genista tricanthos 
Erica cinerea 

Halimium ocymoides 
Lithodora difusa 
Cahma vulgaris 
Erica umbellata 
Chamaespartum tride)itatum 



Area 1 



1 m2 



103 



5 

30 

256 

816 



4 yr 



26 



1 
8 

64 
204 



Area 2 



lm2 




347 

104 

163 

12 



241 



198 



4 yr 



56 
87 
26 
41 

3 



60 



50 



Area 3 



6m2 



1,702 

882 

590 

35 

7 

3 

63 



Syr 



213 
110 
74 
4 
1 

8 



Erica arborea is called rnato negral, which means grey or dark mato. Although 
this study reveals it to be the competitive dominant (Table 2), it is not considered a 
weed or otherwise undesirable by the village farmers. Its woody caudex is genu- 
inely valued as a fuel, and its foliage is also valued as goat forage and bedding. 



inside 



excrement 



the soil. 



means white 



covered with green leaves and prickers all year long. Genista tricanthos is called 



means 



will 



making 



are 



finally buried in the soil. Beyond repeating their preference for mato negral, resi- 
dents did not say why the regeneration organs of top hranco and top negro are not 

dug up and burned in stills. 

Erica cinerea is called urze. It is valued for goat forage, although I rarely saw 



?t from the thorny 
from the other cut 



spread on the floor in goat houses. 

Halimium ocymoides and Lithodora difi 



more soecific names that anyone remembered 



them. These species make up a very small 



percentage of the mato. 



This 



known as heather, is common 



August and September 



increase the amount 



52 



ESTABROOK Vol. 14, No. 1 



TABLE 3. — Concentration (percent dry weight) of nitrogen (N), and phosphor- 
ous (P) in samples of mato species from study areas, and in a homogenized 
sample of old cut mato removed from the floor of a room housing goats. 

N P 



Erica arborea 
Ulex minor 



0.86 0.055 

0.64 0.140 



Genista tricanthos 1.24 0.101 



Erica cinerea 



0.64 0.160 



Halimium ocymoides 0.59 0.080 

Uthodora difusa 0.63 0.096 

Caluna vulgaris 0.58 0.098 

Erica umbellata 0.90 0.055 

Chamaespartum tridentatum 0.48 0.100 

Old mato, homogenized 1.44 0.377 



collected by village bee keepers, mato is harvested less frequently during the 
flowering season of margarise. 

Erica umbellata is called negrela, a diminutive negrah Its caudex is not taken for 
fuel, and it is readily excluded by its more aggressive congener, E. arborea. Al- 
though urze is explicitly recognized, all three Ericas are valued as goat bedding. 

Chamaespartum tridentatum is called carqueja here and over most of northern 
Portugal. It is highly valued as goat forage. The stems are only slightly lignified, 
and the goats eat much more of it than of the other mato species. Like all har- 
vested mato, it becomes part of the goat pen bedding before being added to 



the soil. 



approximate annual above ground accumula 



was 



dominated by E. arborea, which had grown, true to its name 



m hieh, overtopped with 



m percent drv we 



samples of mato species collected from 



removed from the floor of a room 



amon 



more 



where 



DISCUSSION 



more 



maintenance 



interior Portugal. The mato species play different and complementary roles to 
support the lives of the local people. Sugar production, fuel, goat forage, and soil 
fertility have been mentioned here. Thus, maintaining the species diversity of the 
mato is of genuine, immediate economic value to the residents. Some of their 
traditional practices can be understood by observing and interviewing the people 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 53 



emDlov them. Other dimensions 



expe 



mentation 



Mato negral is one of the many useful plants of the mato, but its competitive 
superiority would reduce species diversity if were not somehow controlled. The 
utility of its caudex (the regeneration organ) as a distilling fuel is the stated 
reason for digging up caudices every fall, even though the caudex of any mato 



would 



maintain 



when all the mato was being cut and properly managed to maintain both soil 
fertility and diversity, mato negral never had a chance to reveal its dominance. 



more 



remams im 



much more important to the local economy 



time than to explain them 



term ecoloeical phenomena 



The residents of the Pracais valley often do explain their technology in very 



terms 



determine 



of dry stone retaining walls for cultivated terraces, are two examples. Here, 



mam 



-^^^, 



tain these structures. Thus to participants in this self-sufficient economy, an 
important part of the utility of an explanation is to help people remember what 

to do. 

Results of this study provide two other examples of local distinctions or 
explanations that seem to serve primarily to instruct people what to do or value, 
but that also have compelling scientific explanations of longer term effects. The 
naming of the three different species of Erica that occur in the mato provides one 
example. All three Ericas look similar enough to be considered congeners by 
taxonomists; indeed two of them, the large and small 7iegral are given similar 
names by residents even though they must be distinguished when it is time to 
distill bagaco. Residents give urze. Erica cinerea, separate folk generic status and 



com 



When 



cannot 



seem to treat them differently. Residents do not know that urze branches, m 



comparison 



more 



most other mato species (only Ulex minor has com 
three times the phosphorous of the other two Eric 



which ultimately becomes 



enrichment, soil phosphorous levels are more effectively maintamed. The ancient 
sedimentary ilite minerals in the shale-derived soils of central interior Portugal 
are especially poor in phosphorous and rich in iron (Azevedo and Ricardo 1973). 
Iron tends to chelate phosphorus so that it can not be taken up by plants. The 
release of phosphorous from decaying organic matter occurs at a slow enough 
rate that it can be taken up immediately by growing crop plants and not lost to the 



54 



ESTABROOK Vol. 14, No. 1 



matter 



em 



agricultural 



from other members 



and valued it as goat bedding, even though as goat bedding per se it has no 
special value. 



example oi an exDlanation that seems 



remember 



what 



bedding and removing occasional Erica arborea caudices for still fires, the impor- 
tant consequence of spreading mato as goat bedding is not immediately apparent, 
and so an explanation that requires the appropriate activity is created. Residents 
spent about a quarter of their total economic effort cutting mato, hauling mato, 
spreading it out in goat pens to make a "bed" for goats, removing it from goat 
pens, piling it in heaps, and finally carrying it to cultivated terraces to dig into the 
soil before a new crop is planted. Although this effort is essential for the mainte- 
nance of soil fertility, it was always explained primarily as providing food or a 
bed for goats. Goats feed as foragers grazing at large during the day and on 
weeds and thinnings pulled from the cultivated terraces and given to them, along 

with occasional rations of P^rain, whpn thpv rptnrn fn fhpir riPnQ in f>iP Pvpnincr 



was 



them to make 



won 



// 



twigs. Why 



The goats stand up. 



means of providing food and beddine for eoats, when 



Why 



means of m 
v aware? Sd 



mato in goat pens before adding it to the soil raises the ratio of nitrogen to carbon 
in cut mato (Table 3). When this old cut mato is buried in soil, the higher N/C ratio 
provides a microenvironment in which the balance of microbes is shifted towards 
more effective decay organisms that can decompose mato and release its nutrients 



rowmg 



time of the corn harvest even thoueh 7-10 metric 



weight per hectare of mato (mostly sticks and twigs) had been added at the time of 
corn planting. Effective, rapid decay of the dense woody branches of Genista 
tricanthos, which might otherwise decay more slowly than the fruticose twigs of 
some other mato species, is especially important because this species is highest in 
nitrogen, substantially higher than other species of mato (Table 3). Thus it is 



im 



the ground, to include its dense, spiny branches in the harvest of cut mato, and 
especially to spread them out in the goat pens. Chemical analyses and microbial 
ecology are not evoked by residents to explain why they include inedible thorns 
in the "food'' and "bed" of goats, but the consequences of their traditional agri- 
cultural practices are clear. Feeding and bedding goats is an explanation that 
reminds farmers what to do next, especially when the long term consequences of 
the activity are important, but not immediately apparent. This more proximal, but 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 55 



omy better than would a more ultimate 



may 



some 



documents the maintenance 



iscusses 



maintenance within 



of high potato cultivar diversity by Andean farmers even following the introduc- 
tion and acceptance of new potato varieties bred by Green Revolution techniques. 
He lists some of the reasons why farmers might preserve this diversity: taste, 
interest, agronomic factors, economic opportunity, and prestige or social status, 
and observes that not a single ecological reason was given by farmers. Zimmer 
(1991) also discusses the maintenance within individual fields of high potato 



farmers 



proximal 



motive. Although neither author demonstrates 
ecoloeical effect of the maintenance of high po 



economies, attributing proximal 



who maintain diversity would stimulate the practice and produce the ultimate 

benefit, if it did exist. 

There are many examples of the use of specific foods or medicines where the 
preventative or healing effects are known by practitioners who cannot explain, in 
scientific physiological or chemical terms, how they work. Kuhnlein (1981), Johns 
(1981), and Timbrook (1987) provide examples. Even though explanations for 
these practices may incorporate spiritual or magical concepts, by and large these 
food and medicinal practices are efficacious and people do understand the basic 
purpose for them, namely to maintain or restore health. These authors do not give 
examples of less relevant or somewhat artificial reasons, such as the examples of 
bedding goats or choosing still fuel discussed here, that maintain advantageous 
practices because they evoke appropriate activity. 

Concepts of utiHtarian explanations and distinctions have been explicitly 



some 



mentions 



but also manages the plant resource, but gives no examples, invisible technology 
may refer to parts of Huastec explanations with little or no observational basis 
that function to stimulate timely activity with long term resource management 
effects not accounted for by the explanation. 

Hays (1982) suggests that distinctions among kinds of organisms made in 
self-sufficient agricultural economies may result in differential behavioral or atti- 
tudinal responses to the organisms distinguished with consequences that are 
useful or beneficial, even when the benefit cannot be described by those making 
the distinction. If the distinction is made, then the benefit is enjoyed, not because 
of the explanation but because of the behavior it elicits. The distinction of the 
phosphorous rich iirze, whose name differs from neqral and negrela, the other two 
Ericas, would seem to be an example of this phenomenon. 

The procedural, ritualized, unsubstantiated, or seemingly irrelevant explana- 
tions that elicit timely or appropriate behavior in self-sufficient farming commu- 
nities may describe practices that represent a deeper ecological or natural wis- 



56 



ESTABROOK 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



dom. The wisdom of these practices (if not of their explanations) may 



term, production orientation of modern 



development has been in part motivated 



becoming clear that many modern 



cultural practices cannot be sustained without decimating the very natural re- 
sources on which productivity depends. Studying, recording, and understanding 
the human ecosystem in the Pracais valley, an ecosystem based on practices that 
for centuries have sustained agricultural production on poor soils, is especially 
relevant to the present challenge of developing technology for sustainable agri- 
culture to ensure the future well-being of people. Some aspects of this prein- 
dustrial technology were still available through the memory and activities of the 
aging residents of the Pracais valley. However, some access to the understanding 
of how things worked, and especially why things worked, is made available to us 
by studying the present breakdown of their traditional system. For these reasons, 
studies of preindustrial agricultural systems should be undertaken with any 
available evidence of how and why these past technologies were successful. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



Dra. Graziana Goncalvez Engles, with her husband Prof. Horst Engles, first took me to 
the Pracais valley in 1980, where I saw that effective traditional agricultural technology was 
still practiced. I am grateful for the Engles' help in 1987, when I made an intense study of 
this technology. I thank the residents of Ribeiros whose trust and interest made this work 
possible, and especially Joao de Santos who gave me shelter, and Maria Nunes who gave 
me food. I thank Pedro Nunes for his help with the local dialect. Dr. Jose Sovral Dias, 
director of the Laboratorio Quimica Agricola Ribelo da Silva, and his staff helped perform 
the chemical analyses of soils and vegetation. Personal support and encouragement by him 
and his family are gratefully acknowledged. The friendship and advice of Dr. Manual 
Bravo Lima, Chief of the Herbarium at the Estacao Agronomica Nacional in Oeiras, and the 
help of his staff member, Dra. Isabel Saraiva, with the identification of plants, were very 
valuable. The sabbatical program of the University of Michigan made possible my contin- 
uous presence in Portugal for six months in summer and fall of 1987. 



LITERATURE CITED 



ALCORN, JANIS B. 1981. Factors influenc- 
ing botanical resource perception 
among the Huastec: Suggestions for 
future ethnobotanical enquiry. Journal 
of Ethnobiology 1:221-230. 

AZEVEDO, ARIO LOBO and RUI PINTO 
RICARDQ 1973. Caracterizacao e Cons- 
tituicao do Solo. Terca edicao. Fun- 
dacao Gulbenkian, Lisboa. 

BRETTELL, CAROLINE B. 1986. Men Who 
Migrate, Women Who Wait: Population 
and History in a Portuguese Parish. 
Princeton University Press, Princeton, 
NJ. 

BRUSH, STEPHEN B. 1986. Genetic diver- 
sity and conservation in traditional 



farming systems. Journal of Ethnobiol- 
ogy 6:151-167 



1992. Reconsidering the green revo- 
lution: Diversity and stability in cradle 
areas of crop domestication. Human 
Ecology 20:145-167 

CALDAS, JOAO CASTRO. 1981. Caseiros 
de Alto Minho: Adaptacao e declinio. 
A Pequena Agricultura em Portugal 
7/8:203-216 

FRANCO, JOAO DO AMARAL. 1971, 
1984. Nova Flora de Portugal. Vol- 
umes I e II. Sociadade Astoria, Lisboa. 

GRIFFIN, D. E 1972. Ecology of SoU 
Fungi. Syracuse University Press, Syr- 
acuse, ISTY. 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



57 



GRIME, J. P. 1979. Plant Strategies and 
Vegetation Process. John Wiley and 
Sons, Chichester, UK. 

HAYS, TERENCE E. 1982. UtiUtarian/ 
adaptionist explanations of folk bio- 
logical classification: Some cautionary 
notes. Journal of Ethnobiology 2:89- 
94. 

JOHNS, TIMOTHY. 1981. The anu and the 
maca. Journal of Ethnobiology 1:208- 
220. 

KUHNLEIN, HARRIET V 1981. Dietary 
mineral ecology of the Hopi. Journal 
of Ethnobiology 1:84-94. 

PEARSON, SCOTT R., FRANCISCO AVI- 
LLEZ, JEFFERY W. BENTLEY, TIM- 



OTHY J. FIN AN, TIMOTHY JOS- 
LINQ MARK LANGWORTHY, ERIC 
MONKE, and STEFAN TANGER- 
MAN. (editors). 1987. Portuguese Agri- 
culture in Transition. Cornell Univer- 
sity Press, Ithaca, NY. 

SERRAO, JOEL. 1982. A Emigracao Por- 
tuguesa. Quarta edicao. Livros Ilori- 
zonte, Lisboa. 

TIMBROOK, JAN. 1987 Virtuous herbs; 
Plants in Chumash medicine. Journal 
of Ethnobiology 7:171-180. 

ZIMMER, KARL S. 1991. Managing diver- 
sity in potato and maize fields of the 
Peruvian Andes. Journal of Ethnobiol- 
ogy 11:23-49. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Histoire lUustree du Caoutchouc. Jean-Baptiste Serier, Antionette Diez, and 
Anne Van Dyk. France: Montpelier Cedex 1 (CIRAD-CP, BP5035, 34032), 1993. 
$27.00 US. (167 French Francs). (No ISBN found) 



It is almost impossible to 



"review" this extraordinary and unusual book 



because it depicts the story of rubber in 96 pages of illustrations. The 450 pictures 
record the history of rubber from the dinosaur age and that of early man through 
the use of the product in pre-conquest Mexican times to the "discovery" by 
Europeans, the early periods of the tapping of Hevea through to the beginnings of 
commercialisation of Amazonian rubber production to the introduction of Hevea 
hrasiliensis to Asia and the establishment of the plantations in the Old World 
tropics. 

The book, extremely novel in its approach, should be useful in teaching 
economic botany courses and will certainly be of interest to general audiences. 

The artist-authors are to be congratulated for making available such an inter- 
esting detailed illustrated history of rubber, its uses, and commercial aspects of its 
development. 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Director Emeritus 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge, Massachusetts 



58 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 14, No. 1 



BOOK REVIEW 



The Ethnobotany of the Chacobo Indians, Beni, Bolivia. Brian M. Boom. Ad- 
vances in Economic Botany, Volume 4. New York: New York Botanical Gar- 
den. 1987. Pp. 67 $15.00 (paperbound). ISBN 0-89327-312-0. 



This book is an important contribution to the ethnobotany of Amazonia^ 
particularly of an area which is relatively underepresented in the literature. Its 
presentation makes it a useful tool for anthropologists and botanists alike. 

This highly concise work provides a brief introduction to the context and 
objectives of the study. It includes a description of the study area and an eth- 
nographic vignette of the Chacobo. Though largely historical it provides the 
reader some insight to the relative acculturation of the groups prior to 1983 when 
the author initiated his investigations. Field methods are described as including 
two basic approaches. These are the "artifact/ interview" approach of anthropolo- 
gists and the "inventory/ interview" technique in which informants are inter- 
viewed about names and uses of plants following the active collection of spec- 
imens. 

The largest section of the book contains an accounting of the 360 species 
collected within a one-hectare area south of the villaee of Alto Ivon. The collec- 



families. Where 



names 



local frequency, habit, habitat, geographic range of species, voucher citations and 



commentarv on use. The remainder 



plants in Chacobo culture. Of 305 species utilized, 102 are food plants^ 75 gath- 



wild from 



suggestion that the Chacobo were traditionally hunter-gatherers as opposed to 



rees, while 
Medicinal 



ailment 



most notable conclusion of Boom's work 



is the fact that the Chacobo utihze 82% of all species and 95% of all trees, with 



and food categories. 



among medicinal 



This book is well written, and contains excellent tables and illustrations and 



names and nonvascular olants from 



im 



ethnoecolo 



Mark G. Plew 

Department of Anthropology 
Boise State University 
Boise, ID 83725 



/ 



Summer 1994 



TRIBES, STATES, AND THE EXPLOITATION OF BIRDS: 
SOME COMPARISONS OF BORNEO AND NEW GUINEA 



CHRISTOPHER HEALEY 

Anthropology 
Northern Territory University 

Darzvin, Australia 



ABSTRACT. — Exploitation of birds for trade by tribalists of Borneo and New 
Guinea are compared. Traditionally, bird products in Borneo passed to overseas 
markets, but in New Guinea were mainly used locally. Contemporary exploitation 
is illustrated by case studies of a Punan village in Borneo and a Maring village in 
Papua New Guinea. The Punan are minimally involved in exploitation and con- 
trol of birds for markets, these roles having been assumed by outsiders backed by 
the state. Traditional exploitation of birds persists among the Maring, largely 
because bird products are unimportant in the national economy. 

The comparison indicates alternative consequences of the intrusion of the 
state for access to and control of biological resources by tribalists. Different forms 
of incorporation into the state have variable impact on tribalists' ethnobiological 
systems, including use of resources in exchange. It is therefore appropriate for 
ethnobiologists to contextualize their studies by reference to contemporary polit- 
ical-economic systems. 



RESUMEN. — Se compara en este trabajo la explotacion de aves para el comercio 

por parte de grupos tribales de Borneo y Nueva Guinea. Tradicionalmente, los 

productos derivados de aves en Borneo pasaban al mercado externo, mientras 

que en Nueva Guinea eran destinados principalmente al uso local. La explotacion 

contemporanea es ilustrada mediante estudios de caso de una aldea Punan en 

Borneo y una aldea Maring en Papua-Nueva Guinea. Los Penan estdn invo- 

lucrados en forma minima en la explotacion y control de aves para el mercado, 

puesto que estas funciones han sido asumidas por personas externas a la comu- 

nidad, respaldadas por el estado. La explotacion tradicional de aves persiste entre 

los Maring, debido en buena medida a que los productos de aves no son impor- 

tantes en la economia nacional. 

La comparacion indica consecuencias alternativas de la intromision del estado 

para el acceso a y control de recursos biologicos por parte de los pueblos tribales. 

Las diferentes formas de incorporacion al estado tienen un impacto variable en los 

sistemas etnobiologicos de las sociedades tribales, incluyendo el uso de recursos en 

el intercambio comercial. Es por ello apropiado que los etnobiologos contextualicen 

sus estudios en referencia a sistemas politico -economicos contemporaneos. 



RESUME. — Les modes d'exploitation commerciale des oiseaux par les tribues de 
Borneo et de Nouvelle Guinee sont compares. Traditionellement, les produits 
oiselliers de Borneo sont destines aux marches d'outre-mer, mais en Nouvelle 
Guinee, ils sont surtout utihses localement. L'exploitation moderne de ces pro- 
duits est illustree a I'aide d'examples tires d'un village Punan de Borneo et un 



60 



HEALEY Vol. 14, No. 1 



village Maring de Papua Nouvelle Guinee. Les Punans s'occupent peu d'exploiter 
et de controller les oiseaux pour le marche, ce role ayant ete assume par des 
personnes de I'exterieur, appuyees par Tetat. Uexploitation traditionelle des 
oiseaux persiste parmis les Marings, largement parceque les produits oiselliers ne 
forment pas une partie importante de Teconomie nationale. 

Les resultats de ces comparaisons indiquent des consequences variables sui- 
vant rintrusion de I'etat congernant I'acces et le control des resources biologiques 
par les tribues. Les differents moyens d'incorporation au sein de Tetat agissent de 
faqon differente sur les systemes ethnobiologiques des tribues, y compris Tutiliza- 
tion des resources pour Techange. II est done recommende aux ethnobiologistes 
de contextualizer leurs recherches au sein des systemes politico-economiques 
contemporains. 



INTRODUCTION 



An important dimension of ethnobiological studies is the documentation of 
how biological resources are culturally utilized. Aspects of use include — but by 



means 



opriation from nai 
ems. One verv im 



which 



many pre-industrial communities linked them 



economic 



There has been a fruitful convergence of interest of ethnobiologists anc 
human ecologists, particularly in relation to aspects of production and manage 
ment of biological resources (e.g., Conklin 1957; Ellen 1983). A comparable conver 
gence between ethnobiology and economic anthropology is yet to emerge. This i 
somewhat surprising, given the common interests of both economic and ecologi 
cal anthropologists in systems of production and distribution, including indige 
nous conceptions of the processes. The incorporation of tribal communities int( 
encompassing political-economic systems has clearly had a profound impac 



ems of production and their sustainine svstems 



know^led 



In this paper I take up some of these issues through a comparison of two 
adjacent parts of the tribal world, and their different histories as suppliers of 
forest products, especially birds, to an international market. In particular, I am 
concerned with how the different trajectories of incorporation into a world- 
system resulted in different consequences for the continuing involvement of tribal 
communities in the exploitation and management of wild bird resources. 

Ethnobiology embraces a complex of knowledge and practice. It does not, 
however, constitute a ''system" in itself, except as an analytic abstraction. Rather, 
ethnobiology is composed of elements of diverse aspects of socio-cultural sys- 
tems, including the ecological, economic, ideological, and cosmological. As such, 
any ethnobiological study should endeavor to indicate the relation of the particu- 



cultural context within which 



embedded 



am not concerned with the "content" and internal order of 



ethnobiological lore — the traditional focus of studies in 
knowledge of taxonomies, or practical, medicinal, ma 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 61 



;anisms. Rather I focus on how bioloeical resources come 



assume a structural role in med 



become transformed into tradeable 



commodities through the application of specific ethnobiological knowledge 



more 



transformation than its organization and form 



some comments 



political-economic "world systems'' mi 



ystems of ethnobiological knowledge and practice. The em 



procurement practices and systems 



theoret 



economy 



human 



millenia 



economies 



were, to a greater or lesser extent, geared to the surplus production of commodi- 
ties that were in high demand by complex, state societies. Many of these goods 
were of little or no intrinsic value to those who produced them, other than for 
what useful or luxury items might be obtained in exchange. The range of prod- 
ucts of tribal lands in demand by settled societies is legion, but has included the 
fine furs and pelts of animals, feathers, ivory, aromatic gums, fine woods, per- 
fumes, spices, pigments, narcotics, and a bewildering variety of animal and plant 
products deemed to have medicinal or magical properties. 

In many parts of the globe, relations of mutual dependence rather than open 
exploitation characterized the political -economic relations between precapitalist 
trading states and the tribal communities on their peripheries. With the expan- 
sion of a capitalist world system, however, the relation of traditional communities 
to their natural resource base has become radically transformed. Many natural 
resources have lost their traditional value and been superceded or replaced by 
industrial manufactures, and, of course, by money. In many instances, those that 
retain value have become subject to commercial production processes that effec- 
tively deny the continuation of traditional forms of association with the resources 
and their management. 

It is conventional to regard the process of the incorporation of indigenous 
people into the global economy as involving the commoditization of resources — 
whether natural resources or human labor — which facihtates and encourages 
their exploitation and sale on an individualistic basis. In this process of commodi- 
tization, indigenous people have frequently lost socio-political autonomy and 
privileged access to resources which formerly characterized subsistence strategies 

(e.g., Nietschmann 1973). 

Two regions where these processes are relatively recent are the great equa- 
torial islands of Borneo and New Guinea. Both islands have long been the source 
of certain luxury goods, extracted from the forests by tribal communities, that 
have been important in international trade. In both areas, the influence of South- 
east Asian precapitalist states was weak, virtually nonexistent in most of New 
Guinea west of the Vogelkop (Birdshead) Peninsula. Similarly, effective control by 
European colonial powers came relatively late. 



62 



HEALEY 



Vol. 14, No. 1 




FIGURE 1. — Location of case studies. 



This paper, then, examines aspects of traditional exploitation of forest resources 
in New Guinea and Borneo, and certain recent transformations in the context of 
colonial and postcolonial developments. The emphasis is on the articulation of the 
production of jungle goods, especially derived from birds, with systems of ex- 
change, with particular attention to trade. The discussion is based primarily on 
my own research in New Guinea on the hunting of birds and trade in plumes 
(e.g., Healey 1980, 1990), and on the Hterature dealing with forest products in 
Borneo, but also includes some preliminary comparative remarks on a brief field 
trip to Indonesian Borneo. 



BORNEO AND NEW GUINEA 



The large tropical islands of New Guinea and Borneo (Fig. 1) lie either side of 
the Wallace Line, and exhibit a comparable diversity of flora and fauna (Beehler 
et al. 1986; Flannery 1990; Medway 1977; Smythies 1981). The richness of biological 
resources in both islands is paralleled by considerable ecological and cultural 
diversity that reaches its greatest elaboration in New Guinea. 



material 



major items 
/ items rath 



: works developed to serve the demands of indigenous tribal 
to valuables that were deployed in local economies of com 
consumption. In many areas, however, trade networks filte 
■ the far interior to small coastal centers from where thev ente 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 63 



international passage of luxury and exotic goods serving the Far East, the Middle 
East, and Western Europe. 

The traditional societies of both islands can be broadly treated as small-scale 
tribal formations, mostly egalitarian and decentralized, although some central 
Borneo societies were stratified. The scale of socio-political units was highly 
variable, however, from a few score individuals to several thousands. 

Subsistence for the most part was based upon shifting cultivation — of dry 
rice in Borneo and tubers in New Guinea. Hunting and gathering were also 
important, to the extent that there were specialist forest dwellers in both islands 
practicing little or no agriculture. Most depended on sago palm for the carbohy- 
drate component of the diet, and were therefore principally confined to lower 
altitudes. 

One major difference between the two islands must be noted: centralized 
Malay states have been present in Borneo, mostly in coastal regions, since about 
the fourth century AD. It is through these states that interior tribes were linked to 
the outside world. 

Although there were no truly isolated, self-contained communities in New 
Guinea prior to the colonial era, contact with the outside world was at most 
tenuous, sporadic, and confined to the coastal belt in western and north-coastal 
New Guinea. Indeed, the Sultanate of Tidore in the Moluccas claimed suzerainty 
over the Western Papuan Isles and much of the Vogelkop Peninsula of what is 
now Irian Jaya, although its actual economic and political control was probably 
nominal (de Clercq 1889). 

In both islands^ exploitation of forest resources served local demands for wild 
foods, building materials, magical and medicinal items, and valuable items of 
decoration on ceremonial occasions. Certain forest products were also traded 
widely. However, in each island, the ecological and social organization of trade 
was quite different, and this has led to a markedly different impact of the global 
economy in different areas. 



TRADITIONAL TRADE IN FOREST PRODUCTS 



m 



this is largely because of their respective connections to larger, international net- 



works 



Borneo was long an important source of jungle produce for international 
markets, especially in mainland Southeast Asia and China. Principal forest prod- 



aromatic 



woods, camphor, gums, rhinoceros horn, "ivory" from 



agriculturalists 



the interior — the various so-called Dayak tribes — and specialist foragers, the 
forest nomads such as the Punan. Substantial proportions of these goods were 
exDorted to mainland Southeast Asia and China. Most of this export trade was 



Malay 



mouths 



items for consumption 



Chinese 



64 



HEALEY Vol. 14, No. 1 



people (e.g.. Brown 1970; Dahlan 1975; Freeman 1970; Healey 1985b; King 1993; 
Metcalf 1982; Rousseau 1989). 

Unequal terms of trade operating between the Malay population of the 
coastal belt and tribal communities of the interior favored down-river commu- 
nities that could manipulate the supply of trade goods into the interior by control 
of river mouths. Coastal states were unstable polities, lacking structurally secure 
central authority Their territories were generally poorly defined, and consisted of 
personal hereditary domains of the nobility interspersed with domains vested in 
the control of the sultan and his appointed officials. 

The decentralized structure of the state, coupled with the revenue-raising 
powers of domain-holders, was a critical source of instability of sultanates, with 
fractious noblemen and vassal states occasionally seeking to assert their indepen- 
dence from the sultan and establish themselves as rival, autonomous polities. 

Struggles for power within states led to escalating demands for jungle prod- 
ucts as a means of raising revenue to underwrite a sumptuous life-style, and to 
engage armed retainers (effectively pirates) to harrass the settlements and ship- 
ping of competitors. As a consequence, interior tribal producers of jungle prod- 
ucts were subject to periodic increasing demands for more produce and attempts 
to undermine their poHtical and economic autonomy (Healey 1985b). 

It is important to note that interior tribal people appear to have had an 
awareness of the basic structure of the larger trade system in which they were 
embedded. This is indicated by population movements which were sometimes 
motivated by a desire to escape from disadvantageous trade relations with down- 
river agents of coastal states, or to gain easier access to other sources of exotic 
valuables. The ultimate result was the consolidation of structural instability of 
state systems, and of the mutually interdependent relation between tribes and 
states, that was historically reflected in the rise and fall of particular dynasties 
and states in the coastal belt, and in flurries of war, headhunting, and large-scale 
migrations of tribal people in the interior (Healey 1985b; Rousseau 1989). But 
ultimately, the position of states and tribal populations in a large system of 
political-economic relations ramifying out of the Far East and South Asia was 
crucially dependent upon the capacity of interior tribal groups to exploit forest 
resources. 

An integral aspect of this exploitation was the knowledge base itself. This was 
continually under potential threat through the tendency of coastal states to incor- 
porate autonomous tribes of shifting cultivators and hunter-gatherers into the 
state as dependent communities. This process tended to take the form of conver- 
sion to Islam and the adoption of sedentary agriculture. 

Similar processes continue today, under Indonesian government schemes 
encouraging re-settlement of communities at selected sites along major rivers. 
One might suggest that a consequence of such forms of incorporation into the 
state — premodern and modern — is an attenuation of the forms of attachment to, 
and exploitation of, forest resources by tribal groups, and an ultimate erosion of 
the traditional knowledge base upon which that exploitation rests. This is of 
minor consequence for the modern state, given that the primary sources of reve- 
nue in Borneo are oil, natural gas, coal, and timber products in capital-intensive 
industrial systems. Indeed, the current oil and timber boom in East Kalimantan 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 65 



makes 



mcomes 



heavy extractive industry has supplanted the importance of jungle products as a 



im 



income for more isolated rural dwellers (Jessup 



from 



Borneo. In the precolonial period marine shells penetrated far into the interior. 



most 



good 



comparatively short distances 



transactors were typically very short — at least on the mainland^ often no more 



km 



and geographic world in the interior of New Guinea was itself typically very 



small 



^ mainland 
mainland i 



animals, marine shells, bird plumes, mammal 



m 



ceremonial 



material 



wide 



interlocking "systems" of trade, each with a rather different catalogue of goods 
involved. 

Unlike Borneo, New Guinea was never directly incorporated as a major sup- 
plier of forest products (or other goods) into major maritime trading spheres 
centered on precapitalist state systems. It is true that parts of western New 
Guinea were a major source of forest and marine products entering the Southeast 
Asian trading system, but the direct influence of traders and the agents of the 
Tidore sultanate seems to have been very limited (Hughes 1977). 

Nonetheless, the New Guinea mainland was the principal source of one 
forest product that excited Southeast Asian merchants and noblemen from early 
times: Bird of Paradise skins. The principal sources of these were concentrated in 
the Aru Islands, the Vogelkop, and nearby islands (Healey 1980). It is unlikely 
that extensive trade networks penetrated far inland prior to colonization. By the 
time Europeans became interested in the plume trade as a major commercial 
operation around the turn of the last century, they generally took over all aspects 
of production, becoming hunters themselves, or supplying local people with guns 
and ammunition, as well as managing the export of plumes (e.g.. Doughty 1975; 
Gilliard 1969). Traditional patterns of production and supply were therefore only 
minimally incorporated into the large-scale commercial exploitation of the birds 
centered upon the European millinery industry. 

Nonetheless, bird plumes were probably the only item, other than marine 
shells, that ever enjoyed a widespread usage in the interior, and which were 
traded over an extensive area focussed on the central highland valleys of the 
eastern half of the island (modern Papua New Guinea) (Healey 1980). In essence, 
trade in plumes in this region converged on a comparatively small central area of 
densely populated highland valleys that "consume" large volumes of plumes as 



66 



HE ALE Y Vol. 14, No. 1 



decorations and valuables, but which lacked direct access to adequate supplies 



umes 



marine 



artifacts. 

Patterns of trade in such goods of localized provenance as stone tools, salt, 

and mineral pigments tended to radiate from the source areas, often on intersect- 
ing paths. But dominating patterns of trade in many inland regions were often 
defined by the flow of shells and plumes towards hmited central areas of high 
consumption. In that sense, trade patterns within New Guinea, to the extent that 
we can reasonably refer to distinctive general orientations, tended to be directed 
towards an internal "sink," rather than diverging towards overseas consumers, as 
in Borneo. To a large extent I think this can be attributed to the lack of a long- 



established demand for the products of Ne^ 
minimal development of trading networks 



modern times. While 



some 



Harding 1967), others saw considerable growth in terms 



items of value, volumes 



links (e.g., Healey 1990). Much 



remams 



money is now widely 



as a valuable rather than as a currency. Thus, the presence of money m trc 
not amount to monetization, if the currency aspect of money is suj 
(Healey 1985a). Transformations that have occurred in trade systems 
Guinea are not simply the effect of the penetration of a money economy, 
in New Guinea, some exchange systems have shown a capacity to abs( 



commodities 



Healey 



from monetization 



were not im 



or other goods to international trade systems. New Guinea forest products were 
essentially of little commercial value to the outside world, except in small 
amounts for the curio market, and international trade never depended upon 

traditional trade for its supply. 

With a lack of pre-existing networks and infrastructure, the commercial, 
village-based exploitation of forest products has never significantly developed in 
New Guinea, nor has traditional trade in forest products served as a source of 
government revenue. By contrast, the exploitation of forest products has become 



income 



commercialization of forest products 



omy 



CONTEMPORARY EXPLOITATION OF FOREST PRODUCTS 



Here I present two brief cases of village-based exploitation of forest resources. 
; exploitation and its significance for villagers must be considered in its legal 
text. In Papua New Guinea customary tenure is recognised in national law, 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 67 



together with customary rights of access to forest resources. This contrasts with 
the situation in Indonesia, where ownership rights to forest land and its products 
are vested in the national government, which ostensibly regulates trade in such 
valuable forest products as birds' nests by registering traders and imposing a tax 
on sales. 

Jessup and Peluso (1986) have discussed the ecology of production of forest 
products in Indonesian East Kalimantan. They conclude that given the legal 
constraints on ownership of resources imposed by the state, the intrusion of 
outside collectors, poachers, and smugglers, and the poor regulation of the mar- 
ket by the state, local communities are unable to manage effectively their commu- 
nally-held forest resources. The high value of birds' nests encourages state control 
as a source of revenue, and also raiding of nesting caves by outsiders, and has 
resulted in overharvesting in East Kalimantan (Jessup and Peluso 1986: 524). 

The impact of outsiders in the exploitation of minor forest products in KaH- 
mantan is illustrated by the case of the village of Long Sule, which in many 
respects encapsulates much of the past and contemporary progress of "develop- 
ment" in Indonesian Borneo. The village is located in Kecamatan (subdistrict) 
Kayan Hilir, Kabupaten (district) Bulungan, on the banks of the Kayan lut River, a 
southern tributary of the upper reaches of the Kayan River. Because of the rugged 
terrain the area has so far escaped the ravages of the timber industry. 

Long Sule is a small village of about 300 people. It is one of three small 
villages clustered together in the middle of a virtually uninhabited stretch of hill- 
forest. Although it is some five days' walk to the next nearest permanent habita- 
tion Long Sule is readily accessible to the outside world, as a small mission- 
maintained airstrip is adjacent to the village. 

Most of residents of Long Sule and its neighboring villages are ethnically 
Punan Aput, who were formerly forest nomads in the area. Sedentarization of 
nomads has a long history in Borneo (Sellato 1989) although the Indonesian 
government has hastened the process in recent decades in an attempt to consoli- 
date control over interior tribalists. 

In common with other forest nomads, the Punan Aput maintained, and 
indeed still do, important trading relations with stratified sedentary neighbors 
(Hoffman 1986; Sellato 1989), in this case the Kenyah. In particular, the Punan 
Aput are renowned locally for their fine rattan weaving- At Long Sule the Punan 
adopted Kenyah rice cultivation technology, as well as other cultural traits, nota- 
bly certain styles of dress, Hornbill-dance ritual, and various visual art motifs. 
The village, however, is not self-sufficient in rice, with the granaries exhausted 
after five or six months. Thereafter villagers depend upon subsidiary garden 
crops such as bananas, cassava, and taro. Traditional collection of wild sago and 
other food gathered from the forest, as well as hunting with blow-pipe and spear, 
and fishing remain important components of the subsistence economy. However, 
much rice is also purchased from the three local stores in the village. This rice is 
flown in by light aircraft, and derives from the surplus production of Kenyah 
agriculturalists elsewhere in Kalimantan. Outsiders as traders are thus an integral 
element of the village, providing both food and other commodities sold in small 
stores in the village to help meet Punan subsistence needs, and a source of limited 
income. 



68 



HE ALE Y Vol. 14, No. 1 



Besides non-Punan (Bugis and Kenyah) store keepers, there are other out- 
siders resident in the village. These include several Kenyah men engaged in 
farming and collecting of forest products for the market, a pastor, and a school 
teacher and their families, and a group of Javanese alluvial gold workers. Long 
Sule is thus a small multiethnic community. Outsiders are mostly attracted by 
economic opportunities, and as providers of both goods and income are crucial to 
the very limited engagement of the Punan in the cash economy. 

There are no local cash crops, and the Punan are minimally involved in the 
collection of birds' nests or aromatic garu woods. Both are found locally, though 
bird nesting caves are several days' walk away The Punan gain meager supplies 
of cash primarily through the sale of finely woven rattan bags and other handi- 
crafts to Kenyah and Bugis traders in the village, and by working as casual labor 
for Javanese gold prospectors. 

Despite the proximity of the airstrip, the Punan of Long Sule seldom travel, 
lacking the cause or financial means to do so. The airstrip is, however, a crucial 
factor in the current organization of the village, for it enables visits by officials of 
the government, the mission, and commercial interests such as geologists. It also 
facilitates the resupply of stores and the import of an impressive array of modern 
technology: generators, radio and television receivers controlled by store holders, 
as well as various items owned by Punan families such as a few outboard motors 
for canoes and children's tricycles. Such possessions are evidence of the capacity 
of at least some households to amass quite considerable sums of cash despite the 
lack of local opportunities. 

Traditionally, the local Punan did not harvest birds' nests or garu wood. 
Despite their value, and comparative ease of transporting these products to 
coastal markets, they still do not harvest them, leaving such exploitation entirely 
to Bugis and Kenyah traders. While Punan knowledge of the forest and skills as 
blowpipe hunters and gatherers remain an integral aspect of their subsistence 
utilization of the forest, they appear to have relinquished any possible collective 
control over, and management of, commercially valuable forest resources other 
than rattans for weaving. 

Arguably, it is the indirect intrusion of the state, which has encouraged and 
attempted to regulate trade in forest products, that has attracted outsiders to the 
village as commercial collectors, and inhibited the entry of the Punan into the 
trade and their potential role as managers of the resources. The scale and extent of 
the penetration of external commercial interests into this small village far from 
markets is striking. 

The situation in the Papua New Guinea village of Tsuwenkai is quite differ- 
ent. Though comparably isolated, the Kundagai Maring of Tsuwenkai have per- 
haps had more experience of the wider world. On the other hand, they retain 
customary control over their own lands, and outsiders — invariably mission per- 
sonnel — are rarely resident in the village. 

Tsuwenkai is located at about 1600 m above sea level on the flanks of the 
western Bismarck Range in the Jimi Valley, Western Highlands Province. One of 
over 20 Maring-speaking villages, Tsuwenkai is a community of about 300 people. 
Self-sufficient horticulture is the mainstay of the local economy Most households 
earn modest income from smallholder production of coffee and occasional migrant 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 69 



labor. Money is now regarded as essential to meet demands of bridewealth and 
other ceremonial exchanges, and to purchase small luxuries and household com- 
forts, but it is not necessary for mere subsistence, as in Long Sule. Investment in 
items of industrial manufacture beyond simple hand tools, basic kitchen equip- 
ment, and small household luxuries like radios and tape recorders is virtually 
nonexistent. 

Kundagai territory in Tsuwenkai includes extensive tracts of high altitude 
primary forest, harboring several species of birds widely valued in much of the 
highlands, including various Birds of Paradise. The Kundagai have long been 
significant producers of plumes for trade towards central highlands consumers. 
Case history material indicates increasing export of plumes to the central highlands 
since just before first contact with the colonial administration in the mid-1950s. 
Until the 1980s little of this trade was directly with central highlanders, but rather 
over shorter links with trading partners in more nearby communities. 

In the two decades after initial contact the rate of trade in plumes increased 
considerably. This intensification of trade was sustained by an increase in the 
importation of plumes from more peripheral areas which were then passed on to 
ultimate consumers, rather than by increasing hunting locally. Local hunting, 
however, is important in augmenting the supply of plumes, and ensures that the 
Kundagai are able to export greater volumes of plumes than they import. 

Levels of hunting are regulated by a combination of social, technical, and 
ideological factors: 

(1) individual and collective property rights, by which only members 
of the local community may hunt plume-bearing birds, and by which 
individuals may lay claim to exclusive hunting rights at particular sites, 
such as Bird of Paradise display trees, hunting bUnds, fruiting trees, and 



so on; 



refrain from 



male Birds of Paradise visiting a communal 



limit 



female and immature 



hunters kill too much game. J 



what amounts to "too much'' is, however, ec[uivocal, as the Kundagai also 
believe that unusual success is a sign of the favor of the spirits. Such 
beliefs are thus of dubious import in limiting hunting. However, dietary 
taboos may have some significance. These apply to only some game 
mostly mammals prized for their flesh— but make hunting generally less 
appealing to those subject to taboos. However, the eradication of warfare 
has resulted in most taboos assumed by warriors falling into abeyance, 
while Christianization has further eroded traditional taboos. 

(4) the restriction of hunting to simple technology and traditional 
techniques. Keen himters display a detailed knowledge of the forest, 
much of it based upon personal experience. Their success in a hunting 
expedition is frequently Hmited by technical means of securing prey, 
rather than in their skills in locating it. The Kundagai own no shotgims, 
deoendine mainlv on bows and arrows, traps, and improvised weapons. 



70 



HEALEY Vol. 14, No. 1 



Although property rights, voluntary restraints, and technological factors limit 
hunting pressure with beneficial consequences for the conservation of game, it is 
not necessarily the case that the consequences are intended by the Kundagai. 

It is clear that on the basis of their extensive biological lore many Kundagai 
are conscious of the need to restrain hunting rates. It is another matter, however, 
to suggest that this appreciation alone, by individuals, is sufficient to have an 
effect upon levels of hunting by the community at large. Rather, I would suggest 
that what ultimately limits Kundagai hunting of plume-bearing birds is the cul- 
tural ideal of equivalence and egality in exchange. This ideal inhibits the emerg- 
ence of competetive and incremental exchange, and separates status from 
prowess in exchange. As such, trade is not a means for the accumulation of 
material goods or the generation of profit, and individual's participation in trade 
can be sustained adequately by only modest involvement in hunting. 

Should trade become commercialized, however, inherent restraints on hunt- 
ing pressure would be seriously modified, to the possible detriment of the capac- 
ity of the Kundagai to maintain a sustained harvest of plumes. In fact, by the 
mid-1980s, trade was increasingly monetized, and the traditional scale of custom- 
ary exchange rates for different goods had given way to vigorous bargaining over 
price between some traders. Contrary to the situation elsewhere in Papua New 
Guinea, this did not result in increased hunting of birds as a means of earning 
money. The reason lies in the fact that central highlanders' demand for plumes 
from the Kundagai declined dramatically in the 1980s. Plumes have largely been 
replaced by money and other goods in ceremonial payments, and the occasions 
for traditional ceremonies requiring plumes as decorations greatly diminished. 
Central highlands traders no longer come as purchasers of plumes, but as sellers 
of pigs. Increasingly, they demand cash for pigs in their efforts to accumulate 
money for bride wealth and other payments. The Kundagai themselves were con- 
strained to acceed to these changing demands in trade in order to maintain their 
own high demand for pigs for re-deployment in life-crisis prestations. 

In essence, the declining demand for plumes in the central highlands and the 
growing emphasis on cash in exchange are symptomatic of the social and cultural 
transformations in the central highlands wrought by the intrusion and consolida- 
tion of the modern state. The political economy of the modern capitalist state in 
Papua New Guinea has rendered certain traditional objects, such as bird plumes, 
redundant to the social order. As such, it has ultimately undermined traditional 
trade where the objects of trade have no significant commercial value in national 
and international systems of exchange. This does not mean, of course, that hunt- 
ing is of no consequence in communities like Tsuwenkai. It is still a means of 
provisioning local demand for plumes and meat, and as a pleasurable pursuit in 



itself for the enthusiast. 



CONCLUSION 



The comparison of the exploitation of biological resources of the forest in 
Borneo and New Guinea indicate alternative consequences of the intrusion of the 
state. The incorporation of traditional, subsistence-oriented people as dependent 
communities within the wider political-economic structures of the modern na- 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 71 



tion-state does not lead to an inevitable commercialization and overexploitation 
of forest resources. This is a likely outcome where traditionally exploited forest 
products continue to have value in wider national or international systems of 
exchange, or acquire such value. This occurred in Borneo. On the other hand^ in at 
least some parts of New Guinea, the intrusion of the state led to the modification, 
even collapse of traditional trade and associated systems of production. 

This has been to the detriment of some communities, such as the Kundagai, 
who are now enmeshed in an impoverished position as suppliers of cash to 
comparatively wealthy pig-providers of the central highlands who no longer 
desire Kundagai plumes. On the other hand, it has arguably meant that the 
traditionally exploited biological resource base has enjoyed a measure of protec- 
tion it might have otherwise lacked. 

In both examples of the impact of the state on the relation of subsistence- 
oriented communities to their forest resources we have seen significant changes 
in patterns of exploitation. The Punan of Long Sule abandoned a nomadic forag- 
ing lifestyle, adopting shifting agriculture and a more-or-less settled residence 
pattern. This amounts to a radical modification of their traditional relation with 
the forest though I do not know if this involved any substantial change in their 
ethnobiological knowledge base. 

Similarly, the collapse of the plume trade for the Kundagai has meant that 
hunting of plume-bearing birds is of little consequence as a specialist activity. In 
itself, this does not inhibit hunting, but it may well result in a shift in the focus of 
the hunt, for example, from plumes to meat. 

In both cases we can observe changing patterns in the exploitation of biolog- 
ical resources. I suggest that this is liable to have consequences for the eth- 
nobiological knowledge base itself, where that knowledge is significantly shaped 
by experience. For example, changing patterns of interactions with the environ- 
ment, as a consequence of the impact of the state, may lead to progressive loss of 
certain traditional skills, such as hunting, or a selective withering of the tradi- 
tional knowledge base^. So far this does not appear to have occurred among 
younger generations of the Kundagai. Incorporation into the modern state and a 
global economy have not yet resulted in a marked erosion of ethnobiological 
knowledge. 

However, a critical implication of the cases reviewed in this paper is that the 
particular forms taken by incorporation may have differential impact on systems 
of ethnobiological knowledge. These systems may be cognitively ordered in mod- 
ified forms. But we should not simply expect an inevitable impoverishment of the 
traditional ethnobiological systems. What I am therefore suggesting is that it is 
appropriate for ethnobiologists to contextualize their studies carefully by refer- 
ence to the political-economic constraints represented by the modern global econ- 
omy. In this way, the points of conflict and transformation between traditional 
systems of ethnobiological knowledge and intrusive alternative systems of knowl- 
edge may be more readily identified, rather than assumed. At the theoretical level 
this may lead to further efforts to strike some accommodation and convergence 
between ethnoscience, human ecology, and political economy within the hoUstic 
framework of anthropological discourse. 



72 



HEALEY 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



NOTES 



^What 



precolonial" varies. Much 
r nominal control of Dutch 



Dutch 



British interests in the late nineteenth century. Australia assumed control of the eastern 
half of the main island and its archipelagoes until the independence of Papua New Guinea 



Dutch 



Jaya in 1963. 



See Dwyer (1974) for an example of the loss of hunting skills and associa 
among younger generations of the Rofaifo of the New Guinea highlands. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



Fieldwork in the Papua New Guinea highlands has been conducted at various times 
between 1972 and 1985 with the financial support of the University of Papua New Guinea, 
the PNG Department of Natural Resources, the Myer Foundation, the New York Zoologi- 
cal Society and the Wenner-Gren Foundation for Anthropological Research. A preliminary 
field trip to Indonesian East Kalimantan in February 1990 was funded by the Northern 
Territory University. An earlier version of this paper was presented to the Second Interna- 
tional Congress of the International Society of Ethnobiology, Kunming, China, October 
1990, and I thank participants for their helpful comments. 



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74 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 14, No. 1 



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evenly balanced presentation, containing articles arguing for the authenticity of 



mamtamine the discoverv was 



members of the Marcos regime. Arguments on both sides are detailed, well 



compelUngly written. These are followed by several more pa] 
irchers attempting to reconstruct the facts objectively from 



meager 



were 



limited technology. Yet, even from the outset it was clear the Tasaday were no 
longer pristine. At best, they had already been affected by the people who 
brought them to the world's attention; at worst, they were a set of local villagers 
paid to act "primitive." No anthropologist today believes the early press reports 
of the Tasaday as holdovers living a life unchanged for millenia. The question 
now is how much of the early reports was accurate and how much was staged or 
simply exaggerated. The answer is probably somewhere between the two extreme 

viewpoints. 

The only thing certain about the controversy is that not enough is known 
about the facts. From the beeinnine of the saea, political and media involvement 



The 



known 



The number of books published on the Tasaday now outnumbers 
themselves. This book is, however, welcome in attempting to help se 



which we 



Joseph E. Laferriere 

Arnold Arboretum of Harvard University 

22 Divinity Ave. 
Cambridge MA 02138 USA 



/. EthnobioL 14(1):75-100 



Summer 1994 



THE DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNOZOOLOGY OF REPTILES 

OF THE NORTHERN PORTION OF THE 

EGYPTIAN EASTERN DESERT 



STEVEN M. GOODMAN 

Field Museum of Natural History 
Roosevelt Road at Lake Shore Drive 

Chicago, Illinois 60605 



JOSEPH J 



f of Geogra 

)f Missouri 



Missou 



ABSTRACT. — In this paper we review the occurrence and distribution of rep- 
tiles known from the northern portion of the Egyptian Eastern Desert and the 
ethnozoology of these animals as viewed by a local Bedouin tribe, the Khush- 
maan Ma'aza. Particular emphasis is placed on reptile folklore, local names, 
taxonomy, use as medicine, and natural history as conceived by the Khush- 
maan; this information is contrasted with Western scientific thought. In most 
cases these two views are congruent with one another. The major exception is 
that the Bedouins consider several reptiles venomous which are not known to 
be so by herpetologists. 



RESUMEN. — En este trabajo resefiamos la presencia y distribucion de los rep- 
tiles conocidos de la porcion norte del Desierto Egipcio Oriental, y la etno- 
zoologia de estos animales segun son vistos por una tribu local de beduinos, los 
Khushmaan Ma'aza. Ponemos enfasis particular en el folclor, nombres locales, 
usos como medicina e historia natural de los reptiles, lal y como son concebidos 
por los Kushmaan; esla informacion es contrastada con el pensamiento cien- 
tifico occidental. En la mayoria de los casos las dos visiones son reciprocamente 
congruentes. La principal excepcion es el hccho de que los beduinos consideran 
venenosos a varios reptiles que no son considerados como tales por los 
herpetologos. 



RESUME 



revue 



graphique des reptiles de la partie septentrionale du desert egyptien oriental, 
ainsi que I'ethnozoologie de ces especes d'apres la perception d'une tribu locale 



Ma 



noms 



rhistoire naturelle a travers la perception Khushmaan 
confrontees aux pensees scientifiques occidentales. Dan 
deux perspectives ne sont pas opposees. La principale e> 
fait que les Khushmaan croient que certains reptiles sont 
herT>etolo2istes refutent cette crovance. 



76 



GOODMAN & HOBBS Vol. 14, No. 1 



INTRODUCTION 



By the nature of their unusual locomotion, habits, and Ufe-cycles, snakes and 
lizards are often the subject of intrigue and a unique folklore. In numerous cases 
these perceptions exemplify the secretive habits and calamitous mystique of rep- 
tiles, including aspects such as disease, poison, death, and the bizarre. Often times 
the initial basis for these notions and beliefs appears to be some astute knowledge 
of an animal's habits, rather than the fantastic. Sometimes these natural history 
observations proceed through a series of cultural permutations that enrich the orig- 
inal information and become the fabric of indigenous environmental knowledge. 

Many groups of pastoral nomads of the North African deserts have a rich 



information about the natural world 
? knowledge reinforces the nearly uni 



world "know so much'' 



intimate contact with t 
?2). To date onlv a small 



Bedouin ethnozoological knowledge had been researched and published. Other 
than cursory mention in several works (e.g., Bons 1959), little information on the 
ethnoherpetology of North African deserts has been published. Corkill (1935a, 
1935b) discussed snake stories and snake traps from the Kordofan and Darfur 
provinces of the Sudan. Marinkelle (1959) reviewed the medicinal and nutritional 
uses of reptiles and amphibians found in the markets of Tunisia and Libya; he 
also mentioned some folk stories from the area. The folklore of Sudanese Nilotic 
people regarding a gecko was discussed by Cottam and Cottam (1923). 

In this paper we attempt to narrow the wide gap in the ethnoherpetology of 
North Africa with the knowledge possessed by the Khushmaan Ma'aza Bedouins 
of Egypt's Eastern Desert. This presentation opens three subsequent oppor- 
tunities for analysis herein and in future ethnozoological research. First, by exam- 
ining Khushmaan nomenclature and perceptions of reptiles it is possible to learn 
how these people conceptualize some of the living things in their environment 
(Berlin 1992). This cultural information is important in its own right in filling 
existing gaps in knowledge about Bedouin peoples, and in allowing for poten- 
tially useful cross-cultural comparisons. Second, the environmental context of 
this cultural information may be quite instructive to Western science, particularly 
in disclosing the distribution, habitats, and habits of some Egyptian reptiles. 
Finally, the disparities between Khushmaan and Western scientific knowledge 
challenge the ethnoscientist with a puzzle: how can a people with such an inti- 
mate knowledge of nature be apparently so "wrong" about some major attributes 
of the animals they know? 



THE KHUSHMAAN 



The Khushmaan, a clan of the Ma'aza, is comprised of some 250 household: 
in Egypt, of which about half are based in the Eastern Desert between the Qift 
Qusseir road to the south and the El Koriamat-Zafarana road to the north (Fig. 1] 
These Arabic-speaking tribesmen immigrated to Egypt from northwestern Arabic 
beginning about 200 years ago. They are primarily pastoral nomads, tending 
camels, sheep, and goats. There is also a hunting and gathering component o 




FIG. 1. — Topographical map of the northern portion of the Egyptian Eastern 



Desert. 



their economy. The nomads themselves consume some wild resources, such as the 
meat of Nubian ibex (Capra ibex nubiana), and sell others, including the seeds of 
Moringa trees and foUage of Artemisia plants, for cash to market buyers in the Nile 
Valley (Goodman and Hobbs 1988). The Bedouins also obtain necessary food- 
stuffs and clothing from sedentary populations (Hobbs 1986, 1989). 



78 



GOODMAN 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



The Khushmaan classify all reptiles, with the possible 
(see below) and the little-known marine turtles (which a 
the category duud, Uterally "worm/' All duud are believer 



in this taxonomic 



nonmammalian animals 



Khushmaan folk med 



of a hawi (feminine, hawiyya), a kind of shaman whose only power is an ability 
to cure snake, spider, and scorpion bites and stings. Only certain persons can 
become a hawi or hawiyya. When he or she is an infant, the candidate is visited 
early in the morning on three successive days by a hawi or hawiyya who gives 
them a special drink and bestows his or her powers upon the candidate. The hawi 
or hawiyya does not administer medicine to snakebite victims, but rather breathes 
upon the bite, sometimes applying spittle to it, and recites special incantations. 
After five or six days, the patient usually recovers. Notably, the hawi or hawiyya 
is often supplemented by a "first aid" treatment, either cutting off the flesh 
around the bitten area with a knife; cauterizing the bite with a red-hot nail; or 
bleeding the bite by an incision, after blood has been brought to the skin surface 
by the vacuum action of a cup in which a match has been lit. An elderly Khush- 
maan man claimed that a piece of flesh from the rakhaant (Egyptian vulture. 
Neophron percnopterus) applied to the bite is sometimes an effective treatment. 



THE REPTILES OF THE NORTHERN EGYPTIAN EASTERN DESERT 



Several excellent works have been written on the reptiles of Egypt; however, 
the majority of these deal almost solely with the fauna of the Nile system (e.g., 
Anderson 1898; Flower 1933). In the past few decades some of the vast desert 
areas of Egypt have been surveyed zoologically and our knowledge of the local 
reptiles has increased many times over (e.g., Marx 1968; Capocaccia 1977). One 
area of the countrv where little information on the local reptile fauna is available 



we 



northern portion, from the Nile Valley east to the Gulf of Suez and 
from the Cairo-Suez Road south to the Tdfu-Mersa el Alam Road 
region is broader than the Khushmaan Ma'aza territory. 

Since 1980 we have been working on joint and independent rest 
in remote portions of the Eevptian Eastern Desert, and have made 



summarize 



the reptiles of the northern portion of the Egyptian Eastern Desert, combining 
our own information with previously collected material housed in museums. 

To date, 30 reptile species have been recorded in the northern portion of the 
Egyptian Eastern Desert. These include: Gekkonidae ^Hemidactylus turcicus, 
Ptyodactylus hasselquistii, Stenodactylus stenodactylus, and Tropiocolotes steudneri; 
Agamidae — Agama agama spinosa, Trapelus mutabilis, T. savignyi, Pseudotrapelus 
sinaita, Uromastyx aegyptius, and U. ocellatus; Lacertidae — Acanthodactylus bos- 
kianus, Mesalina guttulata, M. rubropunctata, and Ophisops elegans; Varanidae 
Varanus griseus; Scincidae — Chalcides ocellatus and C. sepsoides; Colubridae 



florulentus, C. rhodorhachis, C. rogersi, 



Malpolo 



Psammophis schokari, P. aegyptius, and Spalerosophis diadema; Elapidae 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 79 



Walterinnesia aegyptia; and Viperidae — Cerastes cerastes, C. vipera, Echis pyramidum, 



and E. coloratus. 



METHODS 



information 



of reptiles in the northern Eastern Desert is unpubHshed. Distributionally impor- 
tant specimen records for species not included in Figs. 2-10 are mentioned in 
Appendix 1. For documentary purposes we have cited the museum registration 

numbers of exceptional specimen records^. 

In order to distinguish the information gathered from the Khushmaan infor- 
mants from knowledge derived from our own work in the area, we have divided 
each "species" account into several headings. In most cases the information pre- 
sented under the heading "Distribution" and always under "Comments" is our 
own; while that under the balance of headings is strictly from the Khushmaan 



Western 



Any exceptions to this are explicitly noted. 



ystematic order and English common names generally follow Marx 
Bptiles, with the exception of the Agamidae which is after Moody 
Tackholm (1974) for plants. The Khushmaan names for plants and 



made by JJH 



Herbarium 



where they were kindly identified by Dr. Loutfy Boulos. The system 
transHterate Khushmaan Arabic words is based on Hobbs (1989). The coc 
of EevDtian localities mentioned in the text are presented in Table 1. 



THE REPTILES 



Family Gekkonidae 
brays; gecko 



Distribution. — Four species of geckos are known to inhabit the northern half of the 
Egyptian Eastern Desert: Hemidactylus turcicus (Turkish gecko), Ptyodactylus has- 
selquistii (fan-footed gecko), Stcnodactylus stenodactyhis (elegant gecko), and Tro- 
piocolotes steudneri (Steudner 's gecko) (Fig. 2; Appendix 1). Ptyodactylus is the most 
widely distributed gecko in the Eastern Desert. 



Bedouin taxonomy. — No distinction seems to be made by the Khushmaan among 
different types of geckos. 



Folklore. 



venom 



(riig) and is contracted from it via the animal 



bite. The poison may be spread by the brays visiting camps at night and crawling 
over food utensils or water- carrying vessels. After coming in contact with con- 
taminated obiects, the victim generally becomes extremely ill for about a week 



Durine that time the victim has no thirst, and may vomit 



consuming 



80 



GOODMAN & HOBBS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



TABLE 1, — Gazetteer of Egyptian localities mentioned in the text 



Locality 



Governorate 



Ain Sukhna 
Beni Hassan 
El Koriamat 
Gebel Abul Hassan 



Suez 
Minya 
Giza 
Red Sea 



Gebel Galala el Qibyla Red Sea 



Gebel Gharib 

Gebel Moqattam 

Gebel Qattar 

Gebel Shayib el Banat 

Gebel Suez 

Hurghada 

Idfu 

Ismailiya 



Red Sea 

Cairo 
Red Sea 

Red Sea 
Suez 

Red Sea 
Aswan 

Ismailiya 



Katamiya Observatory Red Sea 



Mersa el Alam 
Qift 
Qusseir 
Ras Gharib 

F 

Ras Zafarana 
Suez 

Umm Diisi 
Wadi Abu Haadh 
Wadi at-Tarfa 
Wadi al-Maniih 
Wadi al-Radda 
Wadi Araba 
Wadi Arkas 
Wadi Askar 
Wadi el Asyuti 
Wadi el Nasuri 
Wadi Gindali 
Wadi Hof 
Wadi Iseili 
Wadi Qena 
Wadi Umm Haadh 



Red Sea 
Qena 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Suez 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Red Sea 
Asyut 
Suez 
Suez 
Cairo 
Suez 

Red Sea 
Red Sea 



N. 



Wadi Umm Tinaydhab Red Sea 



Wadi Umm Yasar 
Zafarana 



Red Sea 
Red Sea 



29 
27 
29 
26 
ca.28 
28 
30 
27 
26 
29 
27 
24 
30 
29 
25 
26 

26 

28 
29 
29 
27 
28 
ca.28 

25 

27 

ca.29 

28 
29 

27 
30 
29 
29 
30 
ca.26 

26 

27 
27 

29 



Lat. 



35 
54 
18 
57 

50 
07 
02 

05 
59 

55 

14 

58 
35 
56 
04 

00 
06 
21 
07 
58 
03 

18 
25 
33 
08 
07 
43 
01 

10 
10 
55 
53 
04 
12 
20 
03 
03 
07 



E. 



32 
30 
31 
33 
32 
32 

31 
33 

33 

32 

33 

32 

32 

31 

34 

32 

34 

33 

32 

32 

33 

32 

30 

33 

33 

32 

32 

32 

31 

31 

31 

31 

31 

32 

33 
33 
33 
32 



Long 
(') 



20 

51 

13 

21 

30 

54 

17 

22 

29 

20 

50 

52 

16 

49 

54 

49 

17 

06 
39 
33 

15 
48 
50 
37 
20 
39 

01 

04 

16 

29 

40 

18 

55 

44 

23 

13 

11 

39 



Bedouin natural history. — Brays are known to eat jam, the fruits of lasaf (Capparis 
cartilaginea). The snake as-sill al-argat (Coluber sp., see below) is a recognized 
predator of geckos. 



Comments. — No species of gecko is venomous. Similar 



in 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



81 




FIG. 2.— The distribution of brays in the northern portion of the Egyptian Eastern 
Desert. Records include Ptyodactylus hasselquistii specimens (closed squares) and 
observations (open squares), Hemidactylus turcicus specimens (closed triangles), 
and Tropiocolotes steudneri specimens (open triangles). 



82 



GOODMAN & HOBBS Vol. 14, No. 1 



Valley (Cottam and Cottam 1923; personal observations). It is plausible that 
geckos occasionally consume jam fruits. 



Family Agamidae 

Ahu sayha; Agama agama spinosa; Gray's agama 



Distribution. 



limestone mountainous 
nations, e.e., the summit 



m 



Bedouin etymology and taxonomy. — The word sayha, from which the name of this 
lizard was derived, means blue in Arabic. The term ahu sayha is generally used 
for male Agama agama spinosa while the females are often put in the generic 
agamid category hihayna (see next entry). 



Bedouin natural history. — This animal prefers rocky slopes. In the autumn (not in 
summer) the male abu sayha has red forelegs, like pants; the female is similar but 
lacks the prominent head spines. Six or seven eggs, very soft (the consistency of 
the skin on a person's forefinger) are deposited in rocky clefts. It consumes the 
fruits of Capparis sp, and ants (Tregenza 1955). This lizard hibernates during the 
winter and, in this state, cannot move if picked up. 



hihayna; Agamidae lizards 



Distribution. — Hihayna is the Khushmaan designation for several species of agamid 
This term lizards inhabiting the northern portion of the Eastern Desert (Fig. 4). 
This term generally denotes Pseudotrapelus sinaita (syn. Agama sinaita), the Sinai 
agama, but it is also used for Trapelus mutabilis (syn. Agama pallida and A. muta- 
bilis), the changeable agama; potentially Trapelus savignyi (syn. Agama savignyih 
Savigny's agama; and often female Agama a. spinosa, also known as ahu sayha. T, 
savignyi is known only from the northern edge of the Eastern Desert (Appendix 
1). In summary, any agamid other than male A. a. spinosa is classified by the 
Khushmaan as hihayna. 



Bedouin natural history. — Hihayna are known to eat lasaf fruits. They prefer rocky 
slopes or wadis with mixed sand and boulders. An important predator on these 
lizards is the snake as-sill al-argat {Coluber sp., see below). 



dhahh; Uromastyx spp. 



Distribution, — Uromastyx aegyptius (syn. U. spinipes) (Egyptian dabb lizard) and 
U. ocellatus (eyed dabb lizard) inhabit the northern portion of the Eastern Desert 
and are known by the Khushmaan as dhahh. U. aegyptius is locally common from 
the Cairo-Suez road south to Wadi Qena (Fig, 5). It lives in dispersed colonies, 
generally in sandy or gravelly areas with sparse vegetation. U. ocellatus occupies 
the southern half of the Eastern Desert; most records are from south of the 
mountainous granitic area west of Hurghada (Fig. 5). This species lives solitarily 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



83 




FIG. 3. — The distribution of abu sayha in the northern portion of the Egypt 



and observations (open triangles). 



specimens 



84 



GOODMAN 8z HOBBS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 




FIG. 4. — The distribution of hibayna in the northern portion of the Egyptian East- 
ern Desert. Records include Trapelus mutabilis specimens (closed squares) and Pseu- 
dotrapelus sinaita specimens (closed triangles) and observations (open triangles). 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 85 



in rocky or mountainous habitat with relatively dense vegetation. Marx (1968) 
reported a third species, U. acanthinurus (Bell's dabb lizard), from the area; the 
specimen this record was based on has been examined (FMNH 164664), and it is 
a young L7. aegyptius. A specimen obtained at Ismailiya (MHNP 1974.328) is refer- 
able to U. acanthinurus; however, some of the collecting details are not clear and 
this specimen should not be used as evidence for the occurrence of this species in 
the Eastern Desert. 



Bedouin taxonomy. — No linguistic distinction is made by the Khushmaan between 
L7. aegyptius and LZ. ocellatus, although they recognize two types of dhabb: the 
large one (U. aegyptius) occurring in the habitat of gravel plains such as Wadi 
Qena and Wadi Araba, and the smaller one (U. ocellatus) in the mountainous 
regions typified by such locales as Gebel Qattar, Gebel Abul Hassan, Wadi Umm 
Yasar, and Umm Diisi. Some Khushmaan feel the dhabb belongs to the class 
known as hayawaan, the true ruminating animals, because it eats only plants. 
Others, however, point out that the dhabb is an egg-layer, unlike the other animals 
of the hay aw a an cdiie^ory. The Khushmaan find significance in the resemblance 
between the hands of people or bani adam and the dhabb. 



Folklore. — Some Khushmaan have eaten the flesh of this lizard, but this is haraam 
(forbidden). When the flesh of the dhabb is placed in a fire, it twitches and shakes. 
Once a Khushmaan threw a rock at a dhabb, hitting it on the head. The lizard put 
its hands to its head, like a person with a headache. The dhabb is much respected 
for saving the Prophet's life. The Prophet Muhammad was fleeing from a person 
who wanted to kill him. After the Prophet entered a cave, a dhabb emerged and 
with his spine-covered tail erased the Prophet's tracks in the sand, throwing off 
the pursuer. 



Bedouin natural history, — ^The small dhabb is particularly fond of eating the flowers 
and seed pods of markh (Leptadenia pyrotechnica) and sayaal (Acacia raddiana). It 
also consumes kibaath (Launea spinosa), 'awshiz (Lycium shawiil hurbith (Lotononis 
platycarpa), himaadh (Rumex vesicarius), and dharagrag (Trigonella stellata). The 

Khushmaan explain that the resemblance of the dhabb's tail to the dhanaba dhabb 
plant (Blepharis ciliaris) accounts for the plant's name, which means "tail of the 
dhabb/' The plant yahmiim dhabbaani (Trichodesma africana), "the dhabb's 
yahmiim plant," is named for the small dhabb's fondness of eating it. 

The Khushmaan note that only four animals are active and feed at the hottest 
part of the day: the dhabb, dhabi (gazelle, Gazella dorcas\ badan (ibex), and bill 
(camel). The dhabb goes into its hole in winter and does not surface for 40 days; 
there it eats its own dung to stay alive. The small dhabb lives under rocks, not in 
tuimels like its larger counterpart. Predators include abul-husayn (fox, Vulpes 
spp.), ihdayii and 'ugaab (assorted hawks and eagles), and sagr (falcons). The 
Khushmaan have observed that if you give chase to a dhabb and beat the animal 
to its hole, it will "surrender" and allow you to pick it up. 



86 



GOODMAN & HOBBS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 




FIG. 5. — ^The distribution of dhabb in the northern portion of the Egyptian East- 
ern Desert. Records of Uromastyx aegyptius include specimens (closed squares) 
and observations (open squares) and U. ocellatus specimens (closed triangles) and 
observations (open triangles). 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 87 



Family Lacertidae 
arabuuna; lizard 



Distribution, — Four species of lacertid lizards are known from the Khushmaan 
territory and all are collectively known as arabuuna. These include: Acanlhodac- 
tylus boskianus, Bosc's lizard; Mcsalina guttulata (syn. Eremias guttulata), small- 
spotted lizard; Mesalina mbropiinctata (syn. Eremias rubropunclata), red-spotted 
lizard; and Ophisops elegans, Menetries lizard (Fig. 6; Appendix 1). 



Bedouin taxonomy, — ^The Khushmaan do not differentiate by name among any of 
the lacertid lizards living within their territory 



Folklore, — Arabuuna are respected by the Khushmaan and are not to be harmed. 
"If a little boy tries to catch it ... an old man says to him, no, don't kill the lizards, 
my son; they hold the keys to paradise." The erebona [ = arabuuna] drinks not like 
bani adam and most animals, but with its tongue like a dog (Tregenza 1955). 



Bedouin natural history. — These lizards tend to live in sandy wadi bottoms with 
sparse or essentially no vegetation. Known predators include the as-sill al-argat 
snake (Coluber sp., see below), the raahu (white stork, Ciconia ciconia), and the 
ghuraab (brown-necked raven, Corvus ruficollisX 



Family Varanidae 

zvarran or ivaral; Varamis griseus; desert monitor 



Distribution. — This species is rare and widely dispersed throughout the northern 
portion of the Eastern Desert (Fig. 7). 



Folklore. — The warran is considered venomous. A Khushmaan informant related 
how the efficacy against snake bite of a plant called ntuliih (Reaumuria hirtella) 
was discovered. Long ago, a man saw a battle between the poisonous aa/ snake 
(probably a cobra) and the warran. The monitor when fatigued and bitten ran 
periodically to a muliih bush and rubbed itself in it, returning repeatedly to do 
battle with the aaf. The man watching the fight uprooted the plant. The warran 
found the plant missing and could not "recharge," and was quickly dispatched by 
the snake. 



Bedouin natural history. — The warran is a voracious snake killer and uses its whip- 



When 



m 



may 



Comments. — The desert monitor is not venomous 



sometimes kill prey. The fine 



This 



1977). 



88 



GOODMAN & HOBBS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



30" 



29« 



n 



27 



26 



25 




FIG. 6. — The distribution of arahuuna in the northern portion of the Egyptian 
Eastern Desert. Records of Acanthodactylus boskianus include specimens (closed 
squares) and observations (open squares) and Mesalina guttulata specimens 
(closed triangles). 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



89 




FIG. 7 — ^The distribution of warran in the northern portion of the Egyptian 
Eastern Desert based on sight observations of Varanus griseus (closed triangles). 



90 



GOODMAN & HOBBS Vol. 14, No. 1 



Family Scincidae 

mallaja; Chalcides spp.; skinks 



Distribution. — ^Two species of scincids are known from the northern portion of the 
Eastern Desert: Chalcides ocellatus (eyed skink) and C. sepsoides (Audouin's sand 
skink) (Appendix 1). Some records from the area may be of accidental introduc- 
tions by people; skinks regularly turn up in supplies and are occasionally carted 
between localities, perhaps most often from the Nile Valley to the Eastern Desert. 
For example, a specimen of C. ocellatus found by JJH in camp supplies in Wadi 
Umm Tinavdhab almost certainly was carried from Wadi al-Radda. 



Bedouin taxonomy. — No apparent distinction is made by the Khushmaan 
these two species. Only C. ocellatus was captured in the company of our 
informants. Another lizard, called lukaaz, described as similar to the ma 
never observed by us, may well be C. sepsoides. 



Folklore, — The mallaja is venomous and responsible for the death of many 



The 



similar 



to the poison is great- 



ion to the brays. If a person is ''bitten" and then goes into 
immediately; even in the shade the chance of succumbing 



Bedouin natural history. — The Khushmaan consider the mallaja to be a rare animal 
in their territory Many middle-aged Bedouin have never seen this animal. It is 
known to bury itself in guff, the accumulated needle-like leaves of the yasar tree 
(Moringa peregrina), or in sand. These skinks have the ability to disappear into and 
move quickly through sand. 



Comments. — No skink is known to be poisonous. 



Family Colubridae 

as-sill al-argat or sill ahraq; Coluber spp. 



Distribution. — All of our records of this genus from the Khushmaan territory are of C. 
rhodorhachis, Jan's desert racer (Fig. 8). However, specimens and records of C. florulen- 
tus (flowered snake) and C. rogersi (Roger's snake) are known from the northern 
portion of the Eastern Desert (Appendbc 1; Anderson 1898; Flower 1933; Marx 1968). 



Bedouin taxonomy. 



^his snake is classified as a type of aaf (probably a cobra) 
was found by us in the company of our Bedouin compan 



cm 



known from the region 



may 



Folklore. 



venomous. No 



some bite-victims 



treatment 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



91 




FIG. 8. — The distribution of as-sill al-argat and hidhif in the northern portion of 
the Egyptian Eastern Desert. Records include specimens and photographs of 
Coluber rhodorhachis (closed squares), and specimens of Echis coloratiis (closed 
triangles) and observations (open triangles). 



92 



GOODMAN 



Vol. 14, No, 1 



Bedouin natural history .—The as-sill al-argat is rare in the area. The snake's loco- 
motion is different from the hanash (viper) in that it is not a side-wind 
rather leaves an "S-shaped" track. The as-sill al-argat eats brays, arabuuna, 
hihavna, and small abu shawk rodents (Acomys cahirinus). 



small 



Comments. — No Coluber spp. is known to have fangs or to be poisonous 



sill; Psammophis spp. 



Distribution. — ^The systematic status of Psammophis in the area is unresolved. Marx 



from 



Western Desert and distinguished it from P schokari 



Marx 



aegyptius has varied from a subspecies of P schokari to full species status (e.g., 
Kramer and Schnurrenberger 1963; Marx 1968; Welch 1982). There are areas within 
Egypt where P aegyptius and P schokari are sympatric (Goodman et al. 1985), and 
both have been collected in the Egyptian Eastern Desert (Fig. 9). 



gur. 



Bedouin natural history. — The sill is often found under bushes such as 
(Ochradenus baccutus), natash (Crotalaria aegyptiaca), and markh where they lie in 
wait for small birds attracted to the vegetation. They are known to take several 



Family Sylviidae), and slaygaw (wheatears, 



Merops apiaster), f\ 



»ple, but is not venomous 



winter. 



Family Elapidae 
aaf; cobra? 



Identification and distribution. — ^We have not been able to capture or view any 
snakes referred to as the aaf in the company of our Bedouin informants. The 
identification of this animal with a single species of snake is problematical, in part 
because of the variation in the Bedouin's descriptions of its appearence. It is 
reported by some Khushmaan as being a very long venomous snake, with a hood, 
and green to beige coloration. It is common in the riif (Nile Valley), but not in the 
desert. A very black aaf was once observed by a Bedouin in Wadi al-Maniih. 
Another Khushmaan description of the aaf is that it moves in a straight line like 
the sill, and is whitish grey with white spots (Tregenza 1958). 

The only elapid known from the Eastern Desert is the rare Walter innesia 
aegyptia (Inne's cobra), which occurs in the northern portion of the area (Appen- 
dix 1). It is completely black and the record from Wadi al-Maniih may well b< 
this species. Two other cobras, Naja naje (Egyptian cobra) and JV. mossambica [ - 
nigricollis] (spitting cobra) are found in the Nile Valley but to our knowledge hav< 
not been documented in the Eastern Desert verv far from the valley. One Khush 



N. 



maan mentioned that the aaf lives in the middle elevations (300-6( 
sea-level) of the basement-complex mountains, such as Gebel Qattar. 



m 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



93 




FIG. 9. 



in 



specimens of Psammophis schoka 



P. aegi/ptius (closed triangles) and observations of Psammophis spp. (open 
triangles) 



94 



GOODMAN & HOBBS Vol. U, No. 1 



Folklore. — In a battle between the warran and the aaf, 
the medicinal qualities of a plant called muliih (see c 



Family Viperidae 

hanash; Cerastes cerastes; greater horned viper 



Distribution.— This species is widely distributed throughout the region (Fig. 10) 
tends to occur in sandy wadi bottoms with sparse vegetation. A drainage west 
Wadi Qena with a particularly high concentration of hanash was named by t 
Bedouins "Umm Duud" "the mother of crawling creatures 



// 



Folklore. 



animal which the Khushmaan 



venom 



nomads, particularly children. Hanash 



direct blows. If the animal is hidden in a large bush such as gurdhy, the vegetation 
is set ablaze. Dispatched vipers are often buried in the ground, so that if a person 
or domestic animal steps on the bones they will not be envenomated. The ani- 
mal's entire body is regarded as toxic. Thus, for example, if an ant has been 



crawls 



may be indirectly poisoned 



Bedouin natural history. — The Khushmaan report that hanash come 



with or without horns. All hanash are side-winders. Some 

with horns (ahu guruun, the "father of horns") are 



always males 



example, of seven vipers killed 



und in one spot, only one possessed 

horns. 

There is some disagreement as to whether the fox eats this snake; some 
informants stated that fox do not consume vipers, while others said they readily 
do so. Fresh remains of a viper were found in a fox cache in Wadi Umm Haadh. 
Dogs (kalb) apparently eat hanash with no ill effects. The warran hunts the 
hanash by swishing its tail in rodent burrows and other holes where the snake 
resides. When it finds a sleeping viper, the warran strikes the snake with its whip- 



The 



always 
gularly take staygaw and / 



from the eround below or from middle branches of markh bushes. When 



moummg 



alarm call. Whea tears performing 



Bedouin were 



of 



nza 



Vipers are more common in summer than at other times of the year, and 
become more so after rain, when vegetation cover and rodent populations 
increase. They are regularly found under yasar and markh, the latter particularly 
in the summer. It is thought that during the winter, when vipers are in holes or 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



95 



»• 



29 



28 



27"- 



26 



25-- 




FIG. 10. — ^The distribution of hanash in the northern portion of the Egyptian 
Eastern Desert. Records of Cerastes cerastes include specimens (closed squares) 
and observations (open squares). 



96 



GOODMAN & HOBBS Vol. 14, No. 1 



burrows, they eat sand to survive. Hanash never drink water. They can often be 
found in and under mashta (Cleome droserifolia); a plant known to repel other 
pests such as ticks. One informant mentioned they had once found eight viper 
eggs in loose wadi-bottom sand, buried less than one inch below the surface. 
Infant hanash, like the adults, make a characteristic manaam al-hanash or viper- 
sleeping place in the sand. This is a subtle but sure clue to the Bedouins of the 
vioer's presence below the surface. 



Hanash bite. — There are many vivid accounts of Khushmaan 
snake, the venom of which is not always fatal. At one disci 



Khushmaan 



succumb to the venom. Most 



more 



victim expires almost immediately 



eral cases of people being bitten on different occasions and surviving each 
instance. Numerous camels have died after being bitten by this snake on the 
nose or mouth. 

There is disagreement about some of the treatments for hanash bite. A few 
Khushmaan believe the application of a poultice of garlic to the bite is useful; 
more commonly a poultice of the plant muliih is applied to bites on both people 
and domestic animals. Treatment by a hazvi or hawiyya is always desirable. 



sayda; Cerastes vipera; lesser horned viper 



Distribution. — Cerastes vipera is a rare snake in the northern portion of the Eastern 
Desert and is apparently confined to sandy wadis and dunes (Appendix 1; also 
see Anderson 1898; Flower 1933). We did not meet with this species during our 
travels in the region. Bedouin informed us the sayda is found in sandy areas of 
Wadi at-Tarfa, Wadi Arkas, and Wadi Abu Haadh. 



Bedouin description. — ^This snake is described as a small venomous viper, 100-130 
mm long, with a blackish tail and a slim white to greyish body. It buries itself in 
the sand. We were unable to observe a sayda in the company of our Khushmaan 
companions, but the above characteristics are diagnostic of Cerastes vipera. 



Medicine. — There is some variation in the type of snake used in the Khushmaan 
medicinal concoction to make one ''strong" and to treat backache. One informant 
mentioned it is the sayda, not hidhif (Echis coloratus, see next species), that is 
skinned, the body dried between flat stones, crushed to a powder, mixed with a 
small amount of milk, and drunk. (Also see Tregenza [19581 for a detailed descrip- 
tion of the preparation and use of this medicine.) 



hidhif; Echis coloratus; Burton's carpet viper 



Distribution, 



throughout 



of the Eastern Desert (Fig. 8). Another species, Echis pyramidum (syn. E. carinatus), 



saw 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 97 



Bedouin natural history. — The hidhifiavors rocky areas and is often found between 
cracks in stones. It occurs at high ahitudes, including the summit of Gebel Shayib 
el Banat (2,187 m above sea-level). 



Hidhif bite. — The venom of this snake is extremely virulent and equal to that of 
the hanash. The complete animal (skin, meat, and spittle) is regarded as 
poisonous. Some people are apparently immune to the snake's venom; a hidhif bit 
one Khushmaan and he survived, althoueh the fineer affected became deformed. 



Medicine. — A dried hidhif, crushed, mixed with milk, and drunk makes one 
strong and able to walk great distances. A similar concoction, minus the head, is 
used to relieve backaches. 



DISCUSSION 



The Khushmaan Ma'aza Bedouins of Egypt's Eastern Desert categorize nearly 
all reptiles as duud, literally "worms" but meaning essentially "crawling, non- 
ruminating, unclean animals." This single category incorporates what are two 



most cultures 



"snake," including 



wu 



small creatures other than those pertaining to "bird," "fish," and "snake" catego- 
ries. In this respect, Khushmaan folk taxonomy differs from the classification 
scheme present in the modern standard Arabic of urban cultures in the Middle 



which differentiates "snake" and "wug 



// 



same 
most 



combine these categories inhabit high 



where 



inconspicuous (Brown 1984), the Khushmaan live in an environment 



Khushmaan classification of most reptiles as duud verifies Berlin's principle 
that ethnobiological taxonomy is based primarily on affinities which people have 
observed among the taxa themselves, independent of cultural significance of these 
taxa (Berlin 1992). There is an extremely wide range of Khushmaan cultural attrib- 
utes to reptiles, and these have clearly challenged the Bedouin themselves with 
some important questions about their own hierarchical scheme of the natural 
world. Some reptiles are to be respected for their contributions to humankind: the 
Uromastyx lizard saved the Prophet Muhammad's life; the lacertid lizards hold the 
"keys to paradise;" and the desert monitor revealed the medicinal efficacy of a 
plant. Other reptiles are demonized and like the vipers are to be destroyed on sight 
or like the geckos to be avoided altogether. The cultural status of Uromastyx is so 
peculiar that individual Bedouins disagree on whether it deserves a special "be- 
twixt and between" category outside of the duud. It is believed to ruminate and to 
have anatomical and behavioral likenesses to humans. Some Bedouins therefore 
regard it as "clean"' and edible, while others emphasize that it is too humanlike to 
kill. Such variations in ethnobiological information are common within cultures, 
often varying with the gender and age of the informants (Berlin 1992); however, no 
particular pattern in these differences is apparent with the Khushmaan. There is 
consensus on the vipers: they are toxic, unclean, and not to be consumed. Yet here 



98 



GOODMAN & HOBBS Vol. 14, No. 1 



culture has created exception to its own 



ig, some vipers are highly effective analgesics and stimulants. 

Khushmaan reptile taxonomy has a high degree of correspondence with 



Western 



most folk classification schemes 



Western scientific taxonomy 



remarkable overlap in Khushmaan and Western scientific knowledge of many 
fViP r\\f^f^r\7 and othpr bphaviors of desert reptiles. More striking contrasts ex 



Western scientific and Khushmaan knowledg 



animals. The Bedouins regard as venomous 



skinks, desert monitor 



some 



sickness or death on people even by minimal 



contact with eating utensils. In most 



merelv its head, venom 



Khushmaan ethnoherpetology thus presents its Western counterpart with 
opportunities and puzzles. On the one hand, as the Bedouin natural history notes 



nomads have much 



Khushmaan 



more challeneine. We 



hidden beneath the sand. Can we 



animal 



From the Bedouin point of view 



time observing the animal to know that it eats sand, but why can not we see t 
viper buried in the sand and why do not we know that all of the animal 
poisonous? Future partnerships in the field will reveal more about our cultu: 



we 



NOTE 



^The following acronyms have been used: BMNH = British Museum (Natural History), 
London; CAS = California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco; FMNH = Field Museum of 
Natural History Chicago; MHNP = Museum National d'Histoire Naturelle, Paris; UMMZ 
= University of Michigan Museum of Zoology, Ann Arbor; and USNM ^ United States 
National Museum, Washington, DC 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



The 



86), the Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Program, the American 



School 



We are grateful 



numerous 



Kraus and Scott 



Ehjtch. Mark Wilkinson 



Meininger 



Museum (Natural History). Steven Anderson, Fred Kraus 
rer provided helpful comments on an earlier version of this 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



99 



LITERATURE CITED 



ANDERSON, JOHN. 1898, Zoology of 
Egypt. VoL I, Reptilia and Batrachia. 
Quaritch, London. 

BERLIN, BRENT. 1992. Ethnobiological 
Classification: Principles of Categori- 
zation of Plants and Animals in Tradi- 
tional Societies. Princeton University 
Press, Princeton. 

BONS, JACQUES. 1959. Les lacertiliens du 
sud-ouest marocain. Travaux ITnstitut 
Scientifique Cherifien, serie zoologie 
no. 18:1-128. 

BROWN, CECIL H. 1984. Language and 
Living Things: Uniformities in Folk 
Classification and Naming. Rutgers 
University Press, New Brunswick. 

CAPOCACCIA, LILIA. 1977 Rettili del 
Gebel Uweinat. Annalen Koninklijk 
Museum voor Midden-Afrika, series 
8, no. 217:37-44. 

CORKILL, N. L. 1935a. A Kadugli cobra 
trap. Sudan Notes and Records 18:131- 
135. 



— . 1935b. Snake stories from Kor- 
dofan. Sudan Notes and Records 

18:243-258. 



COTTAM 

TAM. 



White 



with notes on its habits. Sudan Notes 
and Records 6:39-50. 

FLOWER, STANLEY SMYTH. 1933. Notes 
on the recent reptiles and amphibians 
of Egypt, with a list of the species 
recorded from the Kingdom. Proceed- 
ings of the Zoological Society of Lon- 
don 1933:735-851. 

GOODMAN, STEVEN M. and JOSEPH J. 
HOBBS. 1988. The ethnobotany of the 
Egyptian Eastern Desert: A com- 
parison of common plant usage be- 



cu 



groups 

ogy 23:73-89. 



Ethnopharmacol 



GOODMAN, STEVEN M., FRED KRAUS, 
and SHERIF M. BAHA EL DIN. 1985. 
Records of terrestrial reptiles from 



Wildlife 



Egypt 



sources 6:26-31. 

BBS, JOSEPH J. 1986. Bedouin Recon- 
ciliation with the Egyptian Desert. 



Unpublished Ph.D. Dissertation, De- 
partment of Geography, University of 
Texas at Austin. 

. 1989. Bedouin life in the Egyptian 



wilderness. University of Texas Press, 
Austin. 
KRAMER, EUGEN and HANS SCHNUR- 
RENBURGER. 1963. Systematik, Ver- 
breitung und Okologie der Libyschcn 
Schlangen. Revue Suisse de Zoologie. 

70:453-568. 

LANDAU, JACOB M. 1959. A Word Count 
of Modern Arabic Prose. American 
Society of Learned Societies, New 
York. 

MARINKELLE, C. J. 1959. Volksgeloof en 
geneeskunde in Noord-Afrika. Lacerta 
17:52-55. 

MARX, HYMEN. 1958. Egyptian snakes of 
the genus Psammophis, Fieldiana: Zoo- 
logy 39:191-200. 

. 1968. Checklist of the Reptiles and 



Amphibians of Egypt. Special Publica- 
tion, United States Naval Medical Re- 



Three 



SCOTT, 



Historical Biogeographical Relation- 
ships of the Genera in the Family 
Agamidae (Reptilia: Lacertilia). Un- 
published Ph.D. Dissertation, Depart- 
ment of Zoology, University of Michi- 
gan, Ann Arbor. 
TACKHOLM, VIVI. 1974. Students' Hora 
of Egypt. Cairo University, Beirut. 



The 
Oxford 



sity Press, London. 



. 1958. Egyptian Years. Oxford Uni- 



versity Press, London. 
VERNET, R. 1977. Recherches sur I'ecologie 
de Varanus griseus Daudin (Reptilia, 
Sauria, Varanidae) dans les 6cosys- 
temes sableaux du Sahara nord-occi- 
dental (Algerie). Unpublished Ph.D. 
Dissertation, I'Universite Pierre et 

Marie Curie, Paris. 
WELCH, KENNETH R. G. 1982. Herpetol- 
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ography of the orders Amphisbaenia, 
Sauria, and Serpentes. Private print- 
ing, Malabar, Florida. 



100 



GOODMAN & HOBBS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. 



Specimen records of some rare or uncom- 
mon reptiles in the northern Egyptian 
Eastern Desert (includes some species 
mentioned in main text). 



Chalcides sepsoides — Wadi Gindali (FMNH 
152642); 48 km west of Suez (FMNH 
78976-78); and Ain Sukhna (FMNH 
75556). 



Family Gekkonidae 

Stenodactylus stenodactylus — Wadi Hof 
(BMNH 1910.6.3.4); 29 km east of 
Cairo along Cairo-Suez Road (FMNH 
82821); road to Katamiya Observatory 
(FMNH 152637); and Ras Gharib 
(BMNH 9710.28.22). 



Family Agamidae 

Trapelus savignyi — 37 km south of halfway 

point along Cairo-Suez Road (FMNH 

152887). 



Family Lacertidae 

Mesalina rubropunctata — Ain Sukhna 

(FMNH 75566); and Ras Gharib 

(FMNH 78700). 
Ophisops elegans — Wadi Araba, near Ras 

Zafarana (FMNH 152664-65). 



Family Scincidae 

Chalcides ocellatus—lQO km east of Cairo 
along Cairo-Suez Road (FMNH 72228); 
branch of Wadi Iseili, 24 km east Kata- 
miya Observatory (FMNH 152716); 48 
km west of Suez (FMNH 78993): Ain 



(FMNH 



(FMNH 



Wadi el Asyut 



Family Colubridae 

Coluber florulentus— Suez (USNM 130593); 

and "Eastern Desert" (USNM 136426). 
Coluber rogersi — 17 km east of Cairo, near 

Suez Road (FMNH 75290); and Wadi 

el Nasuri (FMNH 69262). 
Lytorhynchus diadema — Gebel Galala el 

Qibyla, mouth of Wadi Askar ( UMMZ 

183173). 
Malpolon moilensis — 17 km east of Cairo, 

near Suez Road (FMNH 75284). 
Spalerosophis diadema — Wadi Iseili, 24 km 

east of Katamiya Observatory (FMNH 

153050). 



Family Elapidae 

Walterinnesia aegyptia — Gebel Suez, near 
Suez (FMNH 68810); Wadi el Nasuri 
(FMNH 72025, 72321); and about 36 
km east of Cairo (FMNH 69240). 



Family Viperidae 

Cerastes vipera — branch of Wadi Iseili, 36 

km east of Katamiya Observatory 

(FMNH 142976); and Beni Hassan 

(BMNH 9710.28.636). 
Echis carinatus — Gebel Moqattam (BMNH 

11.1.3; USNM 37339; CAS 38722). 



/. 



Summer 1994 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 



COMMENTS 



REQUESTS FOR INFORMATION may 



be submitted to the News and Comments editor in addition to items 
sections included below. Because the Journal 
items must be received at least six months i 



PROJECTS AND PROGRAMS 



The Centre for Nutrition and the Environment of Indigenous Peoples 
(CINE) recently opened its new offices and laboratories on the Macdonald Campus 
of McGill University in Ste-Anne-de-Bellevue, Quebec. Established as an inde- 
pendent and permanent research and education center for Indigenous Peoples, 
CINE addresses concerns about the integrity of traditional food systems. The staff 
of CINE is focusing initially on Northern Canada, but looks to develop links and 
cooperative programs internationally. 

CINE represents a novel partnership in which Indigenous Peoples and aca- 
demically-trained scientists work together in a university setting. Its policies, 
research, and educational activities are determined by a Governing Board com- 
posed of representatives of the Assembly of First Nations, Council for Yukon 
Indians, Dene Nation, Inuit Circumpolar Conference, Inuit Tapirisat of Canada, 
and the Metis Nation of the Northwest Territories. The director of the Centre is 
Harriet V Kuhnlein and the associate director is Timothy Johns. Graduate stu- 
dents can become associated with the Centre by registering in an affiliated degree 



program at McGill 



McGill University, Macdonald 



Anne -de -Belle vue QC 



mail address CYNE@MUS1CA.MCGILL 



Conservation Commission 



Territory, Australia are focusing on promoting 



rams 



nobotanical surveys carried out with speakers of Djambarrpuyngu, Emi/Bat- 
jamal, Alawa, Mudburra, Mangarrayi, Ngarinyman, and many other languages, 
they have developed plant walks in the Darwin Botanic Garden, posters, and 
popular booklets. A booklet on Mudburra ethnobotany, for example, contains 
descriptions of 99 species of useful plants, many of which are illustrated to facili- 
tate identification in the field. The booklets, inspired by the wish of Aboriginal 
elders to record their traditional knowledge, are designed and produced to stimu- 
late voiincrpr Ahnrio-inal nponlp ho Iparn about traditional culture in their contem- 



curriculum 



themes such as Bush Medicine, Bush Timber 



Bush Pandanus. 



102 NEWS AND COMMENTS Vol. 14, No. 1 



The ethnobotanical information from various Aboriginal groups has been con- 
solidated in a comprehensive publication. Traditional Aboriginal Medicines in the 
Northern Territory of Australia. This 650-page book details the local uses of 167 
medicinal plants as well as some animals and minerals that have been documented 



more information 



Commission of the Northern 



merston 



The Foundation for Revitalisation of Local Health Traditions (FRLHT) is a 

nongovernmental organization whose main objective is to bring about a revival of 
India's medical heritage. The FRHLT has begun a medicinal plants conservation 
project in Kerala, Karnataka, and Tamil Nadu, three states in southern India. A 
net work— called INMEDGERN (Indian Medicinal Plants Genetic Resources Net- 



wor 



Medicinal 



some 



Departments 



environmental and health NGOs. These areas will protect a large number 
species— including endemics and threatened medicinal plants 



from 



major 



demonstrate methods 



ms 



able production and use of medicinal plants in classical and folk syst( 
of Indian medicine. For additional information, contact FRLHT, 50, 2nd Stage, 
3rd Main, MSH Layout, Anand Nagar, Bangalore— 560 024, India; Telephone 
91.80.3336909; Fax 91.80.3334167. 



CONFERENCES AND SEMINARS 



International 



theme 



of this congress is "Ethnobiology in Human Welfare." It will be held from Novem 



National 



Lucknow 500 km 



programme 



symposia, contributed papers, and poster sessions. The official language will be 
English, although posters in other languages will be accepted. Registration fees 
are US$100 for international delegates, US$60 for students and delegates from 
developing countries, and Rs. 800 for participants from India. Fees for accom- 
panying persons are 25% less. A number of postcongress field trips and sight- 
seeing tours are being planned. For the latest circular and any additional informa- 
tion, contact: Dr. S.K. Jain, Chair, Organising Committee Fourth ICE, National 
Botanical Research Institute, Lucknow, India 226001; telephone 91.522.236431; 
telex 0535-2315; fax 91.522.244330 or 243111 



JOURNALS AND OTHER MEDIA 



The Regional Network for the Chemistry of Natural Products in Southeas 
Asia publishes a newsletter twice a year. The latest issue (volume 17, number 1 
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Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 103 



ber nations, research reports and general news on scientific exchanges, lecture 
series, and conferences. The Network, which started operations in 1975, is a 



mam 



training capabiHties of national faculties and institutions through regional pro- 
grams such as training courses, workshops, seminars, and exchange of personnel 



information, and to promote 



from UNESCO's regular budget and throu 



more information, contact: Mr Fumin 



Japa 



M 



Thamrin 14, Tromolpos 1273/JKT, Jakarta 10012, INDONESIA; telephone 
62.21.3141308; fax 62.21.3150382. 

The Botany 2000 — Asia Newsletter is published 4 times a year by the UNESCO 
Regional Office of Science and Technology for South and Central Asia. The latest 
issue (volume 2, number 4; December 1993) contains news on workshops, training 
courses, databases, projects, and forthcoming meetings as well as reports on 
unauthorized collection and export of medicinal plants from the region. The 
editor requests one to two page articles and reports of seminars and meetings of 
general relevance to botany and ethnobotany in Asia. Apart from producing the 
newsletter, the UNESCO Botany 2000 — Asia program sponsors occasional work- 
shops on the taxonomy, ethnobotany, and chemistry of various plant families as 
well as training courses in herbarium techniques and curation. For more informa- 
tion, contact: Marius van Alphen, editor, UNESCO /ROSTSC A, 8 Poorvi Marg, 
Vasant Vihar, New Delhi 11005Z INDIA; telephone 91.11.677310, 676308, 676285 or 
676588; fax 91.11.6873351. 



BOOK REVIEWERS NEEDED 



The following titles have been received for review in the Journal of Ethnobiol- 
ogy and are still awaiting reviewers: 

The Ethnobotany of Southern Balochistan, Pakistan, with Particular Reference 
to Medicinal Plants. Steven M. Goodman and Abdul Ghafoor. Fieldiana: Botany: 
New Series, No. 31, 1992. Pp.v, 84. (paperbound). ISSN 0015-0746. 

Aboriginal Health and History: Power and Prejudice in Remote A 

Ernest Hunter. New York: Cambridge University Press. 1993. Pp. 318. 
(hardcover). ISBN 0-521-41629-9. 



($59.95) 



The Cultural Relations of Classification: An Analysis of Nuaulu Animal Cata- 
gories From Central Seram. Roy Ellen. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge 



($64 



ISBN 0-521-431 14-X 



Domestication of Plants in the Old World (Second Edition). Daniel Zohary i 
Maria Hopf. Clarendon Press: Oxford Science Publications, 1993. Pp. 278. ($35 
(hardcover). ISBN 0-19-854795-1 



104 



NEWS AND COMMENTS Vol. 14, No. 1 



Edible Wild Plants of Sub-Saharan Africa. Charles R. Peters, Eileen M. O'Brien, 

r 

Robert B. Drummond. Kew, Richmond, Surrey: Royal Botanic Gardens. 1992. 
Pp. 239. (15 £) (softcover). ISBN 947643 51 6. 

Foraging and Farming in the Eastern Woodlands. Edited by C. Margaret Scarry. 
University Press of Florida, 1993. Pp. 366. ($4995) (hardcover) ISBN 0-8130-1235-X 

The Iron Age Community of Osteria deU'Osa. A Study of Socio-political Devel- 
opment in Central Tyrrhenian Italy. Anna Maria Bietti Sestieri. Cambridge, U.K.: 
Cambridge University Press, 1992. Pp. xii, 271. ISBN 0-521-32628-1. 

Life Cycles. Reflections of an Evolutionary Biologist. John Tyler Bonner. Prince- 
ton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1993. Pp. 209. $19.95 (hardcover). 
ISBN 0-691-03319-6. 

Native American Cultural Resource Studies at Yucca Mountain, Nevada. Rich- 
ard W. Stoff le, David B. Halmo, John E. Olmsted and Michael J. Evans. Ann Arbor: 
Institute for Social Research, The University of Michigan. 1990. Pp. xxiv, 232. 
(paperbound). ISBN 0-87944-328-6. 

The Nature of Shamanism: Substance and Function of a Religious Metaphor. 

Michael Ripinsky-Naxon. State University of New York Press, 1993. Pp. 289. 
($5750) (hardcover). ISBN 0-7914-1385-3 

Phytolith Systematics: Emerging Issues. George Rapp, Jr., and Susan C. Mulhol- 



New York: Plenum Press, 1992. Pp 350. $49 



0-036-44208-6. 



Polynesian Herbal Medicine. W. Arthur Whistler. Lawai, Kauai, Hawaii: Na- 
tional Tropical Botanical Garden. 1992. Pp. x, 238. ISBN 0-915809-16-8. 

Primate Behavion Information, Social Knowledge, and the Evolution of Cul- 
ture. Duane Quiatt and Vernon Reynolds. Cambridge University Press: Cam- 
bridge Studies in Biological Anthropology, 1993. Pp. 322. (hardcover) ISBN 



-521-35255 -X 



;ss in Old World Palaeoethnobotany. A retrospective view on the occa: 
^ears of the International Work Group for Palaeoethnobotany. Willem 
Krystyna Wasylikowa and Karl-Ernst Behre (Editors). Rotterdam, Nel 



Vermont: A.A. Belkema, 1991. Pp. ix, 350. $60 



ISBN 



Smallholders, Householders. Robert McC. Netting. Stanford, California: Stan- 
ford University Press, 1993. Pp. xxi, 389. $49.50 (hardcover), $16.95 (paperback). 
ISBN 0-8047-2061-4 (hardcover), 0-8047-2102-5 (paperback). 

Soils in Archaeology: Landscape Evolution and Human Occupation. Editied by 
Vance T. HoUiday. Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992. Pp. 254. ($39.95) (hard- 
cover) ISBN 1-56098-111-3 

Weaving the Threads of Life: The Khita Gyn-Eco-Locical Healing Cult Among 



($19.95) 



Chicago 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 105 



If you would like to review any of these books and would be able to have 
your review completed within four months after receiving the book, please write 



to: 



Nancy J. Turner 
ook Review Editor for the Journal of . 
Environmental Studies Program, P.O 

University of Victoria 
Victoria, British Columbia 



V8W 



mail 



/. Ethnobiol. 14(1):106-139 



Summer 1994 



BOOK REVIEWS 



The Relieious Iconoeraphv of a Peruvian Shaman 



Amarin 



$60 



55643-064-7. 



Amazon Healer: The Life and Times of an Urban Shaman. Marlene Dobkin de 
Rios. Bridport, United Kingdom: Prism Press (2 South Street, Bridport, Dor- 
set, DT6 3NQ England). 1992. Pp. 180. $10.95 U.S.; 7.95 pounds sterling (paper- 
back). ISBN 1-85327-076-8. 



Guiado Pela Lua: Xamanismo e Uso Ritual da Ayahuasca no Culto do Santo 
Daime. Edward MacRae. Sao Paolo, Brazil: Editora Brasiliense (Av. Marques 
de Sao Vicente 1771, Sao Paolo 01139, Brasil). 1992. Pp. 163. (price not given; 
text in Portuguese) (paperback). ISBN 85-11-07035-4. 



with the recent uDSuree in lav and scientific interest in shamanic 



Amazonian 



contemporary, 



its 



// 



, mestizo use of ayahuasca, mainly in an urban setting. Although th 
modern resurgence in use of ancient entheogens like peyotl (Lophoph 
Lem.] Coulter) and teonandcatl (psilocybian mushrooms, especia 
^eciesX ayahuasca had found its niche in the modern world long bef< 
3very" by the entheogenic subculture. Mestizo ayahuasqueros, havi 
1 their jungle homes for city life, have continued to practice shama 
urban areas of Peru and Colombia, even as their Indian relatr 



man") and other " 



decreasing measure, to commune with Sacha Runa (the ''jungle 
>lant spirits," in ever-diminishing islands of primary rainforest 
throughout Amazonia. This urban shamanic use of ayahuasca is the subject of 
Ayahuasca Visions and Amazon Healer, whereas the Portuguese Guiado Pela Lua 
(Guided by the Moon: Shamanism and Ritual Use of Ayahuasca in the Santo Daime Cult) 
focuses on the syncretistic Christian church of Santo Daime, which has adopted 
ayahuasca as the Eucharist. Both the religious and urban shamanic use of the 
Amazonian ambrosia continue to expand internationally, far beyond their South 
American homes. 

Ayahuasca Visions is a large-format art book, with 49 full-color, 19.7x26.4 cm 
plates of tempera paintings by Peruvian shaman/artist Pablo Amaringo, a bilin- 
gual Quechua speaker born in Peruvian Amazonia of parents with Cocama, 
Lamista (or Lama) and Piro Indian blood (all three traditional ayahuasca-usin^ 
groups). After a general introduction to the subject of Amazonian shamanism and 
ayahuasca by Luna, there follows Luna's biography of Amaringo, in which we 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 107 



learn how he first sampled the potion at age 10, and became a vegelalista or plant- 



Much 



Amarin 



Luna "discovered" his art in 1985. Besides detailed landscape paintings, Amaringo 
had painted a couple of his ayahuasca visions; indeed, he says he learned to paint 
from ayahuasca. On questioning Amaringo with regard to plants and other ele- 



ments 



means 



years, there flourished a rich collaboration between Amaringo and Luna (Luna is 
a Colombian anthroDoloeist, currently a lecturer at the Swedish School of Eco- 



nomics 



Amaringo to paint some 



were 



Following an introd 
motifs, and the musical 



(number 



asmagoric 



2 pages of text 



written bv Amarineo himself, explainine the vision, its m 



animals present. Amaringo 



accom 



information 



ethnological and ethnobotanical data, demonstrating 



means 



documentation. Luna has also helped establish Amarineo in the Latin American 



market by promoting 



eruvian Amazon, the Usko-Ayar Amazonian 
some 600 students! Luna has also promoted the 



more talented of Amaring 



movement 



medicine 



Amazonian artists. Luna and Amaringo are to be commended for this 
example of the integration of shamanism and science; veritably the art of 
3tany in full flower! Besides being a lavish visual feast, Ayahuasca Visions is 
source of scientific information, and features the largest bibliography on 
ca yet assembled, and a useful 5-page (5 columns per page) index, includ- 
ntific and vernacular names for the organisms depicted in the visions. The 



well 



information these and the accompanying 



notes represent. 



Marlene Dobkin de Rios' new 



Hallucinogenic Healing 



m 



from the same 



Amazonian basin as Pablo Amaringo. Born in 1917 near the Amazonian 



m 



in traditional territory of the Shipibo 
iracterizes urban veQetalistas and/or a\ 



108 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



mestizo descendants of the tribal shaman/healer known throughout Amazonia 



many 



m 1630-1768), who 



more 



boom 



boom, little of indigenous Amazonian 



remained untouched. Dobkin de Rios here gives special attention to Septrionism 



which 



mysticism / spiritualism 



initiates to the Septrionic Mystical Order in Lima 



members 



amone them 



from 



documents two "particularly impressive 



was 



// 



and in a curious introductory chapter, 
attempts to explain or justify traditional healing by the "transducer effect/' a 
haphazard look at scientific concepts like hypnosis, endogenous analgesics and 
immune stimulation 
better have been left out. 

An important chapter, "The Plant Pharmacopoeia" suffers from 
ethnobotanical information. The author discusses "hallucinoeenic Fsic 



mi 



// 



3n Hilde, mentioning chiricsanango without giving its botanical identification 
ifelsia grandiflora D. Don subsp. schuUesii Plowman — should one dig a bit. 



name 



it can be found in Table II that the "probable botanical 
B. grandiflora). Whereas chacruna is identified in the text as Psychotria viridis Ruiz 
et Pavon; one has again to dig into the tables to discover that the toe additive 
to ayahuasca is a Brugmansia species. A number of the 32 organisms (including 



pharmacopoeia 
mentioned in Ta 



may 



conform to identifications by Plowman " In a field study involving a cons 

able number of ethnomedicinal plants, this is simply not acceptable. Why was the 
botanical identification not available? Why did the author fail to collect and 
deposit voucher specimens of all of the medicinal plants she mentions? This 
would not be up to standards in ethnobiological journals such as the Journal of 
Ethnobiology (Anon. 1990), and any ethnobiologists would do well to adhere to 
scientific journal standards in book publications as well. There is no chemical/ 



armacoloeical information 



omission. After a chapter in which some 



Hilde's conversations with the author are recorded intact, the book concludes 
with a chapter on the 
Dobkin de Rios to frame 



"vidente phenomenon 



small but useful bibliop^ranhv. and thp book suffers from 



the lack of an index. 



4 



Edward MacRae's second book Guiado Pela Lua fills an important gap in the 
ature on the Amazonian ayahuasca complex — the history and sociology of the 
dlian cult of Santo Daime, a contemporary Christian cult grounded in Amazo- 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 109 



nian shamanism, in which the use of ayahuasca as sacrament is fundamental. 
Apart from a paper in Spanish on one (primarily urban) Brazilian branch of this 
cult (Henman 1986X and two short papers on branches of the cult in Acre (Lowy 
1987; Prance 1970), no scientific papers have been published on this important 
contemporary syncretistic religion, and it is to be hoped that MacRae's Por- 
tuguese book will be translated into English and Spanish. Three introductory 
chapters discuss the relationship between entheogenic drugs (here we find the 
neologism entheogens used in print in Portuguese) and shamanism; the key role of 
ayahuasca and other "plant teachers" in Amazonian shamanism; and Amazonian 



mestizo 



commences 



Raimundo Irineu Serra, or Mestre 



■ 

(MacRae 



in 



masses 



the auspices of his Centro de Iluminagao Crista Luz Universal (CICLU). Mestre 
Irineu's doctrine was based on eclectic Christianity, with Daime (or ayahuasca; 
from invocations like "Daime luz, for^a, amor . . ." "grant me light, strength, 
love . . /') as the solar, masculine element, and the lunar, feminine aspect personi- 
fied as Nossa Senhora da Conceigao or Rainha da Floresta. 

From Mestre Irineu's CICLU cult in the state of Acre in the Brazilian Amazon, 
also called Alto Santo, there derived several branches, especially the group of 
Sebastiao Mota de Melo or Padrinho Sebastiao, who set up a related cult in Acre 
called Colonia 5000. When Padrinho Sebastiao's group incorporated marijuana 
(Cannabis spp.) into the ritual, the federal police raided Colonia 5000 in 1981, 



this time, Padrinho 



commune called Ceu do Mapi 



in 1982 the first urban branch of the Daime cult was established in Rio de Janeiro, 
the Chamou-se Centro Eclectico Fluente Luz Universal Sebastiao Mota de Melo 
(CEFLUSME). An independent ayahuasca church, the Centro Espirita Beneficente 
Uniao do Vegetal (UDV), started m Acre in 1961, had meanwhile become Brazil's 



became 



om 



government to overturn the ban on the sacrament 



was accordingly done in 1987, after a government commission had studied tne cult 
and determined it to be genuine and sincere. Another attempt (with right-wing 
political motivation) in 1988 to illegalize ayahuasca also failed, after a second high- 
level government commission again gave the cult a clean bill of heath, and recom- 
mended permanent exemption of ayahuasca from Brazilian controlled substances 
laws. The church continues to grow in strength in Brazil, and the various Daime 
groups have many miUions of members. Impressive quantities of the sacramental 
potion are prepared from Banister iopsis caapi (Spruce ex Griseb.) Morton and 
Psychotria viridis Ruiz et Pavon cultivated in Brazilian Amazonia. Recently there 
have been attempts to establish Daime church groups outside of South America, 
where it has already spread far beyond its original range (Liwszyc et al. 1992). In 
the United States such attempts were unsuccessful, as the U.S. government seized 
samples of the sacramental potion on attempts to import it into the country. In 



110 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



Europe the church has fared better, and there has even been door-to-door pros- 
elytizing for Daime in Spain and other countries! 

MacRae's book is a fascinating look at the history and inner workings of a 
growing, large-scale, syncretistic. Christian religion based on ingestion of a true, 
and not symbolic, sacrament, of an entheogenic potion of which the Christian 
Eucharist is but a placebo, a pallid symbol. It is hoped that there will be further 
study of this important phenomenon, and that this valuable book will not remain 
accessible only to the Portuguese-speaking world. Luna and Amaringo's pioneer- 
ing Ayahiiasca Visions will hopefully inaugurate a new era in documentation of 
ethnographic data, botanical and otherwise, and is a splendid example of the 
manifold creative possibilities for such work. While Dobkin de Rios' Amazon 
Healer contains much of interest, the scientific deficiencies in the presentation 
detract considerably from what could have been a useful and valuable book. The 
addition of an index and further botanical and chemical legwork would go a long 
way toward improving this book. 



LITERATURE CITED 



ANON. 1990. Guidelines for authors: gen- 
eral information. Journal of Ethnobiol- 
ogy 10: 269-272. 

DOBKIN DE RIOS, MARLENE. 1972. 
Visionary Vine: Hallucinogenic Heal- 
ing in the Peruvian Amazon. Chan- 
dler Publishing Company, San Fran- 
cisco, California. (Reprinted in 1984 
by Waveland Press, Prospect Heights, 
Illinois). 

HENMAN, ANTHONY RICHARD. 1986. 
Use del ayahuasca en un contexto 
autoritario. El caso de la Uniao do Vege- 



tal en Brasil. America Indigena 46: 
219-234. 

LIWSZYC, G.E., E. VUORI, 1. RASANEN 
and J. ISSAKAINEN. 1992. Daime— a 
ritual herbal potion. Journal of Ethno- 
pharmacology 36: 91-92. 

LOWY, BERNARD. 1987. Caapi revis- 
ited — in Christianity. Economic Botany 
41: 450-452. 

PRANCE, GHILLEAN T. 1970. Notes on 
the use of plant hallucinogens in Ama- 
zonian Brazil. Economic Botany 24: 
62-68. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Jonathan Ott 
Natural Products Co. 
Apartado Postal 274 
Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico 



ore the Wilderness. Environmental Management by Native Califomians 

Thomas C. Blackburn and Kat Anderson (editors). Menlo Park, CaUfor 
nia: Ballena Press, 1993. $31.50 (hardcover); $ 23.50 (softcover). Pp. 476 
ISBN 0-87919-127-9 (hardcover), 0-87919-126-0 (softcover). 



This book will be welcomed 



environmen 



com 



environment. It provides an ethnobiological perspective to traditional land an( 
resource management systems and strategies among California Aboriginal groups 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 111 



Before the Wilderness is comprised of a series of 13 papers by different authors 
addressing a spectrum of specific "case studies" within this general topic. These 
are prefaced by an introductory chapter by the editors, setting the stage and 
discussing the papers in context. They are concluded with a retrospective essay 
by Henry T. Lewis, one of the leading researchers in traditional land management 
systems of Indigenous peoples, notably the use of habitat burning. Several of the 
papers have been previously published in various journals. The initial paper, by 
Bean and Lawton on proto-agriculture and agriculture, and the following one, by 
Henry Lewis on patterns of Indian burning in California, were originally pub- 
lished in 1973, and are regarded by the editors as the inspiration for or the 
precursor to almost all subsequent research on the topic. Nearly half of the essays 
were first presented at the Seventh Annual California Indian Conference in Octo- 
ber, 1991, in a symposium on past and present resource management practices by 



Native Californians. 



American 



arrival of Europeans has been as a "wilderness," — in the words of Longfellow, a 



// 



primeval" — with vast areas unaltered by humans 



recognized that Aboriginal peoples carried on their lives and activities on the 
land, as hunter-gatherer-fishers and small scale agriculturalists. However, these 
activities were seen to be limited in time and scale, and for the most part, the land 
and its ecosvstems were considered largely as "natural." This view is refuted by 



m 



America as a continuum, where activities of tending, tilling, sowing and trans- 
planting are classified as "incipient agriculture" with their own impacts on the 
plants and their habitats (Ford, 1985:2). This book supports, and in some senses 
elaborates on. Ford's model, presenting a wide array of evidence to indicate a 
spectrum of human-caused modifications to the environment, with specific refer- 
ence to Native Cahfornia societies. Aboriginal Peoples not only lived on and used 



environment 



major way 
ment were 



"domesticated" by First Nations peoples. 



Most of the papers in Before the Wilderness focus on the technologies devel 
d to manage and maintain important plant resources used for fdod, medi 



ma 



Chumash ( Timbrook, Johnson 



Pomo 



ontemporary basket weavers and the environment; man 
(McCarthy); use 



( Wilke) 



exam 



fuel use, with careful consideration of the quantities and qualities of wood 
needed for cooking and heating. Swezey and Heizer discuss management of the 
salmonid fisheries, emphasizing the role of ritual systems in maintaining this 
important resource. Shipek describes the complex social, political and ceremo- 
nial aspects of influencing and controlling populations of various mammals 
among the Kumeyaay. Strategies for water management and flood and erosion 
control in drvland agriculture are examined by Lawton et al. and Shipek. The 



112 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol, 14, No. 1 



most are supplemented wi 



;rams, tables and maps 



This book represents a "first 
agement systems. The editors nc 



// 



man 



com 



kind. Before the Wilderness should be viewed less as an integrated overview of a 
mature field of investigation than as a prolegomenon to future research, and one 
moreover that raises as many questions as it answers . . /' (p. 21). The editors 
express the hope that this book with help to foster further interdisciplinary re- 
search aimed at increasing our understanding of traditional environmental man- 
agement strategies. If only there were collections of this calibre documenting 



management 



America 



LITERATURE CITED 



FORD, RICHARD I. (editor), 1985. Prehis- 
toric Food Production in North Amer- 
ica. Museum of Anthropology Uni- 
versity of Michigan Anthropological 
Paper No. 75, Ann Arbor. 



Nancy J. Turner 

Book Review Editor 

Environmental Studies Program 

University of Victoria 

Victoria, British Columbia V8W 2Y2 



BOOK REVIEW 



Altrove 1: Societa Italiana per lo Studio degli Stall de Coscienza. Claudio Bar- 
beri, Antonio Bianchi, Gilberto Camilla, Francesco Festi, Marco Margnelli, 
Bruno Pochettino, Giorgio Samorini, Eds. Nautilus, Casella Postale 1311, 10100 
Torino, Italy, 1993. Pp. 152. Lire 15,000 (paperback). No ISBN or copyright. 
INote: Address of SISSC: c/o Museo Civico di Rovereto, Via Calcinari 18, 
38068 Rovereto, Italy (Lire 40,000 to receive only the newsletter and "other 
informative material,'' Lire 50,000 for individual membership; Lire 100,000 
for group membership).! 



This first yearbook of the Italian Society for the Study of the States of Con- 
sciousness, which also publishes a 16-20 page tri-annual periodical newsletter 
entitled Bolletino D'Informazione, marks a considerable advance both quantitative 
and qualitative for the two-year-old group. Instead of a garden-variety news- 
letter, we have here a nicely-printed, well-illustrated paperback book with a sewn 
binding. Each article is graced by a different Huichol face -paint design in the 
margin, and abstracts, notes and bibliographic citations likewise appear as mar- 
ginalia. There are also numerous black-and-white illustrations, some of them full- 
page, and in general the design and production is clean and professional. 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 113 



There are 13 articles by different authors, preceded by introductory descrip- 
tions of the publishing company Nautilus, and the Society, responsible for pro- 
duction and content of the yearbook respectively. Four of the authors are mem- 
bers of the scientific and editorial committee behind the publication — G. Camilla, 
F. Festi, M. Margnelli and G. Samorini — the remainder are members of the Soci- 
ety. Camilla leads off with an introductory essay entitled "For a Science of States 
of Consciousness," followed by Samorini's paper on the "Utilization of Hallu- 
cinogens for Religious Purposes," using the African Bwiti cult, based on sacra- 
mental ingestion of the roots of Tabernanthe ibogn Baillon as an example (Samorini 
1993). A brief note on the Tassili frescoes of Africa (Samorini 1992) is followed by 
Camilla's article on the "Universality of PsychedeHc Experience." Pierangclo Gar- 
zia then presents a short interview with Albert Hofmann "The LSD Man," after 
which Peter Gorman discusses "Shamanism among the Matses." Tliis interesting 
article describes the preparation of entheogenic nu-nu snuff from tobacco leaves 
and ashes of inner bark of macambo, a species of Theobroma. Gorman describes the 
effects and use of the snuff to provoke visions of game animals as an aid to 
hunting. He also describes preparation and effects of another visionary drug 
used as an aid in hunting, and called simply sapo—here not identified, but known 
to be the venom of the frog Phyllomedusa bicolor, which is mixed with salvia and 
rubbed into a small burn on the arm (Amato 1992). Giorgio Spertini then presents 
a study comparing 'Anorexia and Mysticism," followed by Mario Folia's detailed 
article on "Use of the Mescalinic Cactus Trichocereus Pachanoi in Traditional 
Andean Medicine" (Polia and Bianchi 1991). Margnelli 's piece on "Virtual Reality 
and Self-Consciousness" is followed by Luis Eduardo Luna's article on use of 
ayahuasca to aid "Therapeutic Imagination in Amazonian Shamanism" (Luna and 
Amaringo 1991). There is a brief unsigned piece on the biochemistry of ayahuasca 
(Ott 1994), which unfortunately perpetuates the persistent error that harmaline is 
the major alkaloid of the source plant Banisteriopsis caapi (Spr. ex Griseb.) Morton 
and of the potions themselves. In reality, harmaline is a secondary alkaloid of 
Banisteriopsis species, present only in trace quantities in ayahuasca potions, while 
harmine is the most important active principle (Ott 1993, 1994). There follows 
Festi's concluding article on 'A Panorama of Hallucinogenic Fungi," ending with 
an "Essential Bibliography" to the subject, as well as an Italian bibliography (Festi 
1985). Inexplicably, this volume concludes with two separate tables of Italian 
"psychotropic" and "hallucinogenic" fungi (which, unfortunately, do not quite 
agree), together with a table of the "Chemical Pharmacology of Adventitious or 



Cultivated Italian Plants." 

An unfortunate error in this volume is the presentation by Camilla of a 
photograph of the 13th century French Plaincourault fresco, said in the caption to 
represent "clearly identifiable" Amanita muscaria (L. ex Fr.) Persoon ex Gray as the 
Tree of Knowledge of Genesis. In reality, this conventional representation from 
Romanesque and early Gothic art, of which there are hundreds of examples, 
shows a stylized Itahan pine tree, distorted by repeated copying from classical 
prototypes mto a shape somewhat suggestive of a mushroom. Indeed, art histo- 
rians call this sort of representation a Pilzbaum or "mushroom tree/' but its resem- 
blance to a mushroom is fortuitous ( Wasson 1968). The presence of branches, the 
coloration, and the clump-like growth indicate to anyone with first-hand experi- 



114 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



motif 



Mushroom 



ion Wasson's pioneering book Soma: Divine Mushroom 
of Immortality (Wasson 1968), is the modern source of this gross misinterpretation 
of a well-known medieval art motif. Equally dubious is Camilla's identification of 
A. muscaria in bunches of grapes being presented to Persephone by Dionysos in a 
fourth century B.C. terra cotta tablet — unless in Italy this mushroom grows on 
grapevines, replete with naturally-rendered grape leaves! 

While the great bulk of the material in Altrove 1 deals with psychotropic 
plants, three articles treat general themes about consciousness, as befits a publica- 
tion by a society for the study of "States of Consciousness/' The articles are of an 
introductory nature, clearly written for the layperson, and consequently feature 
less detail and fewer bibliographic citations than would be expected in a journal 
for a professional society. On the other hand, the authors are well-known experts 
in their particular fields, and there are here some tidbits of new information of 
interest to the specialist, too. All in all, this is a solid publication by the Italian 



exam 



information 



While 



remams 



which mi 



model and stimulus 



LITERATURE CITED 



ALLEGRO, JOHN. 1970. The Sacred Mush- 
room and the Cross. Hodder and 
Stoughton, London, England. 

AMATO, IVAN. 1992. From "hunter 
magic/' a pharmacopeia? Science 258: 
1306. 

FESTI, FRANCESCO. 1985. Funghi Al- 
lucinogeni: Aspeti Psicofisiologici e 
Storici. Manfrini, Calliano, Trento, Italy. 

LUNA, LUIS EDUARDO and PABLO 
AMARINGO. 1991. Ayahuasca Vi- 
sions; The Religious Iconography of a 
Peruvian Shaman. North Atlantic 
Books, Berkeley CA, 

OTT, JONATHAN. 1993. Pharmacotheon: 
Entheogenic Drugs, Their Plant Sources 
and History. Natural Products Co., 
Kennewick, WA. 

. 1994. Ayahuasca Analogues: Pan- 

gaean Entheogens. Natural Products 
Co., Kennewick, WA. 



POLIA, MARIO and ANTONIO BI- 
ANCHL 1991. Ethnological evidences 
and cultural patterns of the use of Tri- 
chocereus pachanoi B. R. among Peru- 
vian curanderos. Integration: Journal 
for Mind-Moving Plants and Culture. 
1:65-70. 

SAMORINI, GIORGIO. 1992. The oldest 
representations of hallucinogenic mush- 
rooms in the world (Sahara Desert, 
9000-7000 b.p.). Integration: Journal 
for Mind-Moving Plants and Culture 

2&3: 69-78. 

. 1993. Adam, Eve and iboga. Inte- 
gration: Journal for Mind-Moving 
Plants and Culture 4:3-10. 

WASSON, R. GORDON. 1968. Soma: Di- 
vine Mushroom of Immortality. Mouton 
and Co., The Hague, Netherlands. 



Jonathan Ott 
Natural Products Co. 
Apartado Postal 274 
Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 115 



BOOK REVIEW 



Handbook of Edible Weeds, James A. Duke. Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press Inc., 
1992. Pp. V, 246. $24.95 (hardcover). ISBN 0-8493-4225-2. 



It can be a difficult job to represent the 1000 plus consumable species in the 
United States with a sample of 100 edible plants, even if you are using a rather 
broad definition of ''weed." Dr. Duke has met this challenge admirably even if he 
included a few that he himself would have rather excluded (e.g., Slellaria media). 
Some readers might be surprised to find that such trees and shrubs as Acer, 
Asimina, Carpinus, Castanea and Diospi/ros are considered weeds. Nonetheless, 
their weediness is attested to by their presence in the Weed Science Society of 
America's "Composite List of Weeds" (which unfortunately lacks a complete 
citation and inclusion in the bibliography) or, in a few cases, the author's field 
experience. 

The "introductory harangue" (Duke 1992:6) enlightens the readers on several 



matters. The most im 
this volume. One sho 



// 



J 



are weeds. More than half of the 18 worst world weeds are included in the book. 
This point is of interest to ethnobiologists given that the general definition used is 
that a weed is "a plant growing where it is not wanted" — a pandora's box for 
plant-human relationships. Rather than getting rid of weeds, one could exploit 
this renewable resource to increase available human food, to produce renewable 
biomass fuel, to provide primary material for extraction of chemical substances of 
medicinal and industrial importance, and to slow down global warming by fixing 



more 



Nature's abhorrence of an ecological vacuum suggest that the complete ehmina- 

tion of weeds is not possible. So, "If you can't beat them, eat them!" (Duke 1992:3). 

The main text consists of 100 genera of flowering plants with selected species 

discussed under each genus and with one species per genus illustrated. The 



name 



scientific binomial followed by the family and common names. The brief text 
includes the plant description, its distribution in the United States and notes on 
its utility. The descriptive section is brief with the diagnostic characteristics of the 



mention 



flowering 
le limiting 



Department of Agricult 



most chewy part of the book is found in the utiHty section. Most 



m 



Fragments of human 



with 



Many of the 100 utility sections devote more lines 



medicinal 



fruits. 



misiden 



composition and the m 



116 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



and amoebas when eating untreated aquatic plants. The compact two-page ar- 
rangement with the illustration facing the text allows convenient reference to each 
entry. Apparently due to the Hmited space and in the interest of smoother reading, 
the bibliographic citations are very uneven and in some cases absent or incom- 
plete. This situation makes it pleasant to read without getting bogged down but is 
frustrating when trying to use it as a guide to the literature on the diverse aspects 
of edible plants that are delightfully presented. 

The text is full of interesting comments of a personal and general nature. 
Under Castanea we learn about Mr. Brooks who instilled the interest in foraging in 
the author. We also know he does not like spinach and uses it to rate his 
preferences for other plants (such as comparing Portulaca, one of the most 
important greens eaten in Mexico, to "slimy spinach"). His observations have 
lead him to propose certain hypotheses for future investigation such as "blacks 
and southerners . . . prefer potherbs of the cabbage family, while northerners 
tend to prefer potherbs of the spinach family" perhaps explaining Dr. Duke's 
dislike of spinach. Another is that squirrels know which nuts of Carya are 
sweeter by the split pattern of the husks. The exploitation of animal caches of 
fruits and roots is an interesting component of human foraging behavior for 
various edible species. The author's episode with the strong tasting Yucca buds 
might have been more pleasant if he had removed the stamens and pistils as is 
done with the popularly consumed flower buds of Agave and Yucca in Mexico. 
As an example of the relevance of eating weeds to an environmentalism philos- 
ophy developed in the introduction, we learn that adding endoperoxide- 
containing herbs such as Artemisia annua and Chenopodium ambrosioides to beans 
not only reduces certain personal annoyance but also could promote greater 
consumption of vegetarian protein in place of animal protein thus altering the 
global warming trend to which ruminant animals contribute through their 
release of methane and carbon dioxide. 



limited to some of the more 



marked with 



Some entries are incom 
B.e., BCW on Daee 82. 



page 44, and WSSA [Weed Science Society of America]). The remainder of the 
book presents a useful hsting of the illustrations, and an index to scientific and 



common plant names 



J 



This delightful book is a fine prologue to common edible plants that surround 
North Americans but whose gustatory benefits may go unrecognized and under 
exploited. The concise text is an introduction to history, biology and values of 



more 



scientific Hterature as well as personal experience. 



Robert Bye 

Jardin Botanico 

Instituto de Biologia 

Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico 

04510 Mexico, DF 

MEXICO 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 117 



BOOK REVIEW 



The Palaeoethnobotany of Franchlhi Cave. Julie M. Hansen. Excavations at 
Franchthi Cave, Greece, Fascicle 7, Bloomington, Indiana: Indiana University 
Press. 1991. Pp. 278. $75.00 (paperbound) ISBN 0-253-31979-X. 



This book is the seventh fascicle in a series of final reports on the excavations 
of Franchthi Cave, Greece. The history of the cave spans a period of nearly 25,000 
years and the book provides important insights regarding the prehistory of the 
general Mediterranean region. A major research problem of the Franchthi excava- 
tions pertains to early agricultural origins in the Aegean Basin, The excavations 
sought to describe domestication in the record and carefully analyze the associ- 
ated stratigraphic contexts. The report, based on the author's 1980 dissertation, is 
an extremely important work as it details nearly 100,000 botanical specimens. As 
such it represents the largest fully reported collection of its type yet reported in 

the Old World, 

The introductory chapters summarize the site and its environmental context 
as well as the methodology used. A water sieve technique from which light and 
heavy fraction remains are recovered (see Diament 1979) floated 100% of four 
tranches within the cave. Biostratigraphic zonation was based on the number 



d/or the varietv of plant remains 



mea 



surements 



most seeds and fru 
remains and maps 



their present regional distributions. Chapters 4 through 10 describe the seven 
zones identified at Franchthi. The remains from each zone are placed within 
cultural and chronological context. The distribution of remains within each trench 
is the basis for interpreting the botanical assemblages of each zone. Discussion 
includes possible environmental changes, human-plant interactions, seasonality, 
the availability of nutritional resources and occupational intensities. 

Zone I dates to the late Pleistocene between 30,000 and 1^000 B.R (all dates 



characterized 



predomina 



time and not to represent intentional human 



remams 



seen in all trenches between 17,000 and 13,000, Zone II dates to c. 10,500 B.R with 
warmer and wetter conditions indicated by increased arboreal species such as 
almond, pistachio and pear. These species, along with the replacement of steppe 
ass by red deer and wild cattle, suggest a parkland-woodland environment. Zone 
III dates between 9,500 and 9,000 B,R; the transition from Paleolithic to lower 
Mesolithic. A woodland environment is suggested by abundant evidence of pis- 
tachio, almond, pear and oats with the common presence of lentils, wild barley 
and a variety of legumes throughout the zone. Animal resources are broadened to 
include coastal, marsh and inland species. The botanical evidence suggests spring. 



summer and autumn occu 



IV 



118 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



he Upper Mesolithic habitation at ] 
remains is notable in context with 



autumn 



from long-term use of the cave to a pattern of short term visits. Zone V extends 
from 9,000 to 8,000 B.P. and corresponds to the latter part of the Upper and Final 
Mesolithic. This zone contains little evidence of plant remains which the author 
interprets as possibly representing lesser occupational use of the cave. Zone VI 
dates between 8,000 and ^000 B.P. and represents the earliest Neolithic sequence 
at Franchthi Cave. The occupation is characterized by the appearance of domesti- 
cated species of barley, wheat and lentils and the disappearance of wild varieties 
of oats, barley and lentils within a relatively dry open woodland environment. 
Zone 7 dates between 7,000 and 5200 B.P. spanning the Middle through the Final 
Neolithic. The zone is characterized by a marked increase in the domesticates, in 



emmer 



einkorn wheat and the reappearance of several wild species, including pistachio 



almond 



summarize the botanical remains from 



Mediterranean 



remains within 



attempts to review the palaeoethnobotany of the Eastern Mediterra- 
iing discussion of distribution of botanical remains, time depth and 
agricultural origins in the Near East. Both are well crafted summaries 



modest 



plates. 



?ort is that the data from Franchth 
from the Near East. The remainin 
detailing the remains from each tn 



volume. It is clear and well 



The volume contains an impressive data set which will prove extremely 



human 



shortcoming is the rather limited 



which in all likelihood Drovide more 



domestication 



volume 



LITERATURE CITED 



DIAMANT, S. 1979. A short history of 

sieving at Franchthi Cave, Greece. 

Journal of Field Archaeology 6:203- 
217 



Mark G. Plew 

Department of Anthropology 

Boise State University 

Boise, ID 83725 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 119 



BOOK REVIEW 



a: The Pacific Drug. Vincent Lebot, Mark Merlin and Lament Lindstrom. 

New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1992 (Richard E. Schultes and 



(clothbound). ISBN 0-300-05213-8. 



World). Pp. 255. $45 



At last, we have here a comprehensive, multi-disciplinary book on the South 
Pacific inebriating potion kava, prepared from roots of Piper methysticum Forst. f.! 
Although the pioneering German psychopharmacognosist Louis Lewin pub- 
lished a monograph on kava a century ago (Lewin 1886) and devoted a chapter to 
the drug in his classic Phantastica (Lewin 1924), in which he categorized it under 
Hypnotica or "sleep agents/' kava has until now escaped a full-dress, modern 
treatment. The last multi-disciplinary review of kava was part of a symposium 
volume published in 1967, presenting eight papers on kava ethnobotany, chemistry 
and pharmacology (Efron et al. 1967). In the seven chapters and six appendices of 
Kava: The Pacific Drug, the authors systematically review the botany, chemistry, 
pharmacology, ethnobotany, anthropology and economics of the South Pacific 
inebriant. In their discussion of the botany of P. methysticum, the authors dissect 
the origin of this cultivar in the wild species Piper ivichmannii EXZ., probably from 
the Vanuatu archipelago. This treatment incorporates considerable field and labo- 
ratory research by the first author, who published an important recent mono- 
graph on the subject (Lebot and Levesque 1989) as well as a related chapter in a 
recent anthology (Lebot 1991). In their chapter on kava chemistry, the authors 
describe the properties of the kava potions, and the history of chemical study of 
the source plant. Structures and pharmacological properties of the active kava 
lactones are given, as well as information on other secondary constituents. A 
discussion of kava chemotypes (differing with respect to relative concentrations of 
the various active lactones), backed by an appendix, provides much of the evi- 
dence for the origin and distribution scheme aforementioned. The authors show 
convincingly that clones of P. methysticum (seen here as a cultivar conspecific with 
P. ivichmannii, the only other species of Piper to contain the psychoactive lactones), 
have been selected for psychoactive properties. This ongoing process is contribut- 
ing to the steady expansion of kava use throughout the South Pacific, which is 
now spilling over into worldwide use of the drug in western herbal medicine. 
This and other evidence leads the authors to take issue with Brunton's recent 
characterization of kava as The Abandoned Narcotic (Brunton 1989; reviewed in 
Journal of Ethnobiology 12[2]:271-272, 1992). 

In the ethnobotanical chapter, cultivation of kava is detailed, as is the eth- 
notaxonomy in various island cultures. Different methods of preparation of the 
potion are discussed, and there is a review of ethnomedicinal use of kava in New 
Guinea, Vanuatu, Fiji, Polynesia and Pohnpei, with an accompanying table. These 
data complement ethnomedicinal information from Tonga, Samoa, The Cook 
Islands and Hawai'i in W. A, Whistler's recent Polynesian Herbal Medicine (Whis- 
tler 1992). "The Cultural Significance and Social Uses of Kava" are the subjects of 
the next chapter, which analyzes charming myths of the plant's origin, and details 
the social and sexual context of its use in various island societies. Kava as 



120 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



entheogen is briefly described — divinatory/shamanic use, such as by Hawai'ian 
kahunas. Five "kavettes'' or vignettes describing contemporary use of the drug in 
Vanuatu, Papua New Guinea, Samoa and Pohnpei round out the anthropological 
chapter. These include urban use in kava bars in Pohnpei and Vanuatu, as docu- 
mented by Merlin and Lindstrom. 

A detailed chapter covers "Kava as a Cash Crop" in Vanuatu, Fiji and Tonga, 
and includes eleven econometric tables (of 16 tables in the book). Kava as crop in 
Vanuatu is compared with other cash crops cacao, cardamom, coffee, copra, black 
pepper, garlic, ginger and vanilla. While intermediate with respect to income per 
hectare /year; kava led the list with regard to income per workday. Trade and 
revenues from Vanuatu kava crops are also detailed, showing kava a distant third 
behind copra and cacao. Fijian production is also analyzed; documenting annual 
earnings for farmers of over $18 million from 2200 hectares planted to kava. The 
kava export market is briefly treated, and the growing use of the drug in western 
medicine is described. The final chapter "Kava: A World Drug?" deals with the 
purported emergence of kava as a ''drug of abuse'' among Australian Aborigines, 
and charts a rosy future for The Pacific Drug, The six appendices detail geographi- 
cal distribution of kava use; kava names in New Guinea and Vanuatu; mor- 
photypes of P. wichmannii and P. methysticum by island; kava chemotypes and 
geographical distribution of cultivars in Vanuatu. A solid, complete bibliography 
of 368 references is followed by a useful 9-page index. 

Yale University Press is to be commended for the attractive and utilitarian 
production, and for launching the much-needed series on Psychoactive Plants of 
the World, of which this volume is the second contribution (the first being Jo- 
hannes Wilbert's 1987 Tobacco and Shamanism in South America). The Yale Press is to 
be chastised also, for failing to use recycled paper to print this book. Despite the 
multiple authors, the style is even and uniform, readable and not pedantic. Apart 
from the useful maps and nine botanical illustrations (anonymous, except for 
Sydney Parkinson's first botanical drawing made in 1769), the book contains a 
treasure of historical and contemporary black-and-white photographs of the 
preparation (such as by a Samoan taupou or ceremonial virgin) and ceremonial 
use of kava in Samoa and Fiji — showing, for example, a pith-helmeted British 
colonial administrator drinking kava in Fiji ca. 1880. Included also are a wealth of 
contemporary photographs of kava cultivation and preparation, both in tradi- 
tional settings and in Wilson's Sakau Bar in Kolonia, Pohnpei. Ancient kava grind- 
ing stones and typical drinking bowls (and their modern Waikiki cocktail-bar 
derivative) are likewise illustrated, and we even see Pope John Paul II grimmac- 
ing as he quaffs kava from a coconut shell in the company of the Fijian Prime 
Minister, during a state visit in 1986! This book is essential for ethnobiologists 
interested in psychoactive drugs, and fills a conspicuous gap in the literature. It 
will be a welcome addition to libraries of specialists with an interest in South 
Pacific ethnomedicine, history and anthropology. 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



121 



LITERATURE CITED 



BRUNTON, RONALD. 1989. The Aban- 
doned Narcotic: Kava and Cultural 
Instability in Melanesia. Cambridge 
University Press, Cambridge. 

EFRON, DANIEL H., BO HOLMSTEDT 
and NATHAN S. KLINE, Eds, Eth- 
nopharmacologic Search for Psycho- 
active Drugs. (Public Health Service 
Publication No. 1645). U.S. Govern- 
ment Printing Office, Washington, 
D.C. pp. 105-181. Papers on kava by 
Lowell D. Holmes; D. Carleton Gaj- 
dusek; Murle W. Klohs; Hans J. Meyer; 
Joseph P. Buckley et al.; Amedeo S. 
Marrazzi; Carl C. Pfeiffer et al, and 
Clellan S. Ford. 

LEBOT, VINCENT. 1991. Kava (Piper meth- 
ysticum Forst. f.): The Polynesian Dis- 
persal of an Oceanian Plant. Pp. 169- 



201 in Islands, Plants and Polynesians: 
An Introduction to Polynesian Eth- 
nobotany. Paul Alan Cox and Sandra 

Anne Banack (Eds). Dioscorides Press, 

Portland, Oregon. 
. and J. LEVESQUE. 1989. The 

origin and distribution of kava {Piper 

methysticum Forst. f., Piperaceae): A 

phytochemical approach. Allertonia 

5(2):223-281. 
LEWIN, LOUIS. 1886. Uber Piper Meth- 

ysiicum (Kawa). A. Hirschwald, Berlin. 
. 1924. Phantastica— Die Betau- 



benden und Erregenden Genufimittel. 
Fiir Arzte und Nichtarzte. Georg 
Stilke Verlag, Berlin. 
WHISTLER, W. ARTHUR. 1992. Polyne- 
sian Herbal Medicine. National Tropi- 
cal Botanical Garden, Lawai, Kauai, 
Hawaii. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Jonathan Ott 
Natural Products Co. 
Apartado Postal 274 
Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico 



Aromatic 



NiaiJie. Chinese Academy 



Chinese 



APINMAR 



This beautifully published survey of aromatic plants, their botany and chem- 
/^ can be recommended to the teachers and researchers m aromatic constitu- 



much 



economicallv verv im 



As the foreword states: "China is well known for her natural aromatic re- 



market 



becoming more and more im 



// 



mam 



cure 



monograph comprises information, otten aimcuit eisewnere lu piu- 
more than 270 species and subspecies in a number of important families 



from the point of view 



aromatic 



Medicinals: 3) Flowers 



:ts involved: 1) statt 
number of indigen 



aromatic plants; 3) and the value of these kinds of information to modern com 
mercial and industrial entities. 



122 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



As is well recognised, China is well supplied with aromatic plants which have 
long been employed in folk-medicine and household use. There is a valuable 
chapter on advances in techniques of analytic methods for studying essential oil 
composition. 

This is the first of two volumes relating to aromatic plants and their constitu- 
ents; the second is promised. 

There can be no doubt that this scientifically critical volume will be a valuable 
addition to the modern, technical bibliography of this fast-developing field of 
ethnobotany as well as a rich contribution to our knowledge of the chemistry of 
many well-known and numerous poorly known aromatic plants employed in 
China and elsewhere. It is highly recommended to teachers and researchers in the 
fields of economic botany and ethnobotany 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Director Emeritus 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 



BOOK REVIEW 



Ethnobotany of the Waimiri Atroari Indians of Brazil. William Milliken, Robert 
R Miller, Sharon R. Pollard, and Elisa V Wandelli. Kew, UK: Royal Botanic 
Gardens. 1993. (£15.00) (softcover). Pp. 146. ISBN 0-947643-50-8. 



The Waimiri Atroari are a Carib -speaking indigenous group located about 200 
km NW of Manaus, Brazil, on black-water tributaries of the Rio Negro. This study 
was conducted as part of a program of compensation for the loss of a sizeable 
portion of their reserve to a hydroelectric project. Two approaches to ethnobotanical 



em 



The 



the methods utilized by Balee (1986, 1987) with the Ka'apor and Tembe of Brazil 
and Boom (198^ 1990) with the Chacobo of Bolivia and the Panare of Venezuela. 
Those studies found that 77, 61, 79, and 49 percent, respectively, of terra firme trees 
(dbh greater than or equal to 10 cm) were attributed useful properties (not counting 
firewood or game animal food species). A similar study conducted by Pinedo- 
Vasquez et aL (1991) in a ribereno (acculturated, mixed blood) community in north- 
east Peru found that 60 percent of forest trees were used. 

The book begins with a concise history of relations between the Waimiri 
Atroari and settlers, the military, goverrunent officials, a military road-building 
team, and a mineral development company This account provides a very useful 



im 



extreme processes of acculturation 



hkely to have been undergoing. These processes are likely to have caused the loss 
of a significant portion of the Waimiri Atoari's forest utilization and management 
knowledge. This book also outlines the mechanisms whereby the group's forest 
resource base has been reduced over the past 200 years. An understanding of 
these mechanisms is essential for the future management and protection of the 
Waimiri Atroari Reserve. 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 123 



Waimiri 



in a 



number of brutal military reprisals. Their original 1971 reserve was dismantled 
after ten years in order to make way for tin mining. The ecologically and economi- 
cally disastrous Balbina hydroelectric project inundated a portion of the reserve. 



machine guns, and bombings 



Ma 



Roraima State. The group's population dropped from about 3000 in 1968 to about 
330 in the mid-1980s. 

The 24-page section describing aspects of Waimiri Atroari plant use includes 
chapters on cultigens and on plants used for hunting, craft, adornment, trans- 
port, medicine, fuel, ritual^ commerce, and miscellaneous. This is followed by a 
56-page section, organized by plant family, which gives the scientific and com- 
mon names of the trees and lianas found in the one hectare study plot, and of a 
few shrubs and herbaceous plants. The uses of these plants by the Waimiri 
Atroari and other South American groups are given. Extensive references are 
provided. 

The final section reports the results of the quantitative study. Two hundred 
tree species and 14 liana or strangler species were recorded. One hundred and 
seventy five, or 81%, were said to be useful. The inclusion of species which 
provide indirect benefit by attracting game animals and of firewood species 
would raise the percentage of useful species in the plot to 92%. 

Twenty-two well -reproduced color photographs are included which illustrate 
the forest, river, village, and cattle pasture environments as well as several plant 
uses. Appendixes provide information on Waimiri Atroari use categories, scien- 
tific and Waimiri Atroari name^ lor forest animals, a Ust of medicinal plants 
arranged according to application, and an index of botanical names. 

The authors conclude that ''The Waimiri Atroari are heavily dependent upon 
the terra firme forest for every aspect of their physical, cultural and spiritual lives. 
In order to retain an adequate supply of the plants which they need (many of 
which are present in very low densities on account of the diversity of the flora), 
and of the animals which they hunt, extensive tracts of forest are clearly required" 
(p. 119). They point out the well-established incompatibility of Amazonian terra 
firme forest with cattle ranching and advise against the ranching project which 
has been operating on the reserve since 1983. The authors emphasize the impor- 
tance for the cultural survival of the Waimiri Atroari of maintaining the integrity 
of the current reserve boundaries against continued interest in exploiting the 
minerals which lie beneath the forest. 

This well written and well organized book makes an excellent contribution to 
the study of Amazonian ethnobotany. It provides ethnobotanical and historical 
material of great interest for understanding the contemporary relationship between 
indigenous Brazilians and their botanical environment. It makes a strong and well 
informed statement with regard to the importance of maintaining access to large 
tracts of forest for the Waimiri Atroari and other lowland Amazonian indigenous 
groups. 



124 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED 



BALEE, W. 1986. Analise preliminar de 
inventario florestal e a etnobotanica 
Ka'apor. Boletin do Museu Paraense 
Emilio Goeldi, Sen Bot. 2 (2):141-16Z 

. 1987. A etnobotanica quantitativa 

dos indios Tembe. Boletin do Museu 
Paraense Emilio Goeldi, Ser. Bot. 3 
(l):29-50. 

BOOM, B. M. 1987 Ethnobotany of the 
Chacobo Indians, Beni, Bolivia. Ad- 
vances in Economic Botany 4: 1-68. 



. 1990. Useful plants of the Panare 

Indians of Venezuelan Guayana. Ad- 
vances in Economic Botany 8: 57-76. 

PINEDO-VASQUEZ, M., D. ZARIN, R 
JUPP, and CHOTA-IMUMA. 1991. 
Use-values of tree species in a commu- 
nal forest reserve in northeast Peru. 
Biological Conservation 4 (4):405-416. 



Bret Blosser 

Department of Anthropology 

Tulane University 

New Orleans, LA 70118 



BOOK REVIEW 



Funghetti. Silvio Pagani [pseudonym]. Nautilus, Casella Postale 1311, 10100 
Torino, Italy, 1993. Pp. 36. Lire 4,000 (stapled academic wrap with separate 
2-color dust jacket). No ISBN or copyright. 



The pseudonymous work of a leading Italian ethnopharmacognosist and 
founding member of the Italian Society for the Study of the States of Conscious- 
ness (see Altrove 1 review), this inexpensive little booklet on psilocybine-contain- 
ing mushrooms is the first Italian contribution to a genre of drug literature which 
commenced with L. Enos' A Key to the American Psilocyhin Mushroom (Enos 1970). 
From this crude beginning in the U.S., the ''field guide" to psilocybian mush- 
rooms was perfected through various iterations (Ghouled 1972; Haard and Haard 
1975; Norland 1976; Menser 1977; Ott 1976), leading to quite elegant books on the 
subject (Ott and Bigwood 1978; Stamets 1978). Outside of the U.S., there has been 
comparatively little such publishing activity, an exception being an English field 
guide from 1977 (Cooper 1977), and recently there have been German contribu- 
tions to the genre, notably the multi-disciplinary ZauberPilze (Rippchen 1993) and 
the scientific Narrenschzvamme (Gartz 1993), both recently reviewed in this journal. 

Funghetti briefly surveys the pre-Columbian history of teonandcatl, as the 
Aztecs called the sacred mushrooms, which R. Gordon Wasson rediscovered in 
1955, leading to Albert Hofmann's isolation of psilocybine and psilocine in 1958. 
The treatise then focuses on Psilocyhe semilanceata (Fr. ex Seer.) Kumm., the most 
common psilocybian mushroom in Italy and the world. Somewhat detailed infor- 
mation regarding dosage and effects of this diminutive mushroom is presented. 
The author then comments on the legal situation in Europe, where some mush- 
room pickers have run afoul of the law, since psilocybine is an illicit drug. Field 
identification of psilocybian fungi is discussed, and there are three good color 
photographs of the common species P. semilanceata, suitable for identification (a 
low-resolution line drawing of this species is more decorative than of use in aid of 
identification; the booklet also features a frontispiece drawing of a "mushroom 
head" from the Mixtec Lienzo de Zacatepec), The danger of mushroom poisoning 
from faulty identification is mentioned, as is the possibility of negative reactions 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



125 



to psilocybine. The author discusses appropriate use of the fungal pharmacotheon, 
to minimize this possibility. The booklet concludes with a discussion of the poten- 
tial value of entheogenic mushrooms to contemporary society, with a commen- 
tary on the Holy Inquisition of the Dark Ages, and the contemporary "Phar- 
macratic Inquisition'' of drug prohibition, which has resulted in wild mushrooms 
being considered to be dangerous narcotics. 

Despite its brevity and diminutive size, Funghetti is an informative and inex- 
pensive treatise for the layperson on Psilocybe semiknceata, Europe's most com- 
mon psilocybian mushroom. The Italian mycophile will find therein information 
on identification and use of this mushroom, its effects and dangers, all placed in 
ancient historical and modern sociological context. This is a worthy modern 
contribution to the genre of psilocybian mushroom field guides, and a valuable 
addition to the Italian drug literature. 

LITERATURE CITED 



COOPER, RICHARD. 197Z A Guide to 
British Psilocybin Mushrooms. Hassle 
Free Press, London, England. 

ENOS, LEONARD. 1970. A Key to the 
American Psilocybin Mushroom. 
Youniverse, Lemon Grove, California. 

GARTZ, JOCHEN. 1993. Narrensch- 
wamme: Psychotrope Pilze in Eu- 
ropa — ^Herausforderung an Forschung 
und Wertsystem. Editions Heuwinkel, 
Basel, Switzerland. 

GHOULED, F. C. 1972. Field Guide to the 
Psilocybin Mushroom: Species Com- 
mon to North America. Guidance 
Publications, New Orleans, Louisiana. 

HAARD, RICHARD and KAREN HAARD. 
1975. Poisonous and Hallucinogenic 
Mushrooms. Cloudburst Press, Seat- 
tle, Washington. 

MENSER, GARY R 1977 Hallucinogenic 
and Poisonous Mushroom Field Guide. 
And /Or Press, Berkeley California. 

NORLAND, RICHARD HANS. 1976. 
What's In a Mushroom. In Three 



Parts — Part III— Psycho-Active Mush- 
rooms. Pear Tree Publications, Ash- 
land, Oregon. 
OTT, JONATHAN. 1976. Hallucinogenic 



Press, Berkeley, California. 



Wingbow 



BIGWOOD 



1978. Teonanacatl: Hallucinogenic 



Mushrooms 



lers, Seattle, Washington. 
^PCHEN, RONALD, Ed. 1993. Zauber- 
Pilze [Der Griine Zweig 155]. Nacht- 
schatten Verlag, Solothurn, Switzer- 
land and Medienexperimente, Lolirbach, 



Germany. 



Psilocybe 



rooms and their Allies. Homestead 
Book Co., Seattle, Washington. 



Jonathan Ott 
Natural Products Co. 
Apartado Postal 274 



Mexico 



BOOK REVIEW 



v Directions in the Study of Plants and People: Research 
from the Institute of Economic Botany. G. T. Prance and M 
Advances in Economic Botany 8. New York: The New York Be 
1990. Pp. vii; 278. $55.00 (paper). ISBN 0-89327-347-3. 



volume 



Economic Botany 



While admirably profiling the lEB, it presents numerous 
in the fields of economic botany, ethnobotany, human ec 



126 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



economic 



common and scientific names of the species mentioned 



mmor 



more 



PauUinia (a medicinal and stimulant 

There are two economic botany rt 

Mori and Prance provide an extreme 

inp^ its lone historv of use bv humans 



many 



// '/ 



important fruits and nuts in tropical America with potential to become ''new 

crops. 

Salick and Lundberg study the effect of change on an Amuesha community's 

agriculture and developing interactions with the modern Peruvian economy The 
diversity of agricultural practices and genetic resources are shown to be the result 
of numerous personal and community decisions, some of which are seldom ade- 
quately examined. For example, the difficulty of storing seed in a humid tropical 
environment can explain the planting of maize in what would normally be the 
off-season. Newly formed families and the stability of more estabUshed ones can 
also account for considerable variation in plot size and plot species diversity. 

Padoch and de Jong trace the history of a Peruvian community during this 
century and identify the effects of the various forest product booms on it. The 
tribal origins of many members of the community are identified with the numer- 
ous moves made by the community in search of new sources of the forest prod- 
ucts that had demand at various times. 

Peters and Hammond study the population biology of three Amazonian fruit 
species, all of which occur at relatively high densities in apparently unmanaged 
forest. The sustainable harvest of forest products is currently suggested as a way 
of developing the humid tropics without destroying the forest. The viability of 
this development option depends first of all on the population biology of the 
forest species. The authors examine the demographic structure of the populations 
and discover that all three species show strong recruitment even though they are 
also subject to significant harvest pressures. They also examine spacial distribu- 
tion, reproductive phenology and individual tree yield. With this information 
they can estimate population yield and relate this to market value. The three 
species studied are found to be good candidates for sustainable harvest. This 
excellent study is a model for examining any species that is recommended for 
harvest from the forest. 

May examines the recent history of the habassu {Orbignya phaterala, Palmae) 
market in the face of technological change in northeastern Brazil. This type of 
study is essential if one desires to market forest products. May poses and answers 
several important questions: why is habassu (or any other forest product) in 
decline today? How does the market structure encourage or discourage harvest- 
ing and marketing? How is technological change affecting the harvesting, mar- 
keting, and processing of this product? 

Strudwick provides an interesting look at an apparently new forest manage- 
ment practice to sustainably harvest hearts of the assai {Euterpe oleracea, Palmae) in 
the Amazon River estuary. Unfortunately he does not provide the exact location 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 127 



nor the name of the company (probably at their request), so it will be impossible 
to accompany this promising practice in the future without the author on hand. 
This, in fact, is one of the difficulties faced by many ethnobotanical researchers as 
we attempt to protect our consultant's privacy or see that they receive an equita- 
ble return on the information provided. 

Williams provides an excellent summary of the late pre-contact and early 
post-contact Uterature that bears on the botany practiced by the Nahuatl speakers, 
the Aztecs and related peoples, of southern Mexico. As with many other aspects 
of the high Neotropical civilizations, Nahuatl botany appears to have been more 
advanced at contact than European botany. This important article identifies many 
of the sources necessary to study Nahuatl ethnohistory and botany and may help 
shed light on the Nahuatl pharmacopeia and the domestication of numerous 

Mesoamerican crops. 

As with the earlier volumes in the Advances in Economic Botany series, this 
is well worth the rather steep price for a paperback. Fortunately, future volumes 
are more accessibly priced. The book is highly recommended for students and 
professionals in economic botany, ethnobotany, population biology, human ecol- 
ogy, and the sustainable development of the humid tropics. 



Charles R. Clement 
Institute Naciona! de 
Pesquisas da Amazonia 
Cx. Postal 478 
69011 Manaus, AM, Bras 



BOOK REVIEW 



Jahre LSD-Erfahrung: Eine Jubilaumsschrift. Christian Ratsch, I 
Griine Zweig 159]. Nachtschatten Verlag, Ritterquai 2-4, CH-4502 Sc 
Switzerland and W. Pieper's Medienexperimente, Alte Schmiede 
Lohrbach, Germany, 1993. Pp. 126. DM 20 (perfect-bound paperbac 
3-925817-59-X. 



German ethnologist Christian Ratsch, a musician 



dwork among the Lacandon Indians of Chiapas, Mexico 
mark the 50th anniversary of Albert Hofmann's 1943 di 



publishing both musical 



wonder 



The musical tribute is a compact disk (SL CD 00556) entitled Hommage 
50 Jahre LSD-Erfahrung [Tribute to Albert— 50 Years of LSD Experience] h 
5-member erouD. Acid Test. There are five compositions with Sanskrit 



Hofmann 



mushroom 



and the morning glory Ipomoea violacea L., which contains 
ch's book bears the same title, 50 Years of LSD Experience, c 
t Hofmann, "in memory of the events and sequelae of 19 
already edited a Festschrift for Hofmann (Ratsch 1989). 



128 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



After an introductory Hymn to LSD by Norbert J. Mayer, Ratsch presents a 15- 
part treatise on ''LSD Culture/' backed by 123 footnote references. After expres- 
sing his "Cultural/ Anthropological Viewpoint/' the author puts LSD in historical 



examining "The Sacrament 



" in- 



symbology of contemporary LSD visions. "LSD Spiri- 



mvstical modalities 



various chapters explore "LSD and Creativity"— in literature, graphic arts, un- 
derground "comix," psychedelic music, lightshows, and dream theater. A chapter 
associates the "Mysteries of the Grateful Dead" (sixties-revival concerts by the 
"acid-rock" band Grateful Dead) with the ancient Grecian Eleusinian Mysteries, 



which seems a specious juxtaposition to me — I would say the ancient Athenian 



drama festivals involvin 



more apt parallel to the contemporary 



Some notes on "The New Psychiatry: LSD Shamans" follow, a: 

Ratsch speaks of "the Sandoz/Basel 



name 



a curious error in this section 

Lysergol® (pure LSD) . . /' \a 

pharmaceutical LSD-tartrate, while lysergol is a simple clavine alkaloid from 

ololiuhqui seeds {Turbina corymbosa [L.] Raf.) and ergot of Elytnus species (Ott 

1993). A brief "Insight" rounds out this section of the book, with the author 

concluding that the influence of LSD and kindred drugs on our culture has been 

so important that: "Our contemporary world is unthinkable without LSD!" 

The second part of the book is entitled "LSD Voices," and consists of short 



from 



n Lama Yeshe comments, for example, that "LSD is the wisdom 
of the West/' and there are also remarks from Alan Watts and Aldous Huxley, 
religious philosophers well-known for their experiments with LSD-type drugs. 
There are also several quotes from scientists and psychiatrists who have experi- 
mented with LSD, like the late Walter Pahnke, Ralph Metzner, Stanislav Grof, and 
Albert Hofmann himself, who comments that his "problem child" LSD could 
become a "wonder child," were it to come to be used as an aid to meditation and 
as a catalyst to mystical totality experiences (Hofmann 1980), Ratsch also presents 
quotations from artists who have found in LSD a source of inspiration. There are 
remarks from Gary Grant, whose use of LSD in psychiatric treatment in the fifties 
became a cause celebre (Hoge 1977) and from Anais Nin, for whom LSD was a 
wellsprine of art. The reader encounters the words of Ernst Jiineer, famous Ger- 



man writer and " 



(Jiineer himself coined the term) 



marks on LSD by popular musicians Jerry 



The 



The 



// 



comn\encing with 



LSD Library,'' a series of four bibliographies. 



two 



music and 209 com 



music influenced bv LSD, listed in alphabetical order 



group — from Acid to The Zombies. Gracing the cleanly-designed and well-pro- 
duced book are black-and-white photographs of Sandoz Delysid^ and Spofa 

Milp*^ n ^n-f;^rh-;:itpV ^nc\ ;\ hnlf-dozen r^hotop^ranhs of "blotters" 



am 



stamp-like squares of blotter paper on which 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



129 



variously with a portrait of Hofmann ("Father of LSD"), disembodied eyes, 

mandala-like symbols, an octopus and Mickey Mouse as sorcerer's apprentice, 
Ratsch deserves praise for producing this pair of handsome and passionate 

paeans to LSD, the entheogenic drug of the modern shaman, and to its discoverer 
Albert Flofmann. Turning the analytical eye of the anthropologist inward to 20th 
century western culture, Ratsch's book explores the impact of LSD-like drugs on 
our society, on our religion, art and medicine. This, however, is no detached, 
exsanguinated, scientific analysis, for Ratsch is clearly an avid exponent of "acid" 
rock and "psychedelic" art, as evidenced by his cover art and the music of Ms 
group Acid Test, which is an example of the phenomenon his book examines. 50 
Years of LSD Experience is a art-historical study of the ethnopharmacognosy of 
LSD and allied shamanic inebriants in contemporary European and American 
society, which stands as a fitting tribute to one of the most significant scientific 
discoveries of the twentieth century. 



LITERATURE CITED 



HOFMANN 



athan Ott). 1980. LSD: My Problem 
Child. McGraw-Hill, New York. 

HOGE, W. 1977 The other Cary Grant. The 
New York Times Magazine. 3 July 
issue, p. 14 ef seq. 

OTT, JONATHAN. 1993. Pharmacotheon: 
Entheogenic Drugs, Their Plant 
Sources and History. Natural Products 
Co., Kennewick, Washington. 

RATSCH, CHRISTIAN. 1985. Bilder aus 
der Unsichtbaren Welt: Zauber- 



spruche und Naturbeschreibung bei 
den Maya und den Lakandonen, Kin- 
dler Verlag, Miinchen, Germany. 
— . (Translated by John Baker) 1989. 



_^ Sacred 

Mysticism and Psychotherapy — A 
Festschrift in Honor of Albert Hof- 
mann. Prism Press, Bridport, England. 
RUCK, CARL A. P 1982. The wild and the 
cultivated: Wine in Euripides' Bac- 
chae. Journal of Ethnopharmacology 
5(3):231-270. 



Jonathan Ott 
Natural Products Co. 
Apartado Postal 274 
Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico 



BOOK REVIEW 



Joint 



// 



of Nachtschatten Verlag (Ritterquai 2-4, CH-4502 Solothurn, Switzerland) 
and Medienexperimente (Alte Schmiede, D-69488 Lohrbach, Germany), 1993. 
Pd. 231. DM 30 ( naperback). ISBN 3-925817-55-7. • 



ZauberPilze ("Magic Mushrooms") is an anthology of 26 papers on entheo- 
genic mushrooms, half of which are reprints or translations into German. The 
translations include Lewis Carroll's section of Alice's Adventures in Wonderland 
describing the caterpillar and the mushroom, and Valentina P. Wasson's classic 
article "I ate the sacred mushroom," describing the first psychonautic experiment 
with psilocybian mushrooms outside of a traditional ritual context ( Wasson 1957). 
There is also a chapter on entheogenic mushrooms by LSD and psilocybine dis- 
coverer Albert Hofmann. 



130 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



German chemist Joche 



a "new" 



from 



Wakefield on wood 



mulation bv mushrooms of environmental 



chemistry 



mushrooms, descriptions (with 
n of Dsilocvbian mushrooms ai 



same. There is also a brief note on history of entheogenic mushrooms by German 
anthropologist Christian Ratsch. 

The book is divided into eight sections. The introductory part has the papers 
by Hofmarm and Ratsch, and a pair of short essays by the pseudonymous editor 
Ronald "Rumpelstilz" Rippchen (who seems to be daring us to guess his name; 
but here he will remain pseudonymous!). There follow two scientific sections with 
the papers by Gartz and several anonymous essays with botanical, chemical and 



followed 



of mushroom motifs, m 
few comic strips. The ne 



ments with entheogenic mushrooms by Valentina P. Wasson, Ann Shulgin (Shul- 
gin and Shulgin 1991), Maria Sabina and Timothy Leary The penultimate section 
contains the translation of Terence McKenna's paper on entheogenic mushroom 
motifs in literature (McKenna 1990), a review of mushrooms in science-fiction 
films, and a discussion of German law regarding entheogenic mushrooms. The 
final section consists of a solitary paper by Martin Hanslmeier, by far the longest 
and most detailed in the book. This is the reprint of a paper from the new 
entheogen journal Integration: Journal for Mind-Moving Plants and Culture (Hase- 
neier 1992), unfortunately lacking the references from the original. This discussion 



dimension" of entheoeenic mushrooms 



accom 



water-color paintings of psilocybian mushrooms (with 3 others scattered through- 
out the book). Unfortunately, the exceedingly bad, low-resolution printing ren- 
ders these muddy and poor facsimiles of the originals, which I have seen, and 
which are superb. At least the inside covers of ZauberPilze are graced by fair 
color reproductions of two of these (Psilocybe semilanceata [Fr. ex Seer.] Kumm. 
and Psilocybe cyanescens Wakef.), which, however, only serves to underscore the 
awful aualitv of the black-and-white counterparts. 



While this 



mushrooms, it suffers from 



tion. Although good quality paper is used, this is not recycled as it should be, and 
printing appears to have been done using 300 dot-;7^r-inch output from a low- 



Worse 



middle 



from 



unfortunately dredged up. In combination with another dozen or so cartoon-like 
mushroom drawings scattered throughout the book, these kitsch graphic elements 
unfortunately give the book a sleazy, frivolous look not in keeping with the 



some of whom 



Wasson, had no sav in the matter. The 



Summer 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



131 



evokes a similar circus-like atmosphere, and could give the impression that this is 
a comic book. It would have been far better to have used on the covers Martin 
Hanslmeier's lovely and botanically-accurate water-color paintings which appear 
on the inside covers. The ugly illustrations and low-resolution typography con- 
spire with a weak design to create a hideous pastiche or hodgepodge. I realize this 
book was the joint production of two publishing houses and at least 16 authors — 
all the more reason to have hired a competent designer to give a smooth and 
consistent look to the book. To add insult to injury, in place of a much-needed 
index or bibliography, we have a final, ninth ''section 
which is in reality eight pages of advertisements, which are at least graphically 
consistent with the book — yet another pastiche of diverse designs and typogra- 
phy! As a writer and publisher it pains me to say that publishers who can't be 
bothered to hire a graphic designer, and who scrimp so as to produce a book with 
the crass graphic quality of a Xerox copy, are inviting the reading public to 
photocopy the book rather than pay for it! 



" on 'Tnfospores and Sources" 



LITERATURE CITED 



HASENEIER, MARTIN. 1992. Das Kahl- 
kopf und das koUektive Unbewufite: 
Einige Anmerkungen zur arche- 
typischen Dimension des Pilzes. Inte- 
gration: Journal for Mind-Moving 
Plants and Culture 2&3:5-38. 

MCKENNA, TERENCE. 1990. Wasson's 
literary precursors. Pp. 165-175 in The 
Sacred Mushroom Seeker: Essays for 
R. Gordon Wasson. Thomas J. Ried- 



linger (Ed.). Dioscorides Press, Port- 
land, Oregon. 
nrJM. ATFXANDER T. and ANN 



PIHKAL 



Love Story. Transform Press, Berkeley, 



California. 



WASSON 



Week 



issue, p. 8 et seq. 



Jonathan Ott 
Natural Products Co. 
Apartado Postal 274 
Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico 



BOOK REVIEW 



Medicinales de Use Actual en el Estado de Q 



Mexico. Ma 



Quintana Roo, Apartado Postal 424, 77000 Chetumal 



Quintana Roo, Mexico. [TEL 

Pp. 105- No price eiven (pap< 



The state inventories of medicinal plants in Mexico are increasing as local 
institutions recognize the importance of estabUshing the scientific basis of their 
floristic, ecological, and health care programs. The most recent publication 
focuses on the state of Quintana Roo of the Yucatan peninsula on the southern 
border of Mexico. Previous listings for Veracruz, Yucatan, Durango and Sonora 
have rehed heavily on general bibliographies on medicinal plants. In contrast, 
Pulido and Serralta base 370 of their 373 plants on primary sources from the state. 



132 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



The flowering plants dominate the medicinal vascular flora with 366 species 
while ferns account for seven. The information is based upon herbarium and 
bibliographic records as well as interviews with users and growers of vegetal 
remedies, curanderos, and members of Asociacion de Medicos Tradicionales de 
Quintana Roo. Of the 18 references in the bibliography, 13 are based upon studies 
in Quintana Roo or from the Yucatan peninsula. 

The main text (written in Spanish) consists of plant listings divided into ferns, 
dicots and monocots. Under each division, the plants are arranged alphabetically 
by family, genus and species. Each taxonomic entry has the following fields: 
scientific name, common name, medicinal use, bibliographic reference, locality 
where it is used in the state, and herbarium specimen. It is curious that 13 plants 
do not have common names registered in Quintana Roo; no explanation is given. 
Herbarium specimens are deposited in the state herbarium (CIQRO), the regional 
herbarium (CICY) or the National Herbarium (MEXU). 

It is difficult to estimate the percentage of native medicinal plants of the 
state's flora (about 2300 native species, 70% of which are found in the rest of the 
peninsula) because no distinction is made among the native, introduced and 
cultivated taxa. The only plant illustrations are the six untitled color photographs 
on the cover. One state map, a list of synonyms and an index to common names 
adds to the utility of this welcomed contribution of the inventory of medicinal 



plants of Mexico. 



Robert Bye and Edelmira Linares 

Jardin Botanico 

Instituto de Biologia 

Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico 

04510 Mexico, DF 
MEXICO 



BOOK REVIEW 



Plants of the Gods: Their Sacred, Healing and Hallucinogenic Powers. Richard 
Evans Schultes and Albert Hofmann [reprint of 1979 editionl. Rochester, Ver- 
mont: Healing Arts Press, 1992. Pp. 192. US.$19.95 (paperback). ISBN 
0-89281-406-3. 



We have here a facsimile reproduction of Richard Evans Schultes and Albert 
Hofmann's classic 1979 "coffee-table" book on entheogens. Plants of the Gods 
(Schultes and Hofmann 1979) with the only alteration being a new cover and 
front matter, along with a new subtitle. Their Sacred, Healing and Hallucinogenic 
Powers (the dedication to Heinrich Kluver has also been removed). The text and 
numerous color and black-and-white photographs and illustrations have been 
well printed in Italy on excellent paper, and bound with a durable, sew-and- 
glue binding. It is indeed fortunate that this facsimile has appeared, as the 
original edition, published nearly simultaneously with Hofmann's memoirs 
(Hofmann 1980) and R. Gordon Wasson's The Wondrous Mushroom (Wasson 
1980), was remaindered together with these two books shortly after release. 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 133 



owing to internal problems with the publisher, McGraw-Hill. This cut short the 
shelf-life of a truly excellent book, which now enjoys a new lease on life. The 



(Thomson 



Medicines f\ 



hitroductory sections on the botany, chemistry and geography of cnthcogenic 
plants are followed by a "Plant Lexicon" with single-column entries (some 
double-sized) for 91 species, each with a color illustration (mainly superb color 
drawings, but 15 with excellent color photographs), botanical name and family, 
geographic range, and a paragraph of text giving mainly botanical information, 
but with some phytochemical and ethnobotanical data as well. A 14-page table 
lists the same 91 species in alphabetical order by common names (in the lexicon, 
they are listed in alphabetical order based on Latin names), with sections giving 

■ 

scientific names, history and ethnography context and purpose of use, manner of 
preparation, and phytochemistry and pharmacology for each species. Short chap- 
ters on ''Fourteen Major Hallucinogenic Plants" make up the bulk of the book. 
These chapters are: 1) "Mainstay of the Heavens" (Amanita muscaria [L. ex Fr.] 
Persoon ex Gray); 2) "The Hexing Herbs" (Atropa, Hyoscyamus, Mandragora spe- 
cies); 3) "The Nectar of Dehght" {Cannabis species); 4) "St. Anthony's Fire" {Clavi- 
ceps purpurea [Fr.] Tulasne); 5) "Holy Flower of the North Star" {Datura species); 6) 
"Guide to the Ancestors" {Tahernanthe iboga Baillon); 7) "Beans of the Hekula 
Spirit" {Anadenanthera species); 8) "Vine of the Soul" (Bajiisteriopsis species); 9) 
"Trees of the Evil Eagle" {Brugmansia species); 10) "The Tracks of the Little Deer" 
(Lophophora zailliamsii [Lem.] Coulter); 11) "Little Flowers of the Gods" {Psilocyhe 
and other species of psilocybian mushrooms); 12) "Cactus of the Four Winds" 
(Trichocereus pachanoi Brit, et Rose); 13) "Vines of the Serpent" {Ipomoea violacea L. 
and Turbina corymbosa IL.] Raf.); and 14) "Semen of the Sun" {Virola species). These 
chapters, superbly illustrated with black-and-white photographs and botanical 
illustrations of the respective plants, also feature maps showing distribution of 
traditional use, and superb photographs of use and preparation of these drugs, 
together with woodcuts and manuscript illustrations of entheogen-inspired art, 
pictures of shamans, deities, and drug paraphernalia,— a veritable artistic trea- 
sure-trove. The accompanying text of each chapter details the history and eth- 
nobotany of each category of sacred inebriant, and each chapter has a brief 
sidebar on the chemistry and pharmacology of the active principles. A 4-page 
chapter on chemistry is also illustrative — it depicts colored ball-and-stick molecu- 
lar models of 8 important hallucinogenic compounds and of 2 neurotransmitters 
for comparison purposes. Unfortunately a glaring error in the original book (the 
transposition of the figure legends for fso-LSD and lysergic acid hydroxy-ethy- 
lamide on page 175) has not been corrected here. The last chapter on the "Uses of 
Hallucinogens in Medicine" presents a dozen colorful drawings made by psychi- 
atric patients treated with LSD, and is followed by an epilogue, the author's salute 
to four pioneering predecessors in the study of shamanic inebriants — Ernst 
Freiherrn von Bibra, Mordecai Cubitt Cooke, Karl Hartwich and Louis Lewin. A 
79-source "Further Reading" list is followed by credits to the numerous photo- 
graphs and a detailed four-and-a-half-page index. 

Withal, the quality is commensurate with that of the original $34.95 cloth- 
bound edition, and Healing Arts Press is to be commended for somehow produc- 



134 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



ing this superb facsimile of the original, lavishly-illustrated book, 13 inflationary 
years later, for the incredibly low price of $19.95, the only palpable difference 
between the two editions being the hard and soft cover. In an era in which the 
average scientific book in natural sciences, many of which lack illustrations or 
decent design and typography, is priced at $79.00 (Anon. 1994), this ranks as one 
of the best book bargains to be found. While Plants of the Gods is clearly directed 
toward the layperson, it contains many nuggets of ethnobotanical data of compel- 
ling interest to the specialist, which are not to be found in any other publication 
by either author. It isn't often that we get a second chance to purchase an impor- 
tant book, and this is a chance no ethnobiologist interested in shamanic inebriants 



can afford to pass up! 



LITERATURE CITED 



ANON. 1994. Prices of books. Science 263: 
105. 

HOFMANN, ALBERT (Trans, by J. Ott). 
1980. LSD: My Problem Child. Mc- 
Graw-Hill, New York. 

SCHULTES, RICHARD EVANS and AL- 
BERT HOFMANN. 1979 Plants of the 
Gods: Origins of Hallucinogenic Use. 
McGraw-Hill, New York. 



THOMSON, WILLIAM A. R., Ed. 1978. 
Medicines from the Earth: A Guide to 
Healing Plants. McGraw-Hill, New 
York. 

WASSON, R. GORDON. 1980. The Won- 
drous Mushroom: Mycolatry in Meso- 
america. McGraw-Hill, New York. 



Jonathan Ott 
Natural Products Co. 
Apartado Postal 274 
Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico 



BOOK REVIEW 



Plantes des Dieux: Les Plantes Hallucinogenes, Botanique et Etnologie. 

Richard Evans Schultes and Albert Hofmann lanonymous translation of 1979 
American original; preface by Jean-Pierre Galland]. Paris: Les Editions du 
Lezard, 9 Passage Dagorno, 75020 Paris, France, 1993. Pp. 192. 195 French 
Francs (paperback). ISBN 2-9507264-2-9. 



While the French marketplace has long been refractory to publicatio 
\opharmacognosy of shamanic inebriants, a new company, Les ^d 



commercial 



this company 



on marijuana or Cannabis (Editions 1993; Herer 1993), and the firm brought out 
two large-format, elegantly colorful books on this subject. Jean-Pierre Galland's 
Fumee Clandestine: II Etait une Fois le Cannabis (Galland 1993) was followed closely 
by this French translation of Richard Evans Schultes and Albert Hofmann's 1979 



mann 



)/ the Gods: Origins of Hallucinogenic Use (Schultes and ] 
reviewed separately). There are only three alterations from 



American original: a different subtitle, a one-page preface by J 
in lieu of the original unsigned preface; and the use of a larger typeface for the 
index and photographic credits, resulting in the regrettable excision of the single- 
page "Further Reading" bibUography. It would have been far better to have re- 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 135 



tained this vital section, using the smaller typeface of the original index and 
photographic credits, to leave sufficient space. 

Furthermore, for some reason (and in contrast to the typographically-elegant 
Fume Clandestine) the publisher chose to use low-resolution (300 dot per inch) 
laser printer output for the French text (like the original, using a classic, serif face 

body text, with the fieure legends, table and "Plant Lexicon" set in a 



mam 



compromising 



m 



and-white photographs and illustrations, the quality of which, like the paper on 



which 



clumsily 



marketpl 



there are far too many misprints. The Table of Contents, for example, has 
5 misspellings, and a cursory examination of just the scientific names of 91 olants 



mmediately 



names 



names trip up even the most 



numbers indicate far too little attention was paid to the accuracy of the text. It 



m 



with the original — a glaring error in the figure legends for the ball-and-stick 
chemical models on page 175 of the original is perpetuated in the translation (the 
transposition of the figure legends for iso-LSD and lysergic acid hydroxy- 



am 



On the bright side, however, this is a handsome and well-made book, lavishly 
and beautifully illustrated, at what I consider to be a bargain price (less than $40 
U.S. for a book printed on good paper with 127 color illustrations, and a durable, 
sewn binding). On the other hand, the contemporaneous, typographically- 
superior, American softcover facsimile edition sells for about half as much, but 
perhaps this was made from the original plates, and of course that edition 
entailed no expense for translation. Moreover, Plants of the Gods, as is well known, 
is an excellent introduction to the subject by two pioneering experts in the eth- 



Hofmann 



chemistry of entheogenic plants (Hofmann 



features a lovely reproduction of a Huichol yarn painting also appearing on 



which 



contents. The translation is faithful and accurate, 'though I am not qualified to 
comment on its Uterary quality. In conclusion, apart from the typographic prob- 
lems aforementioned, we have here a lavish production of one of the best intro- 
ductory, popular books on the subject of shamanic inebriants by two leading 
experts. Editions du Lezard is to be commended for making this excellent book 
available to French readers in a style appropriate to the original and at a fair, 
indeed, a bargain price. 



136 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Vol. 14, No. 1 



LITERATURE CITED 



EDITIONS DU LEZARU LES., Ed. 1993. 
Premiere Journe Internationale du 
Cannabis: 18 Juin 1993. Les Editions du 
Lezard, Paris, France. 

GALLAND, JEAN-PIERRE. 1993. Fumee 
Clandestine: II Etait une Fois le Can- 
nabis. Les Editions du Lezard, Paris, 
France. 

HERER, JACK. 1993. UEmpereur est Nu: 
Une Histoire du Cannabis et de sa 
Prohibition. Les Editions du Lezard, 
Paris, France. 

HOFMANN, ALBERT. 1964. Die Mut- 
terkornalkaloide. Ferdinand Enke Ver- 
lag, Stuttgart, Germany. 

SCHULTES, RICHARD EVANS and 



ALBERT HOFMANN. 1979. Plants of 
the Gods: Origins of Hallucinogenic 
Use. McGraw-Hill, New York, 1992. 
Plants of the Gods: Their Sacred, Heal- 
ing and Hallucinogenic Powers. Heal- 
ing Arts Press, Rochester, Vermont. 

. 1980. The Botany and Chemistry 

of Hallucinogens (Revised and En- 
larged Second Edition, original in 
1973). Charles C. Thomas, Springfield, 
Illinois. 

SCHULTES, RICHARD EVANS and 
ROBERT F RAFFAUR 1990. The Heal- 
ing Forest; Medicinal and Toxic Plants 
of the Northwest Amazonia. Dio- 
scorides Press, Portland, Oregon 



BOOK REVIEW 



Jonathan Ott 
Natural Products Co. 
Apartado Postal 274 
Xalapa, Veracruz, Mexico 



Early Agriculture in Eastern North America 



Smith. Washington and London: Smithsonian 
xiv, 320. $49.95 (cloth). ISBN 1-56098-162-8 



In this important but rather overlong book. Smith presents compelling argu 
ment, data, and documentation that eastern North America was a major center o 
plant domestication before the advent of maize and other Mesoamerican crops 



from hunting and gathering life ways 



Smith deals with 



food production and other topics. Several plant taxa are discussed in the context 



maize agriculture. Four of them 



Helianthus, played major 



into 



Domestication; HI. Premaize Farmine Economies 



Eastern North America; and IV. Synthesis. Except for Chapter 4 wherein 
C. Wesley Cowan and Michael P. Hoffman are co-authors. Smith has authored all 



(terminology of the book's title); actually each is sim 



When Rivers of 



two 



appear m other works. Thus 

book — were w^rittpn PYrlnci^/t 



approxima 



-were written exclusively for Rivers of Change. Many 
culture in the eastern U.S.A. will Ukely have aU or most c 
lished material in their filp->. 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 137 



Most of Section III seemed less interesting in content and less interestingly 
written than earlier and later sections. There are at least two reasons for this: 

(1) Although I have followed this literature in only the most casual manner, I 
found I was familiar with much of this previously published material, and 

(2) Sections I, II, and IV, most of which was written with this volume in mind, is 
freer of style, without the editorial Hmitations and other requirements of the 
various other publication outlets. And, into the bargain, these sections compare 
and contrast the various theories that have been advanced regarding early agri- 
culture in eastern North America from a historical perspective and taking into 
account data and interpretations now available as a result of recent archaeological 
excavations, the latest findings in evolution and genetics and the application of 
new technologies, e.g., the scanning electron microscope. 

There are 33 black and white illustrations and 72 line drawings, most of which 
I found quite ordinary (striking exceptions: Figure 2.1 Diagramatic representation 
of the six interlocking segments of the Floodplain Weed Theory of plant domes- 



America 



m 



color plates, not even of the four plant taxa discussed in detail, contributing to a 
book deficient in aesthetic visual appeal. 

A couple of minor points: There is a difference in spelling in what appears to 
be the same archaeological site in figures 3.1, 11.1, and 12.1 (is it Hayes or Haynes?). 
I must express disappointment with the index, which is admirably complete for 
plant taxa and without any entries at all for other categories, e.g., archaeological 
site names, names of investigators and hypotheses or theories mentioned in the 
text, diminishing its value for reference work. 

I recommend this book as background reading to those with a general interest 
in this topic and as essential reading to those conducting research in this and 
related areas. The summary and analyses of earlier treatises of pre-maize agricul- 

.. are outstanding. Smith's treatment is provocative, compre- 



timely 



Willard Van Asdall, Past Editor 
Journal of Ethnohiology 
4479 N. Summer Set Loop 
Tucson, AZ 85715, U.S.A. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Persephone's Quest: Entheogens and the Origins of Religion^ R. Gordon Was- 
son, Stella Kramrisch, Jonathan Ott & Carl A, P. Ruck. New Haven and 
London: Yale University Press, 1986. Pp. 257, paper. Price: $14.00. ISBN: 
0-300-05266-9. 



The word "entheogen," literally "god generated within," is defined as a psy- 
choactive drug capable of producing awe-inspiring visions and emotions. This 
book contains a series of essays discussing the purported role various enthogenic 
plants and fungi have played in religious rituals of Eurasia and Mesoamerica. 



138 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 1 



Wasson 



reads more like a rambling 



ithor's ethnomycological experiences in Mesoamerica 
nd South Asia. Wasson's amateur status is betrayed by such statements as 
mushrooms are a lower order of plant life/' and ''Amanita muscaria . . . carries no 



name 



mushroom 



sented the first religion of the human race. Thij 
draw from controversial evidence. Even Wasson 



nism 



major shortcoming 



reasonmg and unsubstantiated speculation, is a narrow view of religion. Anthro- 
pologists have devoted considerable debate to defining and characterizing reli- 
gion, but Wasson et al. prefer to accept common Western assumptions, even when 
discussing non- Western cultures. Their view is that religion necessarily involves 
adoration of mystical and powerful phenomena. Thev thus overlook a ereat Dor- 



human 



human consciousness. Relieion has a much 



longer history, albeit largely unwritten. They are discussing not the origins of 



manifestation 



The book does contain a useful and fascinating discussion of the use of 
zhoactive substances in human rituals in many parts of the world. It is defi- 
ly worth reading, even if some of the basic assumptions are unscientific. 



Joseph E. Laferriere 

Arnold Arboretum of Harvard University 

22 Divinity Ave. 

Cambridge MA 02138 USA 



BOOK REVIEW 



Wild Seasons: Gathering and Cooking Wild Plants of the Great F 

Young. Lincoln and London: University of Nebraska Press. 1993. $15 
$40.00 (cloth). Pp. xxiv, 318. ISBN 0-8032-4906-3 (alkaline paper); 0-£ 
(paperback). 



Quite simply, in this wonderful book (and quite Hterally it is filled with 
wonder); author Kay Young and illustrator Marc E. Marcuson approach perfec- 
tion. The nearly 250 recipes it includes have been tested by the author and other 

cooks of lone exneripnrp Tf T h:^ri rir^f Koon cilr-i^^riw ^r^r^-^r^^^^A *-u^4- t-u^ ^t,fUr^r- 



// 



from 



would have persuaded me 



// 



streams 



draw enough moisture produce plump 



most 



// 



(p. 163). 



1 was impressed with the glossary of botanical terms 
terms, the appendix on canning, freezing, and drying, anc 



Summer 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



139 



plants, of recipes by plant, and of recipes by food category These carefully pre- 
pared features contribute to easy use of the book. 



environmental 



sensitivity to wild plant resources. The Introduction ends with "Guidelines for 

B I m w M "m ^^^ . B ^ ^ ^^ AUK ^ 

ants." These ten points could and 



Wild 



where and everywhere. 



model for the development 



informal 



cies or group of related species discussed, such as a description of the plant, its 
distribution and habitat, edible parts, seasons to collect, and any cautions of 
which the collector should be aware. Kay Young also offers interesting and useful 
anecdotal material about how, when, and where she acquired additional informa- 
tion and recipes. I especially liked reading about the annual Poke Sallet Festival in 
Harlan County, Kentucky. 

What more can I say? Beg, borrow, or preferably buy Kay Young's Wild 
Seasons. As in the Shaker hymn. Simple Gifts, while reading it you will find your- 
self "in the valley of love and delight." 



WiUard Van Asdall, Past 

Journal of Ethnobiologi/ 
4479 N. Summer Set Loo 
Tucson, AZ 85715, U.S.A. 



NOTICE TO AUTHORS 



Journal of 



a 



Guidelines for Authors" in 



Volume 10, Number 2 (Winter 1990). Many authors will be able to prepare 
their manuscripts by consulting recent issues of the Journal. If you need a copy 
of the "Guidelines for Authors" please consult the issue of the Journal in 
which it was first published or write to the Editor requesting a copy. 

Authors must submit two copies of their manuscript plus the original copy 
and original figures. Papers not submitted in the correct format wiU be returned 
to the author. Submit manuscripts written in the English language to: 

DEBORAH M. PEARSALL, Editor 

Journal of Ethnobiology 
American Archaeology Division 

107 Swallow Hall 

University of Missouri 

Columbia, Missouri 65211 USA 

FAX: 314-884-5450 



Submit manuscripts written in the Spanish language to: 

ALEJANDRO DE AVILA B, Associate Editor 

Journal of Ethnobiology 

Department of Anthropology 

University of California 

Berkeley, CA 94720 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 

Individuals with information for the "News and Comments" section of the 
Journal should submit all appropriate material to Gary J. Martin, 94 Blvd. 
Handrin, 75116, Paris, France. FAX: 33/1/45533001. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

We welcome suggestions on books to review or actual reviews from reader 
ship of the Journal. Please send suggestions, comments, or reviews to one of th( 
Journal's book review editors (see inside front cover). 



SUBSCRIPTIONS 

Subscriptions to the Journal of Ethnobiology should be addressed to Brien A. 
Meilleur, Missouri Botanical Garden, Center for Plant Conservation, P.O. 
Box 299, St. Louis, MO 63166. Subscription rates are $60.00, institutional; 
$25.00 individual subscribers from Latin America; $25.00 student subscribers; 
$35.00 regular individual subscribers except for Latin America; Joint member 
(spouse; one copy of journal), add $10.00; Postage: $8.00 (outside of U.S.A., 
Canada, and Mexico). Write checks payable to Journal of Ethnobiology. Defective 
or lost copies will be replaced if written request is received within one year. For 
information on back issues, contact Cecil Brown, Department of Anthropol- 
ogy, Northern Illinois University DeKalb, IL 60115; (815) 753-0246. 



CONTENTS 



EDITOR'S VIEW 



1 



TOWARD RECONSTRUCTING ANCIENT MAIZE: 
EXPERIMENTS IN PROCESSING AND CHARRING 

Susan Goette, Michele Williams, Sissel Johannessen, Christine A. Hastorf . . 1 

CHARACTERIZATION OF MESTIZO PLANT USE 

IN THE SIERRA DE MANANTLAN, JALISCO-COLIMA, MEXICO 

Bruce F. Benz, Francisco Santana M., Rosario Pineda L., Judith Cevallos E., 
Luis Robles H., Domitila de Niz L. 23 



CHOICE OF FUEL FOR BAGACO STILLS HELPS MAINTAIN 
BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY IN A TRADITIONAL 
PORTUGUESE AGRICULTURAL SYSTEM 

George F. Estabrook 43 



TRIBES, STATES, AND THE EXPLOITATION OF BIRDS: 
SOME COMPARISONS OF BORNEO AND NEW GUINEA 

Christopher Healey 



59 



THE DISTRIBUTION AND ETHNOZOOLOGY 
OF REPTILES OF THE NORTHERN PORTION 
OF THE EGYPTIAN EASTERN DESERT 

Steven M. Goodman and Joseph J. Hobbs 



75 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 101 



BOOK REVIEWS 21, 22, 42, 57, 58, 74, 106-139 










VOLUME 14, NUMBER 2 



WINTER 1994 



Journal and Society Organization 

EDITOR: Deborah M. Pearsall, American Archaeology Division, 107 Swallow Hall, Univer- 
sity of Missouri, Columbia, MO 65211. 
ASSOCIATE EDITOR (Spanish): Alejandro de Avila B., Department of Anthropology, 

University of California, Berkeley, CA 94720. 
NEWS & COMMENTS EDITOR: Gary J. Martin, 94 Blvd. Flandrin, 75116, Paris, France. 

FAX: 33/1/45533001. 
BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Carlos E.A. Coimbra, Jr., Escola Nacional de Saude Publica- 

FIOCRUZ, Fundacao Oswaldo Cruz, Nucleo de Doencas Endemicas, Rua Leopoldo 

Bulhoes-Manguinhos, 21.041 Rio de Janeiro-RJ-BRASIL. 
BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Nancy J. Turner, Environmental Studies Program, RO. Box 1700, 

University of Victoria, Victoria, B.C. CANADA V8W 2Y2. 
PRESIDENT: Cecil H. Brown, Department of Anthropology, Northern Illinois University, 

DeKalb, lUinois 60115. 
PRESIDENT-ELECT: Catherine S. Fowler, Department of Anthropology, University of 

Nevada, Reno, Nevada 89557 
SECRETARY/TREASURER: Brien A. Meilleur, Missouri Botanical Garden, Center for 

Plant Conservation, P.O. Box 299, St. Louis, MO 63166. 
CONFERENCE COORDINATOR: Jan Timbrook, Department of Anthropology Santa Bar- 
bara Museum of Natural History, 2559 Puesta Del Sol Road, Santa Barbara, CA 93105. 

BOARD OF TRUSTEES 

ROBERT A. BYE, JR., Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, MEXICO: ethnobotany, 

ethnoecology. 
TIMOTHY JOHNS, Macdonald CoUege of McGill University, CANADA. 
Ex officio: Past Presidents Steven A. Weber, Amadeo M. Rea, Elizabeth S. Wing, and Paul 

Minnis; Permanent board member Steven D. Emslie; The Editor, President, President 

Elect, Secretary/Treasurer, and Conference Coordinator. 

EDITORIAL BOARD 

KAREN R. ADAMS, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, USA; paleoethnohotany . 

EUGENE N. ANDERSON, University of California, Riverside, USA; ethnobotany, 

BRENT BERLIN, University of California, Berkeley, USA; ethnobiological classification, medi- 
cal ethnobotany. 

DAVID R. HARRIS, University College, London, ENGLAND; ethnoecology, subsistence sys- 
teyns, archaeobotany. 

TIMOTHY JOHNS, McGill University, CANADA; chemical ecology, ethnobotany. 

HARRIET V KUHNLEIN, McGill University, CANADA; ethnonutrition, human nutrition. 

GARY J. MARTIN, Grupo de Apoyo al DesarroUo Etnico, Oaxaca, MEXICO; ethnobiological 
classification. 

DARRELL A. POSEY, School of Anthropology and Museum Ethnography, Oxford Univer- 
sity, ENGLAND; natural resource management, ethnoecology, ethnoentomology , tropical cul- 
tural ecology. 

AMADEO M. REA, San Diego Natural History Museum, USA; cultural ecology, zooarchae- 
ology, ethnotaxonomics. 

ELIZABETH J. REITZ, University of Georgia, USA; zooarchaeology. 

MOLLIE S. TOLL, University of New Mexico, USA; prehistoric and historic ethnobotany. 

Feature editors Carlos E.A. Coimbra and Nancy J, Turner (see above). 

Journal of Ethnobiology is published semi-annually. Manuscripts for publication, information for the "News and 
Comments" and book review sections should be sent to the appropriate editor on the inside back cover of this issue. 



^Society of Ethnobiology 
ISSN 0278-0771 



n 



Journal of 
Ethnobiology 



MISSOURI 



BOTANICAL 



J UN 2 4 1995 



GARDEN 



LIBRARY 



VOLUME 14, NUMBER 2 



WINTER 1994 



Advertising Information 



Journal of Ethnobiology 



published by the Society of Ethnobiology 



Mailing Instructions. All initial advertising contracts and correspondence 

should be sent to: 



Secretary / Trea surer 
Society of Ethnobiology 

Brien Meilleur 

Missouri Botanical Garden 

Center for Plant Conservation 

P.O. Box 299 

St. Louis, MO 63166 

phone: (314) 577-9450 

FAX (314) 577-9465 



Insertion orders and camera ready copy 



Editor, Journal of Ethnobiology 

Dr. Deborah Pearsall 
American Archaeology Division 

103 Swallow Hall 

University of Missouri 

Columbia, MO 65211 

phone: (314) 882-3038 

FAX (314) 882-9410 



CONTENTS 



EDITOR'S VIEW iii 



THE WELLS OF SPANISH FLORIDA: USING TAPHONOMY 
TO IDENTIFY SITE HISTORY 

Elizabeth J. Reitz 141 



PALM ETHNOECOLOGY IN THE SARIPIQUI REGION OF 
COSTA RICA 

Elaine ]oyal 161 



AFRICA'S BAOBAB TREE: WHY MONKEY NAMES? 

John Rashford 



173 



WET'SUWET'EN ETHNOBOTANY: TRADITIONAL PLANT USES 

Leslie M. Johnson Gottesfeld 185 



TRADITIONAL ARROWROOT PRODUCTION AND 
UTILIZATION IN THE MARSHALL ISLANDS 

Dirk H. R. Spennemann 



211 



RECENT DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS OF INTEREST 
TO ETHNOBIOLOGISTS XII 

Joseph E. Laferriere and Terence E. Hays 



235 



ABSTRACTS OF PRESENTATIONS 241 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 265 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Chumash Healing: Changing Health and Medical Practices in an American 
Indian Society, by Phillip L. Walker and Travis Hudson 

£. N. Anderson ^S4 

Barley: Chemistry and Technology, edited by Alexander W. MacGregor and 

Rattan S. Bhatty 

Richard Evans Schultes 234 

Alkaloids: Chemical and Biological Prospectives, edited by S. William Pelletier 

Richard Evans Schultes 273 

Ayahuasca Analogues, Pangaean Entheogens, by Jonathan Ott 

Richard Evans Schultes 273 

Foraging and Farming in the Eastern Woodlands, edited by C. Margaret Scarry 

Katherine M. Moore 274 

Health and the Rise of Civilization, by Mark Nathan Cohen 

Danna J. Leaman 276 



u 



CONTENTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Herbal Dentistry. Herbal Dental Remedies from Ancient Times to the Present 
Day, by Joseph G. Carter and WiUiam J. Carter; Folk Dentistry. Cultural Evolu- 
tion of Folk Remedies for Toothache, by Joseph G. Carter and William J. Carter 

Enrique Salmon 277 

UEthnobotanique Montagnaise de Mingan, by Daniel Clement 

Joseph E. Laferriere 278 

Lore. Capturing Traditional Environmental Knowledge, edited by Martha 
Johnson 

Judith a Mitchell 278 

Pharmacotheon. Entheogenic Drugs, Their Plant Sources, and History by 
Jonathan Ott 

Cath Cotton 280 

Natural Rubber: Biology, Cultivation, and Technology, edited by M. R. Sethuraj 
and N. M. Mathew 

Richard Evans Schultes 281 




Some thoughts on dietary reconstruction. Last winter T conducted a seminar 
at MU on reconstructing diet and nutrition through the archaeological record. 
Understanding what people ate at various times in prehistory is fundamental for 
understanding how past populations survived and prospered — how healthy peo- 
ple were, the nature and stability of a population's adaptation to the environment, 
and whether agricultural surpluses were produced to support complex social and 
political organizations. The students and I read a large number of studies pur- 
porting to reconstruct diet. We attempted to assess how, and to what extent, this 
goal could be achieved using the remains of plants and animals preserved at 
archaeological sites, and dietary indicators in the human skeleton. For me, it was 
essential to consider these issues before I attempted, with other members of the 
Jama Valley Project (Ecuador), to test competing models of agricultural evolution 
and cultural change using the floral, faunal, skeletal, and site settlement data 

from our research. 

What did the students and I learn? In essence, we found few of the studies we 
read convincing because few presented multiple lines of evidence to support their 
reconstructions of diet and nutrition. In other words, many studies focused on a 
single source of data— usually isotopes, skeletal stress indicators, botanical mac- 
roremains, or faunal remains — with other indicators of diet and health either not 
considered at all, or used without critical evaluation and real integration. Essen- 
tial aspects of diet were often ignored, as in paleoethnobotanical studies that 
didn't consider animal protein sources. Also, the inherent weaknesses in each 
type of dietary data— differential preservation and recovery in the case of plant 
remains, to continue this example— often resulted in single indicators not being 
robust enough to carry a reconstruction. 

I think there is a need to open debate among ethnobiologists on how multiple 
lines of evidence can be brought to bear on dietary reconstruction— how a true 
interdisciplinary synthesis can be achieved. One approach I hope to explore in the 
coming year is developing a framework for evaluating data sets against one 
another that is based on knowledge of the strengths and weaknesses of the data, 
and that frames successive hypotheses for testing. Although we are often intro- 
spective and critical of our own data, there is remarkably little communication 
among practitioners focusing on different types of biological data. Lack of famil- 
iarity can lead to skepticism of new approaches or mis-use of data, and continu- 
ing misconceptions will eventually hinder research in the area of diet and nutri- 



m 



IV 



EDITOR^S VIEW Vol. 14, No. 2 



tion. Changes in the way research is conducted are needed: researchers really do 
need to think things through together. Elizabeth Wing, in a commentary that ends 
Paleonutrition. The Diet and Health of Prehistoric Americans (K. Sobolik, editor, 1994, 
p. 316), puts it well: 



Great progress in paleonutrition has been achieved in the past three 
decades, but for it to progress along the same trajectory, the close cooper- 
ation of interdisciplinary team efforts must be fostered. 



comments on these issues. 



News and Comments editor Gary Martin reports receiving few news items 
from our readers. Announcements of meetings, classes, and workshops (and 



meetings) 



information or assistance are all welcome 



lie limits announcements of meetings or other events to 
^e 6 months or more notice. I would like to see many more 
members have attended, and more use of the "Opinions'' 



Information 



networks that readers have found useful would be a gc _ 

tips on accessing the "grey" literature. Gary and I would also be interested in 



pie 



make this section more 



exam 



News and Comments by mail or fax to Garv Martin 



contributions/suggest 



DMP 



/. Ethnobiol 14(2):141-160 



Winter 1994 



THE WELLS OF SPANISH FLORIDA: 
USING TAFHONOMY TO IDENTIFY SITE HISTORY 



ELIZABETH J. REITZ 

Museum of Natural History 

University of Georgia 

Athens, GA 30602-1882 



ABSTRACT. — Wells from Spanish Florida provide a wealth of information about 
subsistence in the colony. Archaeologists working with materials from the Spanish 
colony argue that these wells were filled quickly It is possible, however, that they 
were filled slowly Wells left open after being abandoned, like natural pitfall traps, 
should accumulate the remains of animals such as rodents, snakes, and frogs, which 
become entrapped in such features. Wells filled quickly once abandoned should 
contain few of these animals. While two Spanish wells have been found that did 
function as natural traps, most of the wells of St. Augustine and Santa Elena do not 
appear to have been open and unused long enough to serve as natural traps. 



RESUMEN. — Los pozos de La Florida espanola son una rica fuente de informa- 
cion acerca de la subsistencia en la colonia. Los arqueologos que han trabajado 
con los materiales de la colonia espanola aseveran que estos pozos fueron llenados 
rapidamente. Es posible, sin embargo, que se hayan llenado lentamente. Los 
pozos que permanecieron abiertos despues de ser abandonados, como las trampas 
naturales, debieron acumular los restos de animales tales como roedores^ viboras y 
ranas que son atrapados en esos sitios. Los pozos que se llenaron rapidamente 
despues de ser abandonados debieran contener pocos de estos animales. Si bien se 
han encontrado dos pozos espanoles que si funcionaron como trampas naturales, la 
mayoria de los pozos de San Augustin y Santa Elena no parecen haber permanecido 
abiertos y sin uso por suficiente tiempo para servir como trampas naturales. 



RESUME 



une 



cernant la subsistance au temps de la colonie. Les archaeologues traitant du 
materiel archaeologique de la colonie espagnole maintiennent que ces puits se 
sont remplis rapidement. Toutes fois, il est possible qu'ils se soient remplis lente- 
ment. Les puits, ayant ete abandonnes ouverts et formant des trappes naturelles, 
devraient accumuler des restes d'animaux, tels que rongeurs, serpents, et gre- 
nouilles qui se trouvent pieges dans ces trappes. Les puits qui se remplissent 
rapidement une fois abandonnes devraient conlenir peu de ces animaux. Deux 
puits provenant de La Florida espagnole ont, en effect, joue le role de trappes 
naturelles. Mais la plus part des puits de St Augustine et Santa Elena ne semblent 
pas etre demeures ouverts et inutilises assez longtemps pour avoir servi de 



naturelles 



INTRODUCTION 



Wells from Spanish Florida provide a wealth of information about subsistence 
and other aspects of human/animal interactions in the colony (Reitz 1991, 1992; 



142 



REITZ Vol. 14, No. 2 



Reitz and Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarry 1985). Archaeologists working in St. 
Augustine argue that wells associated with the First Spanish Period, A,D. 1565- 
1763, were filled relatively quickly with trash once they no longer were used for 
water (Deagan 1983:57). If that was the case, the contents of wells represent short- 
lived behavior and provide tightly focused, closed-context, glimpses into the life 
of a household at a specific point in time. Such closed-context deposits are useful 
in discussions of the colonies' economic and social networks. It is possible, how- 
ever, that abandoned wells filled slowly. In that case their contents would be 
representative of no particular household or moment in time, and less valuable as 
sources of information about social and economic interactions. It is important, 
therefore, to determine which wells represent closed-contexts and which ones do 
not. This same dilemma confronts archaeologists working in other locations and 

time periods. 

Observations of natural and artifical pitfall traps suggest this problem can be 
resolved using faunal remains since, from the perspective of a mouse, wells are 
hazards similar to bell-shaped pits or other features dug by humans. Wells filled 
quickly would be expected to have few characteristics in common with pitfall 
traps while wells left open would have many of the same faunal remains as 
natural pits. Testing this hypothesis is best accomplished where the historical 
events associated with each pit (well) are known; however, once it is established 
that faunal assemblages from traps do have a characteristic signature, such pat- 
terns may distinguish rapidly filled pits from pits filled slowly at sites whose 
histories are not known. 

Open wells, like natural traps, may contain large numbers of animals such as 
insectivores, small rodents, snakes, frogs, and toads. Such animals accumulate in 
what are essentially deep holes, as long as these were too deep or steep-sided for 
escape (Whyte 1988). Wells filled quickly might have few of these animals since 
there would be a shorter period of time for them to become trapped and easier 
access through the accumulating debris to the surface and escape. Presumably a 
large number of entrapped animals would preclude use of a well for drinking 
water, providing a motive to either clean the well or dig a new one. 

Using the identity of vertebrates found in well-fill, two patterns are seen. 
Some wells in Spanish Florida apparently were natural traps and probably filled 
slowly. Most of the wells of St, Augustine and Santa Elena do not contain quan- 
tities of animals considered likely members of a natural trap death-assemblage 
and were probably filled quickly when they no longer were used for water. Two 
wells identified as natural traps were both associated with unique moments in the 
history of the colony 



SPANISH FLORIDA HISTORY 



Spanish Florida was founded in 1565 by Pedro Menendez de Aviles, marking 
the beginning of the First Spanish Period. Originally Spain claimed all of North 
America south of Newfoundland and west of the Atlantic Ocean indefinitely 
(Gannon 1967:1); however, the actual occupation was a strip along the Atlantic 
coast between Santa Elena and St. Augustine and westward to Apalachee Pro- 
vince (Fig. 1), Menendez founded two towns, St. Augustine and Santa Elena. 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



143 





50 



lOOKILOMETERS 

=1 



<«. ■ 



FIG. 1. — Map showing location of St. Augustine 
Charleston. 



Santa Elena was established a few months after St. Augustine and was the capital 
of Spanish Florida until 1587, when it was abandoned and St. Augustine became 
the capital of the province. Throughout the sixteenth century natural disasters 
and attacks by a variety of human foes contributed to the unreliabiity of imported 
staples, munitions, and other supplies. In 1570 an official subsidy was established 
to remedy the problem, but it did not do so (Lyon 1977; Sluiter 1985). Disease also 
hampered efforts to develop an export economy. If the official correspondence is 
to be believed, sixteenth-century St. Augustinians had very little to eat and sub- 
sisted on scum and vermin (Bushnell 1981:11; Conner 1925:99). 

In the seventeenth century Floridians continued to experience disease, natural 
disasters, and war. Epidemics of yellow fever or typhus, smallpox, and measles 
devastated Europeans, Africans, and native Floridians (Bushnell 1978; 1981:13). 
Buccaneers attacked the mission chain along the Atlantic coast as well as outposts 
in the interior of peninsular Florida (Bushnell 1978, 1981:12; Hann 1986:175). Wars 



144 



REITZ Vol. 14, No. 2 



throughout the century between Spain, France, and England made Caribbean 
waters generally unsafe for external trade (Bushnell 1981:12); the subsidy was 
often many years overdue. For this reason many indigenous local sources of food 
continued to be used by all Floridians. 

The eighteenth century was also a time of turmoil for Spanish Florida (TePaske 
1964). British raids destroyed outlying missions and cattle ranches by 1704, and 
St. Augustine was beseiged in 1728 and 1740. These raids reflected the gradual 
advance of English settlements down the Atlantic seaboard. Charleston, South 
Carolina, was founded in 1670 and Savannah, Georgia, in 1733. In spite of hostili- 
ties, trade with British colonies was routine (Harman 1969). As in the previous 
centuries, reports of hardship were frequent. For example, after the subsidy ship 
was captured in 1712, Governor Don Francisco de Corcoles y Martinez reported 
townspeople ate dogs, cats, and horses (Corcoles y Martinez 1712; TePaske 

1964:83). 

The First Spanish Period ended in 1763 when Spain ceded what remained of 
Spanish Florida to England. Virtually the entire European, African, and mis- 
sionized Indian populations evacuated the colony from 1763 to 1783, during what 
is known as the British Period (Dunkel 1958). The Second Spanish Period began 
when Spain regained peninsular Florida in 1783 and ended when Spain ceded the 
territory to the United States of America in 1821. 



MATERIALS AND METHODS 



This analysis is facilitated by the large amount of faunal data available from 
Spanish Florida. As an indication of the sample size involved, 2,602 vertebrate 
individuals were estimated in a total sample of 106,570 bone fragments from First 
Spanish Period St. Augustine and Santa Elena contexts (Reitz 1992; Reitz and 

Cumbaa 1983; Reitz and Scarrv 1985^ Tn brief the faunal evidenre for Soanish 



some 



limited to white-tailed deer, and little use of domestic 



animals 



here are available elsewhere (Reitz 1990, 1991, 1992; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983; Re 
and Scarry 1985; Wood and Reitz 1986). The faunal remains from Spanish Flori 
have all been identified using either the comparative skeletal collections at i 
Florida Museum of Natural Historv or the Universitv of Georeia Museum 



The 



61) for an extensive 



nomenclature 



methods 



Cumbaa 



Wood 



however, it is important to note that faunal remains recovered from 



from 



Most of the 200 taxa identified in wells were 



The only exceptions are single bones identified as great egret (Casmerodius albusX 
ruddy duck {Oxyura jamaicensisX broad-winged hawk {Buteo pktypterus), and 
largemouth bass {Micropterus salmoides); as well as two fish bones identified as 
erunt (Haemulidae), all of which were found onlv in wells. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 145 



COMMENSAL TAXA IN SPANISH FLORIDA 



To determine whether the wells of Spanish Florida filled quickly or slowly^ 
those animals that are considered characteristic of natural pitfall traps must be 
defined. The animals likely to be victims of natural traps were classified as com- 
mensal taxa during analysis of Spanish Florida faunal assemblages. Commensal 
taxa are those animals found frequently in association with human residences, 
perhaps through no active intention of humans (Reitz and Scarry 1985:42). Moles, 
mice, rats, voles, lizards, frogs, and toads are considered commensal animals. 
These small animals might in turn attract owls, snakes, and other predators. A 
special category of commensal fauna are pets and working animals. Pets, includ- 
ing dogs and cats, and working animals, such as mules, horses, and oxen, might 
be present at sites and incorporated into the archaeological record by accident or 
through burial not associated with consumption. Large working animals are 
unlikely to fall into wells by accident, but dogs and cats might do so. 

While the classification of certain taxa as commensal has had functional 
utility over the course of the Spanish Florida project, classification of species as 
commensal rather than as food sources has never been taken for granted. Most of 
the "commensal" animals might also be consumed either routinely or at least 
occasionally (Stahl 1982; Szuter 1988). Individual animals of taxa that generally 
were consumed, such as opossums or raccoons, might also become entrapped, 
but these animals have not been classified as commensal. Determining which 
species are included in faunal assemblages through subsistence and other cul- 
tural behaviors is important because Spaniards at various times claimed that the 
poverty of the colony forced them to eat vermin. It is not clear what a Spaniard 
might consider vermin because a wide range of species that may have been 
unfamiliar to Europeans were consumed frequently in Spanish Florida. Any or all 
of these might have been considered disgusting, inedible vermin by homesick 
Spaniards either as a group or individually Our normal (ethnocentric) categories 
of what might be commensal are irrelevant because Spaniards clearly claimed to 
consume undesirable foods, some of which might have been ordinarily commen- 
sal to the town and its surroundings. 

Identifying which animals were "vermin" and testing the accuracy of the 
commensal classification are among the goals of zooarchaeological research for 
Spanish Florida. Is there a group of animals common in Spanish deposits that 
were not consumed, and if so, which of the 200 vertebrate taxa found in First 
Spanish Period collections might have been truly commensal rather than food 
items wrongly classified as commensal during analysis? Did Spaniards really face 
famines during which they ate vermin, and if they did, what did they think of as 
vermin? These are not minor questions since commensal taxa as defmed here 
have comprised 5% of the St. Augustine sixteenth-century vertebrate mdividuals 
(MNI=1,126), 5% of the Santa Elena vertebrate individuals (MNI=558), 4% of the 
seventeenth-century vertebrate individuals (MNI=166), and 5% of the eighteenth- 
century vertebrate individuals (MNI=722), aUhough their dietary contribution, if 
any must have been small (Reitz 1992; Reitz and Cumbaa 1983:175; Reitz and 

Scarry 1985:66). 

Traditionally zooarchaeologists examine characteristics such as articulated 



146 



REITZ Vol. 14, No. 2 



modifications to bones resulting from 



com 



the depositional origin of different species. Unfortunately, none of the standard 
techniques used to distinguish between food and nonfood animals have consis- 
tently delineated food from nonfood uses of either vertebrates or invertebrates in 
Spanish Florida. This suggests that the categories "commensal" and "noncom- 



mensal 



// 



food" and "nonfood" animals 



com 



commensal 



their status in the colonial diet is unclear. Further research is needed to resolve the 
question of whether the animals classified as "commensal" here were consumed 
frequently, occasionally, or not at all. 



may 



formation 



Augustine since the 1970s (Deagan 1983:14), but zooarchaeology has contributed 



little in this area largely because of the difficulty of distinguishing between to 
and nonfood refuse. However, there seems to be a characteristic accumulation 
commensal taxa that indicates when a well was left open for enough time to ser 
as a natural trap. Wells filled quickly lack these characteristics. Accumulations 
taxa classified as commensal for purposes of this study (Table 1) will be used 
markers for natural traps without addressing the question of whether the spec 
were eaten, although the assumption is made that they were not, at least in th( 
contexts. 



NATURAL TRAPS 



The literature on natural traps is voluminous (e.g.. Gibbons and Semhtsch 
1981; Guilday et al. 1969; Hirschfeld 1968; Hudson and Solf 1959; Semken and Falk 
1991; White et al. 1984) and will be briefly summarized here only to demonstrate 
that Spanish Florida wells meet many of the physical characteristics of natural 
traps and that the types of fauna found in traps with small openings can be 
anticipated with a good degree of accuracy. The point does not need to be bela- 
bored because most archaeologists are familiar with the success of 1 x 1 m squares 
in capturing small animals. Pitfall traps of various designs are also a common 
biological approach to capturing small animals in the field. 

In experimental work designed to replicate site formation processes at archae- 
ological sites, Whyte (1988) found that small vertebrates tend to be caught in deep, 
steep-sided pit features that remain uncovered while slowly filling with debris. 
Whyte's baited traps were designed to replicate common archaeological features 
and were 75 cm in diameter at the surface and 75 cm deep. These pits attracted 
newts, narrow-mouthed toads, treefrogs, pickerel frogs, leopard frogs, green 
frogs, bullfrogs, stinkpots, painted turtles, yellow-bellied turtles, snapping tur- 
tles, queen snakes, a black kingsnake, a wood duck, opossum, shrews, house 
mice, white-footed mice, pine voles, muskrats, and rabbits. The species captured 
and their relative proportions in each pit varied with season, weather, surround- 
ing vegetation, bait, and pit characteristics. When all data from all seasons and all 
pit types are combined, amphibians comprised 29% of the 267 vertebrate Individ- 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



147 



TABLE L — ^Taxa found in wells and considered potentially commensal for 
purposes of this study. 



Scientific Name 



Common Name 



Scalopus aquaticus 

UID Rodent 

Cricetidae/Muridae 

Sigmodon hispidus 

Microtus pinetorum 

Rattus spp. 

Rattus norvegicus 

Rattus rattus 

Cams familiaris 

Felis domesticus 

UID Snake 

Colubridae 

Viperidae 

Crotalus / Sistrurus spp. 

Rana/Bufo spp. 

Rana spp. 

Bufo spp. 

Bufo terrestris 



Eastern mole 



New and Old World mice and rats 

Hispid cotton rat 

Pine vole 

Old World rat 

Norway rat 

Roof rat 

Dog 

Cat 



Non-poisonous snakes 
Pit vipers 
Rattlesnake 
Anura; Frog/Toad 

Frog 
Toad 
Southern toad 



mammals 34% (Whyte 1988:40). Mice 



from some pits (Whyt 



Whyte reports that entrapped animals 
are more likely to be found in the lower levels of natural traps (Whyte 1988:80, 82). 
A further observation made by Whyte (1988:139) is that entrapped animals are 
more abundant in experimental pits surrounded by vegetation or debris, a fact 
that might be used as an indication of site abandonment. 

With the exception of the opossums, muskrat, turtles, duck, and rabbits, all of 
the animals captured in Whyte's pits would be classified as commensal taxa in 
Spanish Florida archaeofaunal collections. Turtles are a particular surprise since 
the possibility that turtles might be commensal had been considered and rejected 
for Spanish Florida collections. However, Whyte notes that 79 of the 95 entrapped 
turtles were young, newly hatched individuals rather than adults (Whyte 1988:45). 
Many of the other animals captured were also young, including both snakes and 
the wood duck. Gibbons and Semlitsch (1981) also found that adults of some 
species may not be captured in pitfall traps. 

A similar interpretation was made by Armitage and West (1985) in a study of 
materials from a late medieval garden well of the Greyfriars in London. They 
found that 92% of the commensal small mammals and amphibians in this well 
were either juveniles or subadults (Armitage and West 1985:123). While not using 
this as evidence that the well was abandoned but open, they did interpret these 
animals as evidence of garden fauna associated with nearby orchards rather than 
subsistence items. They also observed that a high percentage of the garden fauna 



148 



REITZ Vol. 14, No. 2 



new 



wary of hazards such as wells. Some may 



animals 



cats, and amphibians contributed 37% of the bone fragments reported from the 

Greyfriars well. 

Carnivores and large herbivores are rarely part of a natural trap fauna when 
the opening is small, although a study by White and colleagues (White et aL 1984) 
of two caves formed in a lava field in Idaho provides a good example of a 
situation in which carnivores can become entrapped. Both caves contained a high 
incidence of rodents, rabbits, and carnivores, suggesting that the carnivores were 
attracted by the small rodents and rabbits that fell mto the caves, and themselves 
became entrapped once they jumped through the cave entrances. This study also 



animals, and verv old adults, were the individuals most 



become 



DESCRIPTION OF DATA FROM TWO WELLS/NATURAL TRAPS 



Examining the Spanish Florida well data might be facilitated by looking first 
at materials from wells that probably were natural traps, from Lesesne Plantation 
and 70 Nassau Street, Charleston. While neither of these wells is from St. Augustine 
or Santa Elena, they do fall within the original sixteenth-century boundaries of 
Spanish Florida. Characteristics of these wells and their faunal assemblages are 
presented in Table 2. An important characteristic of wells is that when the well is 
filled with water, debris accumulates at the bottom of the well in an anaerobic 
zone, and preservation is therefore enhanced. Hence noting the relationship of 
commensal taxa to the well bottom and the current water table is important for 
reconstructing the taphonomic history of the deposit. 

One of the "natural trap" wells is from the Lesesne Plantation, just north of 
Charleston, South Carolina (Wood and Reitz 1986; Zierden et al. 1986). The Les- 
esne Plantation well was brick-lined and about a meter in diameter at the surface 
(Zierden et al. 1986:4-44). The well was built in 1800 and abandoned in 1860, 
although materials probably accumulated during the midnineteenth century. 
Standing water was found at 2.6 m (Level 28), although the well was dug to 
culturally sterile soil at 3.3 m. The well was excavated in 20 cm increments from 
Levels 1-9 and in 10 cm levels from Levels 10-28. Level 29 was the bottom 30 cm 
of the well. Levels 1-18 contained materials associated with the slump of the 
plowzone; Levels 19-27 accumulated during the period of abandonment; and 
Levels 28-29 contained items probably lost while the well was still active. Level 
29 was full of organic debris, including what was probably the water bucket. The 
studied materials were recovered using a 1/4-inch meshed screen. 

While the location of the Lesesne well was rural, the second "natural trap'' 
well is urban, from Charleston, South Carolina (Reitz 1990; Table 2). This brick- 
lined well was found at 70 Nassau Street, the home of a free African-American 
household. Although the well may have been dug in the 1840s, its contents appear 
to date to the early twentieth century. The well was enclosed by a house sometime 
after that, but it remained open, with water perhaps accessed via a pipe. It was 
excavated as a single unit, and hence there are no levels. The well was 10 ft deep. 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



149 



TABLE 2. — Description of wells. 



Site^ 



Feature 



Natural Traps 



Century Taxa^ NISP 



Weight, 
gm 



MNI Screen Comments 



Lesesne 



106 



19th 



13 



1071 



80.07 



52 



1/4" 



to sterile 



70 Nassau 



1 



19th/20th 



8 



2215 



913.72 



48 



1/4" 



to sterile 



Sixteenth-century First Spanish Period, St Augustine 



SA 26-1 
SA 26-1 
SA 34-1 



SA 34-1 
SA 34-1 
SA 34-2 



SA 36-4 
SA 36-4 
FOY 



21 

62 

1977 



24 
26 
44 



5 

16 

9 



16th 
16th 
16th 



16th 
16th 
16th 



16th 
16th 
16th 



30 

29 

5 



19 
19 
13 



21 

8 

18 



4295 

1232 

34 



470 

1036 

291 



1387 
586 
881 



1128.80 

1419.97 

262.50 



500.10 
506.74 

1 2703 



1183.52 

1296.10 

43.69 



75 
75 

5 



38 
30 
14 



72 

9 

32 



1/4" 
1/4" 
1/4" 



1/4" 



1/4" 



1/4" 
1/8" 
1/16" 



to sterile 
to water level 
to sterile; 
incomplete 

to sterile 



1 /4",ss to sterile 



not completely 

excavated 
to sterile 
to sterile 
to sterile 



Sixteenth-century First Spanish Period, Santa Elena 



Sta. Elena 
Sta. Elena 
Sta. Elena 



146 
172 
217 



16th 
16th 
16th 



24 

25 

2 



2506 

1640 
21 



840.69 

544.25 

17.45 



40 

32 
2 



1/8" 
1/8" 
1/8" 



to sterile 
to sterile 
to sterile 



Seventeenth-century First Spanish Period 



SA 34-2 



47 



17th 



12 



1559 



1320.95 



21 



1/4" 



not completely 
excavated 



Eighteenth-century First Spanish Period 



SA7-6 



14 



SA 34-2 Area 13/17 



18th 
18th 



SA 36-4 



11/12/13 



18th 



12 
11 



20 



1149 
136 



1480 



2771.20 
161.43 



1715.95 



22 
11 



41 



1/4" 
1/4" 



1/4 



to sterile 

not completely 

excavated 
to sterile 



Later St Augustine Wells 



SA 34-2 



26 



British 



SA 34-2 



41 



2nd Span. 



10 



14 



200 



1210 



871.85 



254759 



10 



22 



1/4" 



1/4" 



not completely 
excavated 

to sterile 



' St. Augustine sites are designed by the prefix "SA". FOY refers to the Fountain of Youth Park site. 



2 Number of taxa for which MNI was estimated. 



150 



REITZ Vol. 14, No. 2 



with water encountered in the lower 3 ft.^ The last 0.5 ft was dark fill above sterile 
sand. Only faunal materials from this dark fill at the bottom of the well were 
studied. The materials were recovered using 1/4-inch meshed screen. 

Tables 3 and 4 show the Number of Identified Specimens (NISP) and Mini- 
mum Numbers of Individuals (MNI) for the Lesesne and 70 Nassau Street wells. 
The animals in both wells are overwhelmingly conunensal taxa. An exception 
was made to the general classificatory rule for commensal taxa in the case of 
rabbits identified in the Lesesne well. Normally rabbits (Sylvilagus spp.) are not 
classified as commensal animals, however, the skeletons in these wells were very 
complete. High degrees of skeletal completeness indicate minimal postmortem 
disturbance, suggesting these individuals were commensal. In the Lesesne well 
98% of the NISP and 94% of the MNI were commensal taxa. In the 70 Nassau 
Street well 95% of the NISP and 88% of the MNI were commensal taxa. The 
general lack of bones from animals that would normally have been consumed, 
such as cattle and chickens, indicates that food remains rarely were thrown, fell, 
dragged, or pushed into these wells. Since the 70 Nassau Street well was exca- 
vated as a single unit, we cannot examine the levels in which these commensal 
taxa were recovered. However, in the Lesesne well all but two of the commensal 
bones were recovered from Levels 20 through 23, the levels just above the water 
Une (Table 5), 

Both of these deposits clearly appear to be natural traps, with some additional 
refuse included in the case of the 70 Nassau Street well. It should be noted that the 
high incidence of adult rats in the 70 Nassau Street well lead Philip Armitage 
(personal communication, 1991) to suggest that this well was not a natural trap. 
He reasoned that because the well was under a house when these rodents became 



must have entered the well 
? rat poison campaign encoi 



water in 



It is also important to note that a 1/4-inch mesh was used to recover materials 
from both deposits. In the presentation that follows, some of the well deposits 
were also seived through 1/4-inch mesh, which one might expect to bias against 
recovery of small animal remains. These two cases indicate that if a deposit did 
serve as a natural trap, use of 1/4-inch mesh will not necessarily disguise that 
function. Presumably if a smaller-meshed screen had been used, the numbers of 

commensal taxa would have inrrpp^spd to ^n (>\/f^r\ hio-hpr nprrpnfp^crp nf the total 



sam 



THE WELLS OF ST. AUGUSTINE 



Wells are common in St. Augustine (Deagan 1981; 1983:57, 111). They were 
constructed by digging a large well construction pit into which a stack of wooden 
barrels was placed to form a well roughly a meter in diameter (Fig. 2). A typical 
well included a stack of one or two barrels extending about 4 m below ground 
level and 2 m below the water table. Wells are routinely found 12 to 15 m from the 
street edge toward the back of each lot (Deagan 1983:247). Frequently a number of 
well construction pits, wells, and false starts are located within a few meters of 
each other, sometimes overlappine one another. When archaeologists excavate a 



TABLE 3. — Commensal taxa in wells, NISR 



3 



NISP for Commensal Taxa 



Site! 



Feature 



NISP 



Mole 



Rabbits2 



Rodents 



Dogs 



Cats 



Snakes 



Anura 



% Commensal 

Taxa 






Natural Traps 

Lesesne 

70 Nassau 



106 
1 



1071 

2215 



75 



206 
1755 



3 
55 



255 



292 



509 



979 
94.9 



4^ 



Sixteenth-century First Spanish Period, St. Augustine 



SA 26-1 
SA 26-1 
SA 34-1 
SA 34-1 
SA 36-4 
SA 36-4 
FOY 



21 
62 
24 
26 

5 
16 

9 



4295 

1232 

470 

1036 

1387 

586 

881 



4 



3 

13 

1 



Sixteenth-century First Spanish Period, Santa Elena 



Sta. Elena 
Sta. Elena 
Sta. Elena 



146 

172 
217 



2506 

1640 

21 



1 



Eighteenth-century First Spanish Period 



SA 7-6 
SA 36-4 



14 
11/12/13 



1149 
1480 



1 



1 



1 



2 
1 



1 



2 



1 

63 



2 



1 



1 



2 



2 



2 

21 



80 



109 



3 

32 



20 



1 



0.1 
0.2 
0.4 
2.1 



0.2 

9.5 



0.2 
12.5 



1.7 
0.1 



O 

c 

z 

> 

r 

O 

z 

o 

03 



O 
r' 

O 



Later St. Augustine Wells 



SA 34-2 



41 



1210 



2 



0.2 



■> St. Augustine sites are designed by the prefix "SA". FOY refers to the Fountain of Youth Park site. 

2 Rabbits are not included in the commensal calculations for Spanish deposits but are included in the table so that their numt)ers can be compared to 
those in the Lesesne well. 



en 



TABLE 4.— Commensal taxa in wells, MNI. 



Site^ 



Feature 



MNI 



Mole 



Rabbits^ 



Natural Traps 

Lesesne 
70 Nassau 



106 
1 



52 
48 



5 



Sixteenth-century First Spanish Period, St. Augustine 



SA 26-1 
SA 26-1 
SA 34-1 
SA 34-1 
SA 36-4 
SA 36-4 
FOY 



21 
62 
24 
26 

5 
16 

9 



75 
75 
38 
30 
72 

9 

32 



1 



2 
3 

1 



Sixteenth-century First Spanish Period, Santa Elena 



Sta. Elena 
Sta. Elena 
Sta. Elena 



146 
172 
217 



40 

32 

2 



1 



1 



Eighteenth-century First Spanish Period 



SA7-6 
SA 36-4 



14 
11/12/13 



22 
41 



1 



1 



MNI for Commensal Taxa 



Rodents 



11 
33 



2 
1 



1 



1 



1 
2 



Dogs 



Cats 



Snakes 



1 

2 



4 



7 



1 



1 



1 



1 



2 



1 



1 



Anura 



28 



1 



1 
2 



12 



1 
1 



% Commensal 

Taxa 



94.2 
87.5 



5.3 

2.7 

2.6 

10.0 



11.1 
43.8 



5.0 
18.8 



4.5 
4.9 



en 



td 



N 



Later St. Augustine Wells 



SA 34-2 



41 



22 



1 



Augustine 



// 



SA". FOY refers to the Fountain of Youth Park site. 



4.5 



2 Rabbits are not included in the commensal calculations for Spanish deposits but are included in the table so that their numbers can be compared to 



those in the Lesesne well. 



^ 



P 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 153 



TABLE 5. — Location of commensal 
wells, bv Level. 



UID Small 
Mammal Eastern mole Rabbit Rodents Cat/Dog Snakes Anura 



Lesesne, Feature 106 
Level 3 



1 



Level 8 

Level 20 

Level 2 1 

Level 22 11 60 3 72 29 

Level 23 90 13 102 3 183 471 



2 



SA 7-6, Feature 14 

Level 1 

Level 3 

Level 6 

Level 9 
SA 26-1, Feature 21 

Level 2 

Level 3 

Level 4 

Level 6 

Level 9 

Level 1 2 

Level 1 3 

Level 16 
SA 26-1, Feature 62 

Level 1 

Level 2 
SA 34-1, Feature 24 

Level 3 

SA 34-1, Feature 26 

Level 1 

Level 3 

Level 4 

Level 6 

Level 7 

Level 10 
SA 34-2, Feature 41 

Level 5 

Level 1 1 
SA 36-4, Feature 5 

Level 4 

Level 7 

Level 8 

Level 9 
SA 36-4, Feature 11/12/13 

Level 1 

Level 4 

Level 7 1 



1 
1 
1 



1 



1 
1 
1 



3 
2 
1 

7 



1 



9 
6 
4 
1 



2 



1 



1 



1 



1 



1 
1 



1 



1 

4 

5 



1 



1 



2 



5 

1 3 

1 
1 

1 

10 



154 



REITZ Vol. 14, No. 2 



TABLE 5.— Location of commensal taxa in Natural Trap (Lesesne) and Spanish 
wells, by Level, (continued) 



UID Small 
Mammal Eastern mole Rabbit Rodents Cat /Dog Snakes Anura 



SA 36-4, Feature 16 



Level 4 
Level 6 
FOX Feature 9 
Level 6 
Level 9 

Level 1 1 

Level 1 2 

Level 13 

Level 15 
Santa Elena, Feature 146 

Level A 

Level B 

Level C 

Level D 

Level F 
Santa Elena, Feature 172 

Level A 

Level C 

Level D 

Level E 

Level F 

Level G 1 



1 



1 



2 1 



17 
1 

56 
6 



1 



1 
1 



1 



1 



1 



1 



1 



4 

7 7 

52 108 5 

19 



well into sterile soil below the water table, large quantities of organic materials 
can be recovered. Organic debris includes such things as shoes, oranges, and 
other plant remains. Over 15,000 vertebrate bones have been recovered from the 
wells of St. Augustine (Table 2). It is likely that when wells were contaminated or 
found to be too shallow it was easier to dig another one than to clean the old one, 
or make it deeper, because ground water is so close to the surface in St. Augustine. 
The earliest well was constructed in the fall of 1565 when Pedro Menendez de 
Aviles first established the colony at what is known as the Fountain of Youth Park 
site (FOY), but the tradition of constructing barrel wells continued into the Sec- 
ond Spanish Period (Table 2). 

A total of 15 St. Augustine wells were considered in this study (Table 2). 
Thirteen of these wells were filled during the First Spanish Period. Nine of the 
First Spanish Period wells were filled during the sixteenth century, one in the 
seventeenth century, and three in the eighteenth century. Use of well points 
permitted excavation of many of these wells below water level into the culturally 
sterile zone below the well. In several cases conditions did not permit excavation 
of a well to sterile. One well (SA 26-1, Feature 62) was excavated just to water 
level, and only a few levels were excavated for four other wells. The actual 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



155 



J * - 






"^<-\.-. 

s*^; :^'^ 



^*^ 



Ir 



:t^r'- 



w 



I-' 



,<<'^ 






^', .^ 



-**^ ^ 



-v^^- 



.1 









«'.'- 



a'? 



■^ . 



"\ 



^* 



fc 1 



■ ^ --H 



+ - 



J i 



CONSTRUCTION PIT 



.^ 



^ \ t 



y 



■- . ^ 



A/rV: 



? - 






STERILE SAND 



^•_<i 



BARREL }iOOPS 



STERILE SAND 



.►-: 



^- — ■" 



' r F- 



WATER TABLE 



H - ^ 



(/ 


lll\\\ 


w 


^l — - 








1 

i 




' 



BARREL (INTACT) 







I METER 



FIG. 2.— Schematic profile of a Spanish well (from Reitz and Scarry 1985:50). 



number of levels in the wells varies, reflecting the fact that the initial pomt at 
which each well was observed was variable. Wells have been first encountered 
between 1.9 m and 2.7 m below datum and when excavated to sterile have ended 
between 3.6 m and 4.6 m below datum. Contents of wells have been variously 
excavated in 5 cm, 10 cm, or 15 cm increments over the 14 years it took to assemble 
this data base. Recovery techniques also varied. Although at least a 1/4-inch mesh 
was always used to recover the materials, finer meshes were used occasionally In 
one case (SA 34-1, Feature 26), soil samples were examined in addition to the 1/4- 
inch fraction. Finer-meshed screens were used to recover samples from Feature 16 
at SA 36-4 (1/8-inch) and the Fountain of Youth Park well (1/16-inch). 



The St. Augustine wells contrast sharply 



American 



^v.^^..^^^ ..^^.^. .. commensal taxa comprised less than 

3% of the NISP in the St. Augustine wells (Table 3). The percentage of MNI is 
more variable, but commensal individuals contributed 11% or less of the esti- 
mated individuals in all but one case (FOY; Table 4). The exception in both cases, 
the Fountain of Youth Park well, is the oldest St. Augustine well at the oldest 

c^^^i^-u ^it.^ tr>^;i.r, iQQi\ TUid TA7C.11 will T-iP di<;rii«spd in more detail below. While 



1/4-inch meshed sc 
lid be remembered 



trap 



// 



natural 

Ameri- 



wells, and with the exception of the Fountam 



commensal taxa from the St. Augustine wells are evenly distributed throu 
the strata (Table 5). This suggests that most of the St. Augustine wells were n 



156 



REITZ Vol. 14, No. 2 



open sufficiently long for commensal taxa to accumulate in them. Instead, thes^ 
wells almost certainly were filled quickly, before commensal taxa had an oppor 

tunity to accumulate. 

The Fountain of Youth Park well, however, is clearly a different case. Com 
mensal taxa comprise 10% of the bones (Table 3) and 44% of the individual; 



(Table 4) in this well. Further evidence that this well was a natural trap tor at least 
some period of time is found in the observation that commensal taxa are not 
evenly distributed in all levels (Table 5). Levels 9 through 15 contain 96% of the 
commensal taxa recovered from the well. This probably reflects the history of the 
site. The Fountain of Youth Park site was originally an Indian village. It was 
occupied by Pedro Menendez's colonists when they first made landfall in Septem- 
ber, 1565 (Reitz 1991). It was abandoned in April, 1566, when Indian hostilities 
forced Menendez to find a more defensible position. The well was built during 
the brief Spanish occupation and the village was not reoccupied by Spaniards for 
some time thereafter. The welL therefore, was abandoned rather than filled as 



was 



time the Spaniards left and the Native Amer 



quickly with materials 



was reoccupied, the well 



SANTA ELENA WELLS 



There is another case of a well which probably represents a natural trap. This 
is from St. Augustine's sister town, Santa Elena. Santa Elena yielded three wells 
associated with the San FeUpe fortification (Table 2; South 1984, 1985). Fort San 
Felipe was constructed in 1570 and a casa fuerte built in 1572, but both were 
abandoned in 1576 when Santa Elena was sacked and burned by Indians hostile 
to the Spanish colony. The town itself was abandoned briefly after this attack. 
When Santa Elena was reoccupied by Spaniards, a new fort, San Marcos, was 
constructed. 



All 



Well contents were recovered using a 1/8-inch meshed 



well was 



water 



almost immediately abandoned, the barrels salvaged, and the hole filled with 
oyster shell and other debris characteristic of subsistence (South 1985:35). Feature 
172 was the primary well in the fort and was probably in use when Fort San 



were 



from 



water table was encountered at 36 cm 
to the bottom of the well at 60 cm 



cm above sea level. This well contained Umited faunal material 



abandonment 



remams 



quickly and that Feature 172 served as a natural trap. Less than 1% of the NISP 
and 5% of the MNI for Feature 146 were commensal taxa, but commensal taxa 
comprised 13% of the NISP and 19% of the MNI in Feature 172 (Tables 3 and 4). 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 157 



While the few commensal 



out the feature, those in Feature 172 appear to cluster in the lower levels of the 



well 



San Felipe (Table 5). Feature 172 was probably still in use when the fort was 



while 



emotv of Europeans, it was 



returned to the town. Feature 146 was filled shortly after it was constructed. 



DISCUSSION 



wells of Spanish Florida seldom 



exam 



commensal 



of the feature. The only St. Augustine well that remained unfilled long enough to 
serve as a natural trap is a well (the Fountain of Youth Park site) used for a very 



time 



with cultural debris, but only after collecting at least 14 commensal individuals in 
the lowest levels. The Santa Elena well that probably served as a natural trap did 



when the European population was absent from 



may 



However, in this study the function 



wells 



mesh 



materials. While the use of 1/4-inch 



in a reduction of bones from small commensal animals, evidence of entrapment in 
the two American examples was not obscured by use of the larger meshed screen. 
Additionally, soil samples or material recovered usmg fine-meshed screens were 
examined for three wells and did not yield high quantities of commensal taxa. 
While screen meshes smaller than 1/4-inch should be used routinely when recov- 
ering faunal materials, larger screen does not necessarily eliminate the possibiUty 
of identifying wells or other features that functioned as natural traps. 

One alternative explanation for the lack of commensal taxa in most wells is 
that unfilled wells were not accessible to commensal fauna even when no longer 
in use. For example, the area around most wells may have been kept so clear of 



commensal 



traps 



:iena Feature 172) probably functioned as such during periods 
nd possibly Native Americans, were absent from the sites and 
may have been more dense. Presumably the Fountain of Youth Park 
San Felipe became over-grown with weedy vegetation during these 
^ever, vegetation on the Atlantic coastal plain grows rapidly in aU 
seems unlikely that even house lots with heavy human and domes- 



animal 



at weeding, 
commensal 



weUs is that abandoned wells may have been capped so that domestic animals 
and children could not fall in. Given that Spanish wells were relatively shallow, it 



158 



REITZ Vol. 14, No. 2 



is difficult to imagine why an abandoned well would be capped rather than filled. 
More likely these attractive nuisances were rapidly filled by the household as 
soon as they no longer served as a source of water. In fact, some may have been 
abandoned because entrapped animals contaminated the water rather than the 



other way around. 



CONCLUSION 



This review suggests that site formation processes revealed by faunal data 
can be of use in outlining the history of a site, giving us another view of tapho- 
nomic processes. While a well at St. Augustine and one at Santa Elena may have 
functioned as natural traps during periods of abandonment, most Spanish wells 
studied lack the faunal characteristics of natural traps. It appears that if commen- 
sal taxa contribute over 9% of NISP and 40% of MNI in a feature, it may have been 
a natural trap during at least part of the site's history. Further evidence that a well 
was a natural trap for at least some period of time is found in the accumulation of 
commensal taxa in the lower levels of the feature. The most characteristic trap 
victims are rodents, snakes, amphibians, and young individuals of larger taxa 
such as turtles and cats. Based on the low percentages of commensal taxa, espe- 
cially in the lower levels, most of the wells of Spanish Florida were probably 
intentionally filled with trash over a relatively short period of time. Identifying 
similar layers of commensal taxa may aid in distinguishing brief periods of aban- 
donment at other types of archaeological sites. 



NOTE 



^English measurements are used at historic sites with English colonial histories, such as 



Charleston. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



This work was made possible through the gracious support of archaeologists Kathleen 



Martha 



grateful 



Thomas Whyt 



infor 



Martin 



Brown, Marc Frank 



McEwan 



Wood 



Fountain 



Museum 



under the Historic Preservation Grant-in-Aid Program and the University of Florida, Divi- 
sion of Sponsored Research. Funds were also received from Florida Board of Regents STAR 
Grant Program (#77-081), the Florida State University COFRS Summer Faculty Research 
Program, the Florida Chapter of the Colonial Dames of America, the National Endowment 
for the Humanities Grant (RO 32537-78-1425 and RS-20293-82), the Dupont Foundation, 
the Florida Museum of Natural History, the Wentworth Foundation, the Historic St. 
Augustine Preservation Board, and the St. Augustine Restoration Foundation. Funds for 
work with the Santa Elena materials were provided by the National Geographic Society, 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



159 



the National Endowment for the Humanities, the National Science Foundation, and the 
Explorers Club of New York. Work on the Lesesne Plantation was funded as part of the 
Mark Clark Expressway Archaeological Data Recovery project made possible through 
Federal Highway Administration [#FA 1-526-4(63)] and the South Carolina Department of 
Highways and PubHc Transportation. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 
56th Annual Meeting of the Society for American Archaeology, New Orleans, Louisiana. 



LITERATURE CITED 



ARMITAGE, PHILIP L. and BARBARA 
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Late Medieval garden well of the Grey- 
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London and Middlesex Archaeologi- 
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BUSHNELL, AMY 1978, The Menendez 
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the determinants of economic expan- 
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Florida Historical Quarterly 56:407- 
43L 



. 1981. The King's Coffer. University 

Presses of Florida, Gainesville. 

CONNER, JEANNETTE T (translator and 
editor). 1925. Colonial Records of Span- 
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CORCOLES Y MARTINEZ, FRANCISCO 
DE. 1712. Governor Francisco Corcoles 
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17, 1712. Archivo General de las Indias 
58-1-28/105; photostat. Stetson Collec- 
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DEAGAN, KATHLEEN A. 1981. Down- 
town survey: The discovery of six- 
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urban area. American Antiquity 
46:626-634. 



. 1983. Spanish St. Augustine: The 

Archaeology of a Colonial Creole 
Community. Academic Press, New 
York. 

DUNKEL, JOHN ROBERT 1958. Popula- 
tion change as an element in the his- 
torical geography of St. Augustine. 
Florida Historical Quarterly 38:3-22. 

GANNON, MICHAEL V 1967. The Cross 
in the Sand: The Early Catholic Church 
in Florida, 1513-1870. University of 
Florida Press, Gainesville. 

GIBBONS, J. WHITFIELD and RAYMOND 
D. SEMLITSCH. 1981. Terrestrial drift 
fences with pitfall traps: An effective 



technique for quantitative sampling 

of animal populations. Brimleyana 

7:1-16. 
GUILDAY, JOHN E., H. W. HAMILTON, 
and A. D. McCRADY 1969. The 

Pleistocene vertebrate fauna of Robin- 
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HANN, JOHN H. 1986. Translation of 
Alonso de Leturiondo's Memorial to 
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cal Research, Tallahassee. 

HARMAN, JOYCE ELIZABETH. 1969. 
Trade and Privateering in Spanish 
Florida, 1732-1763. St. Augustine His- 
torical Society, St. Augustine. 

HIRSCHFELD, S. E. 1968. Vertebrate fauna 
of Nichol's Hammock, a natural trap. 
Quarterly Journal of the Florida Acad- 



Science 



HUDSON 
SOLE. 



and J. DAVID 



sunken 



Mamm 



Augustine 



The living community. El Escribano 

14:20-34. 

TZ, ELIZABETH J. 1990. Vertebrate 
faunal remains from 70 Nassau Street, 
Charleston, South Carolina. Manu- 
script on file. Museum of Natural His- 
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1991. Animal use and culture 



change in Spanish Florida. Pp. 62-77 
in Animal Use and Culture Change. 
Kathleen Ryan and Pam J. Crabtree 
(editor). MASCA Research Papers 
in Science and Archaeology Vol. 8. 
MASCA, The University Museum of 
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versity of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia. 

. 1992. Vertebrate fauna from 

seventeenth-centtiry St. Augustine. 
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and STEPHEN L. CUMBAA. 1983. 



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Diet and foodways of eighteenth-cen- 
tury Spanish St. Augustine. Pp. 151- 
185 in Kathleen A. Deagen: Spanish St. 
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Colonial Creole Community. Aca- 
demic Press, New York. 
REITZ, ELIZABETH J. and C. MARGA- 
RET SCARRY. 1985. Reconstructing 

Historic Subsistence with an Example 
from Sixteenth-century Spanish Flor- 
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Tucson, AZ. 

SEMKEN, HOLMES A., JR. and CARL R. 
FALK. 1991. Micromammal taphon- 
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County, South Dakota. Pp. 111-124 in 
Beamers, Bobwhites, and Blue-points: 
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malee, James R. Purdue, Walter E. 
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SLUITER, ENGEL. 1985. The Florida situ- 
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SOUTH, STANLEY. 1984. Testing arche- 
ological sampling methods at Fort San 
Felipe 1983. Institute of Archeology 
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. 1985. Excavation of the casa fuerte 



and wells at Fort San FeUpe, 1984. 
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196, Columbia, S.C. 

STAHL, PETER W. 1982. On small mam- 
mal remains in archaeological con- 
texts. American Antiquity 47:822-829. 

SZUTER, CHRISTINE R. 1988. SmaU ani- 
mal exploitation among desert hor- 
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chaeozoologia 2:191-198. 



TePASKE, JOHN J. 1964. The governorship 
of Spanish Florida, 1700-1763. Duke 
University Press, Durham, N.C. 

WHITE, JOHN A., H. G. McDONALD, E. 
ANDERSON, and J. M. SOISET 1984. 
Lava blisters as carnivore traps. Pp. 
245-256 in Contributions in Quartern- 
ary Vertebrate Paleontology: A Vol- 
ume in Memorial to John E. Guilday. 
Hugh H. Genoway and Mary R. Daw- 
son (editors). Carnegie Museum of 
Natural History Special Publication 8, 



Pittsburgh. 
WHYTE. THOMAS 



An Experi- 



mental Study of Small Animal Remains 
in Archaeological Pit Features. Un- 
published Ph.D. Dissertation, Depart- 
ment of Anthropology, University of 
Tennessee, Knoxville. University Mi- 
crofilms, Ann Arbor. 

WOOD, KAREN G. and ELIZABETH J. 
REITZ. 1986. Zooarchaeological anal- 
ysis of the vertebrate fauna from the 
historic Lesesne and Fairbank Planta- 
tions, Daniel's Island (38BK202), 
Berkeley County, South Carolina . 
Pp. D-l-D-59 in Martha A. Zierden, 
Lesley M. Drucker, and Jeanne Cal- 
houn: Home Upriver: Rural Life on 
Daniel's Island, Berkeley County, 
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Transportation, Contract No. FA 1-526- 
4(63), Columbia, South CaroUna. 

ZIERDEN, MARTHA A., LESLEY M. 
DRUCKER, and JEANNE CALHOUN. 
1986. Home Upriver: Rural Life on 
Daniel's Island, Berkeley County, 
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4(63), Columbia, South Carolina. 



/. Ethnobiol 14(2):161-172 



Winter 1994 



PALM ETHNOECOLOGY IN THE SARIPIQUI REGION 

OF COSTA RICA 



ELAINE JOYAL 

Department of Botany 

Arizona State University 

Tempe, AZ 85287-1601 



ABSTRACT. — Palms are an important natural resource in the lowland tropical 
rainforest in the Saripiqui region of Costa Rica. An ethnoecological study of palms 
therefore was conducted at La Selva Biological Station and nearby Puerto Viejo 
during July 1990. The study consisted of interviews with local residents knowl- 
edgeable of the palm flora and a survey of palm populations occurring on pri- 
mary forest alluvium, the soil type most often occupied by local inhabitants. 

Seventeen of 30 native palm species were identified as economically useful; 
nine species have not previously been reported as used in this region. Major uses 
cited were for palmito (edible palm heart), thatch, and wood. The single most 
important palm species was Iriartea deltoidea, which has the best (native) palmito 
and is also a source of wood for construction. V^elfia georgii was considered the 
most important source of thatch by all informants. It was the only palm which has 
been "actively" managed and, along with Euterpe macrospadix and Iriartea del- 
toidea, was believed to be over-harvested. 

Sixteen of 30 native species were present in transects through primary forest 
alluvium; 10 were reported as useful. The subcanopy species ]Nelfia georgii was the 
most abundant palm in transects overall (36.1% of stems). Understory clonal spe- 
cies such as Asterogyne martiana and Geonoma congesta had proportionally greater 
numbers of the larger size-class individuals. Information on harvesting tech- 
niques and levels were combined with data from population transects to estimate 
resource capacity. Welfia georgii leaves appear to be the Umiting resource in thatch 
roof construction. 



RESUMEN. — ^Las palmas son un recurso 



m de Saripiqui en Costa Rica. Por ello se realizd 
•almas en la Estacion Bioloeica de La Selva y 



1990 



reconocimiento 



primano 



ocu 



Diecisiete de las treinta especies nativas fueron identificadas como plantas 



economicamente 



Los principales usos citados fueron como palmito 
ado y como madera. La especie mas importante de 
tiene el mejor palmito (local) y es tambien fuente 
Welfia georgii fue considerada por todos los infor- 
iportante para techar Fue la linica palma que ha 
r junto con Euterpe macrospadix y Iriartea deltoidea se 



consider© que ha sido sobre-explotada. 



162 



JOYAL Vol. 14, No. 2 



Dieciseis de las treinta especies nativas estuvieron presentes en transectos a 
traves del bosque primario sobre aluvion; diez de ellas fueron reportadas como 
plantas utiles. La especie del subdosel Welfia georgii fue la palma mas abundante 
en los transectos en total (36.1% de los tallos). Las especies clonales del sotobosque 
como Asterogyne martiana y Geonoma congesta tuvieron numeros proporcional- 
mente mayores de individuos de la clase de talla superior. Se combino la informa- 
cion sobre tecnicas y niveles de recoleccion con los datos de los transectos de 
poblaciones para estimar la capacidad de los recursos. Las hojas de Welfia georgii 
parecen ser el recurso limitante en la construccion de techos de palma. 



RESUME. — Les palmiers representent une ressource naturelle importante de la 
foret tropicale basse de la region Saripiqui (Costa Rica). Une etude ethnoecolo- 
gique des palmiers a ete effectuee a la station biologique de La Selva et a Puerto 
Viejo, ville voisinante, en Juillet 1990. Cette etude a consistee d'entrevues avec des 
habitants locaux bien informes sur la flore, ainsi que d'un examen des popula- 
tions de palmiers poussant sur alluvions de foret primaire, ou habitent le plus 
souvent les habitants locaux. 

Dix-sept des trentes especes indigenes ont ete identifiees comme etant utiles; 
Tutilization de neuf especes n'avait pas ete reportee auparavant dans cette region. 
Les emplois principaux cites consistent en palmito (le coeur de palmier comes- 
tible), en chaume^ et en bois. L'espece de palmier la plus importante est Iriartea 
deltoidea, qui produit le meilleur palmito indigene et apporte egalement une source 
de bois pour la construction. }Nelfia georgii a ete designee a Tunanimite comme 
etant la source de chaume de choix. De fait, c'est le seul palmier a subir un control 
actif, et le seul, avec Euterpe macrospadix et Iriartea deltoidea a etre trop recolte, selon 
les informateurs. 

Seize des trentes especes indigenes ont ete retrouvees dans les quadrants effec- 
tues a travers la foret primaire alluviale; dix ont ete identifiees comme etant utiles. 
Uespece sous-canopy YJelfia georgii est le palrmer le plus abondant dans tous les 
quadrants (36.1% de toutes les tiges recoltees). Les especes clonales de sous-bois, 
telles que Asterogyne martiana et Geonoma congesta presentent ime proportion plus 
elevee d'individus de grande taille. Des renseignements sur les techniques et 
niveaux de recolte sont allies aux donnees provenant de I'etude des quadrants, a fin 
de pouvoir estimer la capacite des ressources. Les feuilles de ^Neljia georgii semblent 
etre la ressource limitative pour la construction des toits de chaume. 



INTRODUCTION 



Ethnobiologists 



them 



management (e.g., sustainable yield) for important wild 



number 



them 



ma 



ment (e.g., Anderson 1991). An important first step to understanding the impact of 
harvesting on wild-collected plant species is to study their population size-class 
structure (Pinard and Putz 1992). The results presented here are from a pilot study 
that combined ethnographic and ecological methods to investigate the relation- 
ship between use and population structure in native palms, an important natural 
resource throuehout much of the tronics. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 163 



La Selva Biological Station, located in the lowland tropical rainforest of the 
Saripiqui region of Costa Rica, has one of the most diverse palm floras in the 
world (Chazdon 1985). The area has been largely undisturbed since the 1950s. La 
Selva was established as a biological preserve in the 1960s, but present palm 
distribution may reflect prepreserve activity (Deborah Clark, personal communi- 
cation, 1991). Thirty indigenous and two exotic palm species, Bactris gasipaes 
H.B.K. and Cocos nucifera L., have been reported from La Selva (unpublished 
checklist, 1989, in possession of the author and the station director). Only the two 
introduced and eight of the native species have been documented as economically 
useful in the region (Murphy 1983). An ethnographic survey was therefore con- 
ducted at La Selva to improve documentation of local knowledge of native palms. 
Information gathered included which species were known and what informants 
knew about the use, management, and natural history (distribution, abundance, 
and so on) of each. Standard ecological methods were used to establish baseline 
population data for palm species growing in primary alluvial forest, the forest 
type most often occupied by local residents. 



METHODS 



Ethnography— Interviews were conducted at La Selva Biological Station and in the 
nearby town of Puerto Viejo during July 1990. Hector Gonzalez, director of La 
Selva's community education program, arranged interviews with local residents- 
Orlando Vargas, the station naturalist, was interviewed first. His knowledge is a 
combination of local information and what he has learned from assisting field 
station biologists. During the interview we walked through the reserve; the route 
(Sendero Oriental and Camino Circular Lejano) included most local palm species 
and all those with prior recorded use. Vargas identified palms by both local and 



names, and provided information 



Marquis 1985; Moore 



management 
lie palm keys 



comparison 



herbarium 



informant's home or work place. Vargas assisted in translation during 



name(s) and palm morphological a 

ilms being discussed, informants w( 

thev knew about their use, man, 



history. 



Pahn population surveys. 

m intervals along the Camino Experimental 

primary forest overlaying alluvial terraces comprised 



communication 



more 



individ 



m species were counted in one half (50 m 



second half of the transect, only subcanopy species were counted in order to 



164 



JOYAL Vol. 14, No. 2 



increase sample size for large species. Voucher specimens were not collected. 
Instead, species were identified as described above. For each palm present I noted 
species, size-class, crown height, reproductive status, and numbers of stems and 
green leaves. The size-classes were seedling, juvenile, immature, and adult (after 
Vandermeer 1983). Seedlings have no more than two leaflets per leaf. Juveniles are 
trunkless individuals with intermediate to mature leaf morphology. Immature 
palms resemble adults in leaf morphology but have short trunks and are sexually 
nonreproductive. Adults have mature leaf morphology, tall trunks, and fresh or 
old inflorescences present. 



RESULTS 



Ethnography,— Yive male, lifetime residents of the Saripiqui region ^ 
viewed. All except one are employed as workmen or guards at La Selva 
Station. Informants recognized between 11 and 19 palms each. They ii 
total of 18 of the 30 native species by common name, cited them as use 
The two introduced species included by Murphy (1983) were not disc 
ing these interviews. Table 1 summarizes local name(s) and reported u: 
palms discussed (for full species accounts see Joyal 1990). 

Thirteen palms had one common name, two had two local names 



names. There 



names 



were applied to different species than those reported by Murphy 
informants in this study. Murphy identified Asterogyne martiana i 



whereas my informants 



palm 
(personal communication 



knowledgeable people have always applied suita to A. martiana whereas 



m 



ment with the present survey. Murphy identified pacaya as an undescribed Chatn- 
aedorea sp. while Vargas and I identified it as Prestoea decurrens. Chamaedorea 
tepejilote Liebm. is called pacaya in Guatemala, where it has been domesticated 
primarily for its edible male inflorescence, and secondarily for its palmito (Castillo 
Mont et al. 1994). Robin Chazdon (personal communication, 1994) reports that 
pacaya has always referred to Chamaedorea species in the Saripiqui region and that 
the inflorescence buds are roasted and eaten. She could not recall a common 
name for P. decurrens nor could she remember its flowers being eaten. It appears, 
therefore, that Vargas and I may have misidentified this palm. Clarification will 
have to await further field work. There was only one instance in which the same 
common name was used by the same informant for two species: chonta for 
Socratea exorrhiza and Iriartea deltoidea. 

Major pahn uses reported were leaves for thatch, trunks for wood, and edible 
palm heart (palmito) (Table 1). Murphy (1983) reported three species that were 
used exclusively for fiber, one species each that had edible fruit or palmito, and 
three that were used for a combination of fiber, fruit, or palmito. She listed only 
one species, Chamaedorea sp., as useful that was not reported during the course of 
my interviews. This is a species of doubtful identitv as discussed above. A total of 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



165 



TABLE 1. — Palm species with reported use in the Saripiqui region of Costa 
Rica, Observations are based on original field work and Murphy (1983). 

indicates introduced species, not covered in 1990 interviews. Informants are 
identified by their initials. 



Species 



Local name(s) 



Use(s) 



Asterogyne martiana H. A. 
WendL ex Burret 



suita (FM, GM, EP, OV); 
cola de gallo (HM) 



thatch (FM, GM, HM, EP, 
OV); edible fruit (FM); 
ornamental (FM) 



Astrocaryum alatum Loomis coquito (FM, GM, HM, EP, fruit for wildlife (FM, HM, 

EP, OV); thatch (HM, EP); 



OV) 



wood (GM) 



A. standleyanum Bailey 
{A. confertum H. A. Wendl 
ex Burret) 

""Bactris gasipaes H.B.K. 

Bactris porschiana Burret 



pejibaye del monte (lA, GM, palmito (lA, GM, EP, OV); 



EP) 



wood (EP) 



pejibaye (HM) 

biscoyol (I A, FM, GM, EP, 
OV) 



edible fruit (HM) 

wood (lA, FM, GM, EP, 
OV); palmito (OV); edible 
fruit (OV ) 



Bactris sp, 

Bactris spp. 

Calyptrogyne saripiquensis 
H. A. WendL ex Burret 



pejibayito (lA) 

biscoyolillo (OV) 

cola de gallo (lA, FM, GM, 
EP, OV) 



Chamaedorea sp 
*Cocos nucifera L. 
Cryosophila albida Bartlett 



pacaya (HM) 
coco, pipa (HM) 
escobon (all) 



Destnoncus costaricensis 
(Kuntze) Burret 



batamba (lA, EP, OV) 



wood (OV); palmito (OV) 

thatch (lA, FM, GM, EP, 
OV); edible fruit (OV); 
ornamental (FM) 

palmito (HM) 
medicinal fruit (HM) 

thatch (all); fruit for wildlife 
(GM) 

lance/prod (lA, EP, OV) 



Euterpe macrospadix Oersted palmito de mantequilla (lA, 

FM, GM, OV) 

cam de danta (all) 



not known 



Geonoma congesta H. A. 
WendL ex Spruce 

Geonoma cuneata H. A. 
WendL 

Geonoma interrupta (Ruiz & surtuba (lA, GM) 
Pavon) C. Martius 

Geonoma spp. 

Iriartea deltoidea Ruiz & 
Pavon (I gigantea H. A. 
WendL ex Burret) 



palmito (lA, FM, GM, OV); 
ornamental (FM) 

thatch (all); lance (FM, EP, 
OV); wood (FM, GM, OV) 

thatch (OV) 



palmito (lA, GM) 



palmilla (OV) 



FM 



palmito (all); wood (all) 



(lA 



palmilera (lA, GM, HM, EP) 



166 



JOYAL 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



TABLE 1.— Palm species with reported use in the Saripiqui region of Costa 
Rica. Observations are based on original field work and Murphy (1983). 
* indicates introduced species, not covered in 1990 interviews. Informants are 
identified by their initials, (continued) 



Species 



Local name(s) 



Use(s) 



Prestoea decurrens (H. A 
Wendl.) H. Moore 



pacaya (FM, GM, EP, OV); palmito (FM, GM, EP, OV); 



Reinhardtia cf. simplex 
(H. A. Wendl.) Burret 

Socratea exorrhiza 



pacayita (lA); pacaya de 
danta (lA) 

not known 



ornamental (FM); edible 
flower bud (lA) 

ornamental (OV) 



palmito amargo (all); 



palmito (lA, FM, GM, EP); 



(C. Martins) H. A. Wendl. maquenque (lA, FM, HM); wood (lA, FM, EP, OV); 

edible fruit (HM, OV); 



(S. durissima (Oersted) 
H. A. Wendl.) 



chonta (GM) 



Welfia georgii H. A. Wendl. corozo (all) 
ex Burret 



medicinal palmito (GM) 

thatch (all); wood (GM, EP, 
OV); palmito (GM, HM, EP) 



17 of the 30 native palm species were reported as used in the study presented 
here, with 12 cited by four or all five informants. Several species were used 
interchangeably while a few were preferred for specific uses. For example, nine 
native species can be used for palmito but Euterpe macrospadix is considered the 
best flavored. Its small size makes it relatively unpopular, however, and the larger 
palmito of Iriartea deltoidea was the most commonly used until recently (the intro- 
duced Bactris gasipaes is replacing it). The large leaves of Welfia georgii are pre- 
ferred for covering flat sections of roofs whereas the small leaves of Asterogyne 
tnartiana and Geonoma congesta are used to finish the peaks. Some uses have 
disappeared entirely or were more common in the past. For example, Geonoma 
congesta stems were frequently used as lances for hunting tapir {cam de danta, 
tapir's cane) in the past. This use is now restricted to the most remote jungle 
areas, hunting lances having been largely replaced by rifles. 

Harvest practices for several species were discussed. Three of the five sub- 
canopy palms, Euterpe macrospadix, Iriartea deltoidea, and )Nelfia georgii, were 
reported to be over-harvested for palmito, thatch, or wood. In contrast, Cryosophila 
albida is valued for its beauty and some farmers are reluctant to allow harvesting 
of leaves for broom-making. I. deltoidea was considered to be the single most 
important palm, being a major source of palmito and an important source of 
wood. W. georgii, cited by all five informants as the most important palm for 
thatch, is the only native palm that is or has been "actively" managed. Active 
management is defined here as activities consciously done to enhance plant 
populations for economic exploitation. For example, when clearing forest for 
pasture, W. georgii palms are left standing and only five leaves per palm are cut for 
thatch. The palms do not grow as tall in open pasture and they produce larger 
leaves at a faster rate. Whereas it takes about 500 forest-grown W. georgii leaves to 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 167 



thatch a roof, only 300-350 pasture-grown leaves are needed. Lunar cycles play a 
critical role in harvesting palm fiber. Welfia georgii leaves not collected during la 
luna menguante (the first few days of the waning moon) will be "wet" or destroyed 
by insects within a few years, whereas a roof made from properly-harvested 
leaves may last 25 years (a 10-50 year range was given by informants). Special 
harvesting practices were used for Cryosophila albida and Geonoma congesta for 
reasons of safety The first has sharp spines on the trunk and the latter leaves 
sharp, persistent stumps after cutting. 

Informants provided information about palm natural history and conserva- 
tion issues 24 times. Habitat was given for several species: virgin forest for Bactris 
sp., Pholidostach}/s pulchra, and Reinhardtia cf. simplex; secondary forest for Prcstoca 
decurrens; higher elevation forests for Geonoma interrupta. In addition, informants 
noted that Prestoea decurrens grows near rivers, Astrocaryum aktiim and Calyp- 
trogyne saripiquensis in swamps, and A. standleyanum and Pholidostachys pulchra 
are restricted to hilltops. Discussion of abundance and distribution of palm spe- 
cies was limited by time constraints. Three species (Euterpe macrospadix, Prestoea 
decurrens and Welfia georgii) were cited as common, five (Bactris wendlandiana, 
Bactris sp., Geonoma interrupta, G. longevaginata, Reinhardtia cf. simplex) as uncom- 
mon, and six (Astrocaryum alatum, A, standleyanum, £. macrospadix, Iriartea del- 
toidea, Socratea exorrhiza, and W. georgii) as decreasing in numbers. Some Geonoma 
species, recognized as the folk genus cam de danta, were characterized as rare. 



Palm population surveys. 



palms 



immature, and 56 adults) were present in eight transects established 
through primary forest on alluvium. Sixteen palm species, approximately half of 
the species known from La Selva, were encountered. ^Neljia georgii was the single 
most abundant species, accountine for 36.1% of all individuals. The six most 



which 



We// 



economically un 



[m 



presence) 



number of useful species in 
palm stems 



frequent species (> 20 individuals) are presented in Fig. 2. Plot size for subcanopy 
species was twice as large as those for understory species and numbers were 
therefore halved to give an accurate proportion for IV georgii and Socratea exor- 
rhiza. Three of the five economically-unportant subcanopy species, Astrocaryum 
standleyanum, Euterpe macrospadix, and Iriartea deltoidea, are restricted to habitats 
other than alluvium (Hartshorn and Poveda 1983; Chazdon 1985; Deborah Clark, 
personal communication, 1990) and thus did not occur in the transects. 

Combined ethnographic and palm population survey data 



sufficient time 



was not available during the course of this survey to determine annual stem 

ictivity, it was possible to estimate resource capacity from the 
Welfia georgii and Socratea exorrhiza, both important sources of w 
orao^o ctar.riir.cT rrnr, nf l.'^7S and 25 useablc stems per hectare, res 



168 



JOYAL 



Vol. 14, No. 2 








AstMogyBB nuitiatu 




V«,l ft II 



1 1 1 > 1 1 ■ 



^ M * * t m 

* M M L fr ■ 



V + 





I • 11 



congesta 



cuncata 





ftestoea decmeDS 

Sooatea exanyza 




W 



V It 



geotgii 



an tisefxd taxa 



An Stems 



Adults & Imm 



TAXA 



FIG. 1.— Palm species with > 3% presence in transects through primary forest 
alluvium and percentage of stems represented by adult and immature stems. All six 
species shown have economic value. Ten species were represented by < 1% pres- 
ence: Bactris porschiana*, 0.29%; B. wendlandiana Burret, 0.57%; Bactris sp. 0.86%; 
Calyptrogyne saripiquensis*, 0.57%; Chamaedorea ivarscewiczii, 0.29%; Cryosophila 



Wendl 
useful 



// 



'ieonoma interrupta^, 0.86%; G. oxycarpa Martius, 0.2 
Wendl. ex HemsL, 2.59%; and Synecanthus wars 
indicates species with reported economic use), 
e sum of all palm species reported as economi 



tively (Fig. 2). Both adult and immature stems are considered useable. Geonoma 
congesta is a clonal species that is used occasionally for wood. There was an 
average of 600 clones per hectare and 8.4 utilizable stems per clone, or a standing 
crop of 5,040 stems per hectare (Fig. 2), Given that the average stem height was 3.4 
m, a total of 1^136 m of stem are available per hectare. 

The average standing crop of leaves for the three common thatch palms (adult 
and immature only) occurring in the alluvial transects, Welfia georgii, Asterogyne 
martiana, and Geonoma congesta, was calculated at 11.5, 14.7, and 65.9 leaves per 
palm, respectively. W. georgii leaves are employed for the large, flat areas of 
thatched roofs. An average forested hectare contains 1375 harvestable W. georgn 
palms (Fig. 2) for a total of 1,581 useable leaves per hectare ( Joyal 1990). Given that 
500 forest-grown W georgii leaves are needed to thatch one roof, 43 palms are 
required if the entire leaf standing crop is removed. (550 Ivs/roof -^ 11.5 Ivs/palm 
= 43.5 palms/roof). Thus 3.2 roofs could be thatched per hectare if all leaves are 
cut. Only five leaves per palm are cut if the trees are to be maintained, that is if 
traditional management is practiced. In this case 100 palms are needed per roof, 
and the number of roofs that can be thatched from each hectare drops to 1.4. If the 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



169 





100 



90 



80 



70 



60 



50 



40 



30 



20 



10 







SIZE CLASS 





Seedlings 
Juveniles 



Tl I I V I I I I I 



_'_F_*_T_ ■_*_ 



i k 



Immatuies 



J.l.kkM-U-U 




Aduhs 





Asterogyne 



Qeonoma 




• »- 



Wetfia 



TAXA 



FIG. 2.- 
La Selva 



four economically important palm 



lar 



leaves of pasture-grown W 



palms (5 Ivs/ palm /harvest), are needed to thatch a roof. Orlando Vargas (personal 
communication, 1990) thought that forest-grown W georgii produces about one leaf 
per palm per year; he felt that annual leaf production for pasture-grown W georgii 
was higher (no estimate is available). Using a production rate of 1 leaf per pahn per 
year, one forested hectare will produce enough W georgii leaves to thatch a new roof 
every 3.6 years. The small leaves of Asterogyne martiana and Geonoma congesta are 
used solely for finishing roof peaks. The amount needed per roof was not reported. 
However, the standing crop of these palms was calculated as 225 stems and 600 
clones, or 3,308 and 39,540 leaves, per hectare, respectively Welfia georgii leaves, 
while much larger, are less abundant (1,581 versus 42,848 combined A. martiana and 
G. congesta leaves) and, given their low nimibers per hectare and high demand, are 
likely to be the limiting resource in thatched roof construction. 

DISCUSSION AND CONCLUSIONS 

Results obtained from the present study indicate that all pahn species that are 
common at La Selva are economicaUy useful (Hartshorn and Poveda 1983; Chazdon 
1985: Deborah Clark, oersonal communication, 1990; Joyal 1990). Only three small 



170 



JOYAL Vol. 14, No. 2 



understory species (Bactris longiseta, Chamaedorea exorrhiza, Pholidostachys pulchra) 
that were cited as frequent in distribution in previous studies have no docu- 
mented use. 

Determining the size-class structure of relatively undisturbed populations is 

an important first step toward assessing the status of harvested populations. For 
example, the size-class distributions for Welfia georgii and Socratea exorrhiza at La 
Selva (Fig. 2) are characteristic of long-lived individuals reproducing from seed. 
There are many seedlings and the number of individuals present in each subse- 
quent life stage is progressively smaller (Sarukhan 1978). Geonoma congesta exhibits 
a size-class distribution typical of clonal species, i.e., there are many older indi- 
viduals with relatively few seedlings and juveniles present (DeSteven 1986). The 
size-class distribution of Asterogyne martiana is not easily explained by either of 
the preceding patterns. The establishment of large cohorts of individuals at irreg- 
ular intervals in years of abundant flower production followed by high seed set, 
dispersal, and establishment, can produce a size-class distribution other than 
those typically exhibited by woody species. This "episodic recruitment" (Harper 
1977) is a possible explanation for the observed pattern in Asterogyne martiana. 
This baseline data can now be used for comparisons with harvested populations. 
For example, if the economically-important size-classes (adult and immature) of 
W. georgii populations outside the preserve were found to be greatly reduced, it 
would suggest over-harvest. However, if the seedling or juvenile size-classes were 
significantly decreased, an alternative explanation should be sought (e.g., biolog- 
ical phenomena or other changes in land-use management). 

How might harvesting affect the abundance of economically important plant 
species? Some species increase and others decrease in abundance, depending 
upon what part is harvested, harvesting pressure, and the individual species' 
response to stress (Harper 1977). The use of a plant resource can be destructive to 
the entire plant or require only the limited harvest of a plant part. Destructive 
uses of palms include harvesting of stems for wood, edible palmitos, and whole 
plants as ornamentals. These uses have immediate demographic consequences to 
a palm population. Palm parts harvested nondestructively include leaves for 
thatch, edible flower buds and fruit (some fruit are also used medicinally), and 
seeds for growing palms as ornamentals. While more subtle, these practices can 
have long-term impacts on a palm population (Mendoza et al. 1987). Present 
harvesting practices for wood, palmito and thatch are creating conservation con- 
cerns for three subcanopy palm species (Euterpe macrospadix, Iriartea deltoidea, 
Welfia georgii) among some local residents (Joyal 1990). 

Welfia georgii, a slow-growing subcanopy species (Chazdon 1985), is among 
the most economically important palms in this region. It is reported as uncom- 
mon through much of its range but is locally abundant in the La Selva area 
(Vandermeer 1983). Use of Welfia georgii is primarily nondestructive (leaves for 
thatch) but it is also harvested destructively (for wood and palmito). It is the only 
palm reported as "actively" managed. In the past complete harvest occured only 
when W. georgii was cleared for conversion of forest to pasture. Many people now 
harvest the entire standing crop of leaves, which is reported to kill the palm 
because it only produces one leaf per year (Orlando Vargas, personal communica- 
tion, 1990). Traditional cultures often have practices which serve to regulate the 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



171 



harvest of important wild-collected resources. For example, in Sonora, Mexico, 
only the emerging leaves from large-leaved juvenile palms (Sabal uresana Trelease) 
are used for weaving. A leaf is not harvested until its petiole is visible, and its' 
specific use (for hats, baskets, or mats) depends upon the developmental stage of 
the fibers. Harvest is restricted to the time of the full moon during the summer 
monsoon season. As a result of these practices, individuals rarely have more than 
one leaf harvested per year, an important consideration when harvesting from 
young, slow-growing palms that produce an average of three leaves each per year 
(unpublished field notes, 1990-1994, in possession of the author). 

The absence of appreciable "active" palm management, except for W gcorgii, 
the single most useful species, has several possible explanations. It may be that 
more species were previously managed but that the traditional knowledge associ- 
ated with them has been lost and the practices abandoned ("cultural erosion"). 
Alternatively, the need for active management may be recent if it can be assumed 
that active management becomes necessary only when a resource is both impor- 
tant and limited. For example, the palmitos of both Euterpe macrospadix and Iriarlea 
deltoidea are destructively harvested as the comida tipica (traditional food) of Costa 
Rican holy days (Joyal 1990). Both were cited as overharvested but neither was 
reported as managed in any way. Did active management for these species exist 
in the past in Costa Rica? Or is a rapidly expanding human population that is 
changing from a subsistence to a market economy placing a greater demand on 
the palmito resource? Fortunately, the increased popularity of the domesticated 
Bactris gasipaes as a new source of palmito for local and export markets is reducing 
pressure on native palmito species. Like the native palms of the Saripiqui, many of 
our wild plant resources are dwindling under the pressure of increasing world 
populations. By documenting traditional ecological knowledge and resource man- 
agement for wild plant resources now, we hopefully can manage them better in 
the future. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



I wish to thank the staff of La Selva Biological Reserve, especially Orlando Vargas, for 
sharing their time and knowledge, and OTS 90-3, including Beverly Humphrey, Michelle 



Q 



)eborah M. Pearsall reviewed the manuscript and provided helpful comments 
Suzan and Suzanne Hendrickson read the Spanish and French abstracts, respe 



LITERATURE CITED 



ANDERSON, M. KAT. 1991. California In- 
dian horticulture: Management and 
use of redbud by the Southern Sierra 



Miwok 

145-157. 



MONT 



GALLARDO, and DENNIS V JOHN- 
SON. 1994. The pacaya palm (Cham- 
aedorea tepejilote: Arecaceae) and its 



Economic 



any 48:68-75. 



CHAZDON 



Selva 



74-78. 



MARQUIS 



palms 



Selva 



DeSTEVEN, DIANE. 1986. Comparative 
demography of a clonal palm (Oeno- 
carpus mapora subsp. mapora) in Pan- 
ama. Principes 30:100-104. 

HARPER, JOHN L. 1977 Population Biol- 



172 



JOYAL 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



ogy of Plants. Academic Press, New 

York. 
HARTSHORN, GARY S. and L. J. POVEDA. 
1983. Checklist of trees. Pp. 158-183 in 
Daniel H. Janzen: Costa Rican Natural 
History. University of Chicago Press, 

Chicago. 

JOYAL, ELAINE. 1990. Palm ethnoecology 
in the Saripiqui region of Costa Rica. 
Pp. 342-360 in OTS 90-3 Coursebook. 
Bette Loiselle and Daniel Perlman 
(editors). La Selva Biological Station, 
Costa Rica. Organization for Tropical 
Studies, Box 90630, Durham, NC. 

MENDOZA, ANA, DANIEL PINERO, 
and JOS6 SARUKHAN. 1987 Effects 
of experimental defoliation on growth, 
reproduction, and survival of Astro- 
caryum mexicanum. Journal of Ecology 
75:545-554. 

MOORE, HAROLD and ROBIN L. CHAZ- 

DON. 1985. Key to the palms of Finca 
La Selva, Costa Rica. Principes. 29:82- 
84. 
MURPHY, HONORA. 1983. Ethnobotany 
of the Puerto Viejo area. Pp. 409-421 in 
OTS 83-3 Coursebook. Robert Zahary 
and William Haber (editors). La Selva 
Biological Station, Costa Rica. Organi- 
zation for Tropical Studies, Box 90630, 
Durham, NC. 



PINARD, MICHELLE A. and FRANK E. 
PUTZ. 1992. Population matrix models 
and palm resource management. Bul- 
letin d'lnstitut franqaise des etudes 
andines 21(2):637-649. 

POSEY, DARRELL A., JOHN FRECHIONE, 
JOHN EDDINS, LUIZ FRANCELINO 
da SILVA, with DEBBIE MYERS, DI- 
ANE CASE, and PETER MacBEATH. 



Ethnoecolo 



pology in Amazonian development. 
Human Organization 43:95-107. 

PRANCE, GHILLEAN X, WILLIAM 
BALEE, BRIAN M. BOOM, and ROB- 
ERT L. CARNEIRO. 1987 Quantitative 
ethnobotany and the case for conser- 
vation in Amazonia. Conservation Bi- 
ology 1:296-310. 

SARUKHAN, JOSE. 1978. Studies on the de- 
mography of tropical trees. Pp. 163-184 
in Tropical Trees as Living Systems. 
P. B. Tomlinson and M. H. Zimmer- 
mann (editors). Cambridge University 

Press, Cambridge. 
VANDERMEER, JOHN H. 1983. VJelfia 
georgii. Pp. 346-349 in Daniel H. Jan- 
zen: Costa Rican Natural History Uni- 
versity of Chicago Press, Chicago. 



/. Ethnobiol 14(2):173-183 



Winter 1994 



AFRICA'S BAOBAB TREE 
WHY MONKEY NAMES? 



JOHN RASHFORD 

Department of Sociology and Anthropology 

College of Charleston 
Charleston, SC 29424 



ABSTRACT. — Monkey bread and monkey tamarind are two of the common names 
that appear in published accounts of Africa's well-known baobab tree {Adansonia 
digitata L.). These monkey names are generally assumed to be derived from the 
simple fact that monkeys eat the baobab's fruit. Although this literal interpreta- 
tion seems obvious, it is neither the only one, nor is it necessarily the correct one. 
In the Caribbean, the use of monkey in the compound common names for the 
baobab and other plants implies imitation. The name monkey tamarind, for exam- 
ple, indicates that the baobab is like the tamarind tree {Tamarindus indica L.). It 
mimics the tamarind just as a monkey does a human. This is consistent with what 
we find in other parts of the world where the baobab is also identified as a kind of 
tamarind, though without the name monkey. 



RESUMEN. — Pan de mono y tamarindo de mono son dos de los nombres comunes 
que aparecen en las publicaciones acerca del conocido arbol africano Uamado 
baobab (Adansonia digitata L.). Generalmente se da por sentado que estos 
nombres de mono se derivan del simple hecho que los monos comen el fruto del 
baobab. Si bien esta interpretacion literal parece obvia, no es la linica ni es 
necesariamente la correcta. En el Caribe, el uso de mono en los nombres com- 
puestos del baobab y de otras plantas implica la imitacion. EI nombre tamarindo 
de mono, por ejemplo, indica que el baobab es como el arbol de tamarindo 
{Tamarindus indica L.). Simula al tamarindo tanto como el mono remeda a un 
humano. Esto es consistente con lo que encontramos en otras partes del mundo 
donde al baobab tambien se le identifica como un tipo de tamarindo, aunque sin 
el nombre de mono. 



RtSUMR— Monkey bread et monkey tamarind sont deux des noms les plus com- 
muns qui apparaissent dans les publications sur Tarbre d'Afrique bien connu, le 
baobab {Adansonia digitata L.). Ces noms de monkey sont generalement pretendus 
etre derives du simple fait que le singe mange le fruit du baobab. Bien que cette 
interpretation litterale semble evidente, ce n'est ni la seule, ni necessairement la 
plus acceptable. Aux Caraibes Tutilisation du monkey comme nom courant com- 



imphaue la notion d unitation 



sun 



mimi 



singe un humain. C'est en accord avec ce que nous trouvons dans d'autres parties 
du monde oii, bien que le nom monkey ne soit pas utilise, le baobab est egalement 
identifie comme une espece de tamarind. 



174 



RASHFORD Vol. 14, No. 2 



INTRODUCTION 



Why does Africa's baobab tree have monkey names? While 



assumed 



m 



more 



ble 



meanm 



compound common names 
5 as well. Put simDlv, we lei 



name is monkev bears a resemblance — often a "ridiculous" resemblance — to the 



compound common name 



monkey tamarind in the Caribbean not because monkeys eat t 
>e the fruit is verv similar in taste to that of the true tamarind 



meaning 



monkev names 



The African baobab is the most prominent member of the small, well defined 
tropical genus Adansonia, of which there are an additional seven species in Mad- 
agascar and one in Australia (Wickens 1982). It is one of the continent's most 
unusual trees, readily distinguished by its huge bulging trunk, which seems 
strangely disproportionate to the tree's moderate height and thick, rapidly taper- 
ing branches (Fig. 1-3). The baobab's size testifies to its remarkable abiUty to store 



making 



)74). Because of human dispersal, the tree now grows worldwide, 
common in the more intensively managed areas of the human 



environment including roadsides, public grounds, religious pi 
parks, home gardens, and botanic gardens (Vaid 1978; Wickens 
1987, 1991) (Fig 4, 5). 



THE COMMON-SENSE EXPLANATION FOR 

THE NAME MONKEY BREAD 



While monkey bread is one of the baobab's most frequently reported common 
names, appearing in many dictionaries, only a few authors have offered an expla- 
nation for its origin and meaning.^ These authors favor the explanation that 
seems self-evident: the tree is called monkey bread because monkeys eat its fruit. 
In some cases this is stated explicitly. Owen (1974:90-91), for example, reports that 
"The name ... is related to the habit of monkeys, particularly baboons, relishing 
the fruit which they either pluck from the tree or pick up from the ground/' 
Dellatola (1983:27) states, "The baobab fruit, commonly known as monkey bread, 
is a favorite food of baboons, hence the name/' Robyns (1980:68) takes a similar 
position by noting, "monkeys are very fond of the capsules, hence the English 
vernacular name. Monkey Bread Tree/' 

The association between the baobab's common names and primate fruit con- 
sumption is implicit in other sources. In The Random House Dictionary (1968:862), 
for example, monkey bread is defined as "the gourd-like fruit of the baobab, eaten 



by monkeys," and the name for "the tree itself/' Funk and Wagnalls New ''Standard 
Dictionary (1958:1602) provides a similar definition. Monkey bread refers to "the 
baobab tree, or its fruits" and the fruit "is eaten by man as well as by monkeys/' 




a 



b 



•it^ 



.ft4^ 



-^^^^^^w 





3 



FIG. 1, 2. — Baobab at the Convent of Mercy Academy (Alpha) Girls School in Kingston, Jamaica; 
FIG. 3. — A comparison of the fruits of the baobab (a) and tamarind (b). 



3 









O 

G 

Z 

> 

O 

z 

o 

00 



O 

O 



^ 



176 



RASHFORD 



Vol. 14, No. 2 




FIG. 4. — A live baobab stump not far from Parham, 
Antigua. 




FIG. 5.— Two fallen trees on the grounds of the Univer- 
sity of Florida's Research and Education Center in Home- 
stead, FL. 



According to Porteous (1928:235), 

1 • . J¥ . 



// 



■mbling a cucum 



Monkey- 



monkeys, the tree being sometimes 



implicitly or explicitlv link mo 



common name. Yet, this explanation may not be the only one, nor is it necessarily 



the correct one. The alternative 



more 



explanation this paper 



monkey tamarind which 



monkey names is discussed in relationship to the name 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 177 



MONKEY TAMARIND— A CARIBBEAN NAME 



I have been mapping the Caribbean distribution of the baobab over the past 
seven years to learn something about its history and cultural significance in the 
region. In Jamaica, there are five trees in Kingston, the island's capital, and there 
are reliable reports of three more in the parish of St. Elizabeth. Published accounts 
(Macfadyen 1850; Rock 1861) suggest that the tree was more plentiful in the past, 
but it is generally agreed that it was never common. One of the oldest and most 
impressive of the trees in Kingston grows at the Convent of Mercy Academy, also 
known as Alpha Girls School. Measured at 7.6 cm from the ground, it is 2.26 m in 
circumference. In 1986 Sister Mill Delores said the tree was already "as big as it is 
now" when she came to Jamaica from Malta in 1913 to teach at Alpha, and that at 
that time it was also called monkey tamarind tree. In 1970 Alex Hawkes visited 
this tree and wrote about it in his widely-read newspaper column in the Jamaica 
Daily Gleaner. He described it as "an absolutely magnificent huge tree" noting that 
it "is known by the students fondly as monkey tamarind." Hawkes says this was 
his first encounter with this name, which is still in use among the students today. 
In 1977 in the first edition of Hibiscus, the Alpha Academy newspaper, a student, 
Vanessa Soarez, wrote an article titled "Monkey Tamarind Tree" (1977) in which 
she offered a description of the tree and her impressions of its significance to 
"every Alpha girl." 

The name "monkey tamarind" seems to be of Caribbean origin. It has been 
reported in Jamaica, the Bahamas (Ives 1880:84), and Dominica (Gerth Van Wijk 
1971:25). Monkey tamarind is not among the common names frequently men- 
tioned in the literature, however. In fact most authors who have written about this 
species in Jamaica only cite the names baobab, Ethiopian sour gourd, or monkey 
bread (Edwards 1794:195; Lunan 1814:46; Macfadyen 1850:89; Morris 1884:19; 
Harris 1912:160; Adams 1972:479). Unlike the name monkey bread, monkey tam- 
arind does not appear in any of the standard English dictionaries. 

One of the earliest references to the name monkey tamarind is Baillon (1876- 
1892), cited by Gerth Van Wijk (1971:4). Another reference is Rock (1861:347), 
whose discussion of the baobab suggests this name came to his attention from a 
Caribbean source. The inference is based on the fact that he regarded the baobab 
as "indigenous to Africa and the West Indies," notmg that although it was not 
conmion in Jamaica, "the pulp and rind or shell of the fruit are employed medici- 
nally," and that "the nuts are occasionally exposed for sale in the markets at 
Kingston and elsewhere" (Rock 1861:349). 

Another interesting reference to the name monkey tamarind that also associ- 
ates it with Jamaica is Ives (1880). Ives describes a tree in the Bahamas that he 
identified as Jamaican tamarind and noted that it was "sometimes" called mon- 
key tamarind. Although Ives did not offer a scientific name, the vernacular names 
and description he used (Ives 1880:83-85) identify the tree as a baobab —probably 
introduced to the Bahamas from Jamaica as suggested by the name Jamaican 
tamarind. 



178 



RASHFORD Vol. 14, No. 2 



THE MEANING OF MONKEY NAMES IN THE CARIBBEAN 



In Jamaican culture, the true meaning of monkey in the many compound 
common names for plants and other things is clearly recognized by Cassidy 
(1971:382) in his discussion of Morinda citrifolia L. This is a small exotic tree from 
tropical Asia and the Pacific, now extensively naturalized in the wet, coastal areas 
of Jamaica, especially in the northeastern parishes of Portland and St. Mary 
(Morton 1992). In the Virgin Islands, Morinda citrifolia L. is called painkiller and 
monkey apple (Vails 1981:82). According to Cassidy (1971:382), it is known in 
Jamaica as bluuda, duck apple, hog berry, pig's apple, and monkey berry. In the 
eastern part of the parish of Portland where I did field research, the tree is 
commonly called hog apple although it is occasionally identified as jumbie 
chocho, and less frequently as duppy chocho. In explaining the name monkey 
berry, Cassidy (1971:382) points out that "monkey does not refer to actual animals 
eating the fruit . . . but suggests . . . that this is something like the proper plant but 
not really good — it imitates it in a ridiculous way as a monkey [does] a man 
(compare monkey fiddle and other monkey names)/' I have followed Cassidy's 
interpretation and found that in Jamaica this principle seems to hold true for all 
plants with monkey names. In addition to monkey berry and monkey fiddle 
(Pedilanthus tithymaloides (L.) Poit.), this includes monkey breadfruit {Artocarpus 
atilis (S, Parkinson) Fosberg), monkey comb {Pithecoctenium echinatnm Jacq.) and 
monkey apple (Clusia flava Jacq.).^ 

In Jamaica, the notion that the word monkey implies imitation holds true not 
only for plants, but for other things as well. For example, grated coconut boiled in 
sugar (to the point where it almost begins to burn) becomes hard when it cools, 
making it difficult to chew. This candy is called monkey iron — something imitat- 
ing or resembling true iron. The same principle is implied when the word monkey 
is used to describe a person's behavior, appearance, or facial expressions. To say 
someone has a monkey face is to say that, like a monkey, he or she is ugly. To 
make monkey faces is to make ugly faces — faces like those of monkeys — that are 
meant to poke fun, ridicule, insult, or humor. Cassidy and LePage (1967:304) 
report that Monkey Jesus is a name used in Kingston to describe an ugly person. 
A clear example of the association of monkey with imitation — what Jamaicans 
call "follow fashion"— is evident in Jamaican proverbs that point to the potential 
for disaster in mimicking or "aping" others (Anderson and Cundall 1972:867): 

Follow-fashion break monkey neck 
Monkey follow-fashion cut him throat 
Follow-fashion mek monkey lose him tail. 

The use of monkey names to imply imitation or resemblance seems to hold 



Jamaica 



)r examj 
Jamaica 



"monkey face, for a grimace 



possible that the survival of this expression is more widespread than Cas 

suggests, for it has also been reported for the Virgin Islands (Vails 1981:82). 

There are monkey names for plants in other parts of the Caribbean when 

meaning imphed seems to be the same as in Jamaica. In the Virgin Islands 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 179 



example. Vails (1981:82) says the vine Mimosa unguis-cati L. is called cat-law, cat's 
claw, cat's paw, and monkey earring. Monkey earring is obviously a reference to 
the rounded shape of the pea pod which bears a "ridiculous resemblance" to true 
earrings. In Barbados the small herbaceous plant Ruellia tuberosa L. is called 
monkey gun (Robertson and Gooding 1970:230). In Jamaica it is known as duppy 
pop gun. 4 In both cases the plant receives its specific epithet from its explosive 
fruit — it imitates or resembles a real gun in the sound it produces. Similarly, 
mushrooms are called monkey umbrellas in Barbados and duppy umbrellas in 
Jamaica — they mimic real umbrellas (Robertson and Gooding 1970:230), 

Another good example of monkey names for plants is the sandbox tree, Hura 
crepitans L., which grows up to 3.7 m in height with a relatively dense, spreading 
crown. This impressive tree of the Caribbean and other parts of tropical America 
is also known as Jumbie dinner bell and monkey dinner bell, and Vails (1981:82) 
reports the name monkey pistol for the Virgin Islands. Like the monkey gun 
(Ruellia tuberosa L.), the sandbox tree disperses its seeds by means of an explosive 
pod, hence the dinner bell names and the name monkey pistol. Rampini's 
(1873:157-158) incidental account of his experience with a sandbox tree while 
traveling in Jamaica suggests that the association between the exploding pod and 
a pistol shot was recognized in the nineteenth century: 

As we [Rampini and his coachmanl were driving along the sea-shore, just 
before entering the bustling little town of Black River, we met one of the 



// 



J 



old-fashioned "kittereens, 

known, we believe, in some outlandish districts in Cornwall . . 

As we were wondering at this old-world turn-out, the nut c 
bag tree, expanded with the heat, burst with a loud explosion. 

'Warra!' cried Bob, nearly jumping from his driving box. 



kill 



common 



(and where they occur. 



interpretation in his effort to explain the origin of the ; 
name — monkey dinner bell tree. "Poultry," he writes, 
presumably monkeys) rush eagerly to find the seeds. On the continent, this action 
of the pod is the reason for the tree's name of Monkey Dinner Bell." A similar 
explanation is offered in the Funk and Wagnalls New "Standard" Dictionary (1958: 
1602): the tree is called monkey dinner bell because "the loud noise made by the 

ipe is understood by the monkeys as a signal that a 



fresh supply of food is ready. 



// 



attempt at an explanation was presented by Reverend J. Scholes m 
(Abrahams and Szwed 1983:157): "Whether the noisy habit aUuded to, 
es and calls the monkey to dinner, in the shape of the many button-like 



summons 



Master Monkey to attend to his 



Scholes's or any of the other explanations offered 



monkey names 



equally possible — even much more likel) 

the noise made bv the exploding fruit, and by the many 



dinner 



this very tall tree. In this 



180 



RASHFORD Vol. 14, No. 2 



monkev as the eeneric term simply means imitative of, or bearing some resem- 



blance to the real thing — a noisy dinner-belL 



THE BAOBAB AS A KIND OF TAMARIND 



Thvs, the name monkey tamarind tells us that the baobab is a kind of tam- 
arind, but what is the tamarind and how is the baobab related to it? The real 

I 

tamarind, Tamarindus indica L., is a large, evergreen, leguminous tree of Africa 
some say India — that is now widespread throughout the tropics. Because it is 
usually a common tree in the human environment, the tamarind serves as a point 
of reference for identifying other plants that are also given the name tamarind. 
The majority of these are, like the tamarind, leguminous shrubs and trees that 
have leaves, flowers, or fruits that resemble the true tamarind. The baobab is one 
very noticeable exception since it bears no resemblance to the true tamarind in 
leaves, flowers, fruits, or physiognomy. What the baobab shares with the true 
tamarind is that its fruit is similar in taste. 

The baobab has many uses and the fruit is one of the most valuable parts of 
the tree. The value of the fruit is evident when we consider that the most fre- 
quently cited English common names — baobab,^ Ethiopian sour gourd, sour 
gourd tree, cream of tartar tree, and monkey bread — are all in reference to the 
fruit. The names Ethiopian sour eourd, sour eourd tree, and cream of tartar tree 



most im 



Palmer and Pitman (1961:231) no 
ery, and mixed with water makes 



// 



wlhen drv. . . . becomes 



names 'cream-of-tartar tree' and 'lemonade 



// 



tamarind 



growmg 



7) 



Owen 



indehiscent fruits that ripen in the winter 



These fruits contain hard, dry seeds surrounded by an edible acidic pulp, and the 



drink. 



tamarind, like that of the baobab, is also used to make 



similar use of baobab and tamarind fruits is evident in many common 



names for the baobab that include the term tamarind. Varmah 



known as Vilaiti imli — exotic tam 



some cases these generic terms seem 



We have already seen references to the baobab as Jamaican Tamarind. Rock 
(1861:347) reports the name African tamarind, and in St. Croix, the baobab is 
known as Guinea tamarind .^ In India, one of the tree's many names is khurasani 
imli—khurasani tamarind. According to Burton-Page (1969:332), "The epithet 
Khurasani is fanciful, for the tree is unknown in Khurasan; it seems to be no more 
than an elegant word meaning 'foreign,' as in American doth, Russian salad." 
Specific terms can also be related to individuals as in India where the baobab also 
is called Gorak zmh— Gorak's tamarind— after Goraksanatha, whom Burton-Page 
(1969:332) described as "the patron saint of an order of yogis." The meaning of the 
name monkey tamarind is consistent with the above. The specific term monkey 
tells us that the baobab fruit imitates the taste of the real tamarind. Monkey serves 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



181 





FIG. 6.— Tamarind seedlings at the root of the baobab at Alpha Girls School in 
Kingston; FIG. 7— Tamarind and baobab growing side by side in St. Croix. 



many specific terms that distinguishes 



tamarinds 



SUMMARY 



seems self-evident that the baobab's two monkey names 



mi 



ially so. The meaning of monkey tamarind in the Caribbean context suggests 
monkey names imply imitation. In the case of the baobab, monkey tamarind 
s not to monkevs eatine the fruit, but to the simple fact that the fruit is similar 



tamarind 



name mo 



)bab's fruit be said to imitate "real" bread? There are three possible 
could be argued that the white or creamy acidic pulp resembles 
name also could indicate that the baobab fruit has the same signifi- 
es—it is their "staff of life." In the final 



cance to monkeys as bread does to humans- 
analysis, it might well be that the name monkey bread does derive from pri 
consumption of the fruit, and that it is unrelated to the use of monkey 
generic term in the name monkey tamarind. I believe, however, that the u 
monkey as a generic term in the name monkey bread is similar in constru 
and meaning to what has already been said about the name monkey tama 
In fact, an examination of the meaning of monkey in the English lang 



ways 



argument made 



182 



RASHFORD 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



NOTES 



^n actuality, the two monkey names of the baobab — monkey bread and monkey tama- 
rind — have been presented in a variety of ways: monkey bread, monkeybread, monkey- 
bread, monkey bread tree, monkey's bread, monkey's bread tree, monkeys-bread, mon- 
keys bread tree, monkey bread nut, monkey bread fruit, monkey bread-fruit, monkey 
bread-fruit tree, monkey tamarind, and monkey tamarind tree. 

2The dictionaries consulted are: The Oxford English Dictionary (1961, 1989), Clarendon 
Press, Oxford. Webster's Third New International Dictionary of the English Language 
(1981), G. & C. Merriam Co., Springfield, MA. Funk and Wagnalls New "Standard" Dictio- 
nary of the English Language (1958), Funk and Wagnalls Company, New York. New 
Riverside University Dictionary (1984), The Riverside Publishing Company, Chicago, IL. 
The Universal Dictionary of the English Language (1961), Routledge and Kegan Paul, Ltd. 
The Random House Dictionary of the English Language (1968), Random House, New 
York. The American Heritage Dictionary of the English Language (1971), American Heri- 
tage Publishing Co., New York. 

^There is one clear case where the common name monkey comb does have a literal meaning. 
In his review of this manuscript, Bradley Bennett wrote: "In Ecuador, Apeiba aspera Aublet 
is called peine de mono (Monkey's comb). Wooly monkeys and capuchin monkeys use the 
spiny fruit capsule to brush their coat." 

^Duppy is the Jamaican name for spirits, especially spirits of the dead. Jumbie has the same 
meaning and occurs in Jamaica and in other Caribbean Islands. In general, plants with 
duppy or jimibie names (of which there are many) are regarded as inedible or poisonous, 
while plants with monkey names are regarded as unusual in some way, but may still be 
eaten. 

sWickens (1982:174) savs 



In 1952, the Venetian herbalist and physician Prospero Alpino 



known 



Thus 



name invented by the Cairo merchants for a fruit (and tree) which they did not know in 



the wild. 



// 



^In St. Croix the baobab is also known as Guinea almond. This is probably because the 
baobab seeds which are eaten in St. Crobc and Jamaica taste like the seeds of the tropical 
almond (Terminalia calappa). 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



This 



son, Dana Cope, Barbara Borg, and Darlene Daehler-Wilking. I thank tl 
Austin and Bradley Bennett, for their many useful suggestions. Walter 1 
the abstract into Spanish, and Beatrice Stiglitz translated it into French 



LITERATURE CITE D 



ABRAHAMS, ROGER D. and JOHN F. 
SZWED. (editors). 1983. After Africa. 
Extracts from British Travel Accounts 
and Journals of the Seventeenth, Eigh- 
teenth, and Nineteenth Centuries 
Concerning the Slaves, Their Manners, 
and Customs in the British West 



ADAMS, DENNIS C. 1972. Flowering 
Plants of Jamaica. University of the 
West Indies, Mona, Jamaica. 
ANDERSON, IZETT and FRANK CUN- 
DALL. 1972. Jamaica Proverbs and 
Sayings. Sangster's Book Stores Lim- 
ited, Kingston, Jamaica. 
Indies. Yale University Press, New BAILLON, HENRI ERNEST 1876-1892. Die- 

Haven, CT. tionnaire de Botanique. Hachette, Paris. 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



183 



BURTON-PAGE, J. 1969. The problem of 
the introduction of Adansonia Digitata 
into India. Pp. 331-335 In The Domes- 
tication and Exploitation of Plants and 
Animals. Peter J. Ucko and G.W. Dim- 
bleby (editors). Aldine-Atherton, Chi- 
cago and New York. 

CASSIDY, FREDERIC G. 1971. Three Hun- 
dred Years of the English Language in 
Jamaica. MacMillan, London. 

and ROBERT B. LEPAGE. 1967. 

Dictionary of Jamaican English. First 
Edition. University of Cambridge 
Press, Cambridge. 

DALZIEL, JOHN M. 1937 The Useful 
Plants of West Tropical Africa. Crown 
Agents for Overseas Governments 
and Administrations, London. 

DELLATOLA, CLAIRE. 1983. The Baobab: 
Home for everyone. South African 
Panorama, December 1983:24-27 

EDWARDS, BRYAN. 1794. History, Civil 
and Commercial of the British Colo- 
nies in the West Indies. Second Edi- 
tion. Stockdale, London. 

GERTH VAN WIJK, H. L. 1971. A Dictio- 
nary of Plant-Names. A. Asher and 
Company, Vaals -Amsterdam. 

HARRIS, WILLIAM. 1912. Notes on fruits 
in Jamaica. Bulletin of the Department 
of Agriculture 2(6):159-180. 

HAWKES, ALEX D. 1970. Curculigo lati- 
folia — exceptionally rare plant. The 



IVES. CHARLES. 1880. The 



May 



mer; or Nassau and the Bahamas. 
Published by the author. New Haven, 
Connecticut. 

LELY, HUGH V. 1925. The Useful Trees of 
Northern Nigeria. Crown Agents for 
Overseas Governments and Adminis- 
trations, London. 

LUNAN, JOHN. 1814. Hortus Jamaicensis. 
Gasette, St. Jago de la Vega (Spanish 
Town), Jamaica. 

MACFADYEN, JAMES. 1850. The Flora of 
Jamaica. Vol. II. Unpublished, printed 

in Jamaica in 1850. 
MORRIS, D. 1884. Cultivation and Distri- 
bution of Economic Plants. Annual 
Report of the Public Gardens and 
Plantations for the Year Ending 30th 



September 



Kingsti 



MORTON, JULIA F. 1992. The 



citrifolia, Rubiaceae) and some of its 
"colorful' relatives. Economic Botany 
46:241-256. 



OWEN. JOHN. 1970. The 



Adansonia 



Digitata (Baobab) in African commu- 
nities. African Notes 6:24-36. 
— . 1974. A contribution to the ecology 



Sava 

PALMER, EVA and NORAH PITMAN. 
1961. Trees of South Africa. Vol. 2. 
A. A. Bolkema, Amsterdam. 

PORTEOUS, ALEXANDER. 1928. Forest 
Folklore, Mythology, and Romance. 
Allen and Unwin, London. 

RAMPINI, CHARLES. 1873. Letters from 
Jamaica. Edmonston and Douglas, Ed- 
inburgh. 

RASHFORD, JOHN. 1987 The search for 
Africa's baobab tree in Jamaica. Jama- 
ica Journal 20(2):2-ll. 

. 1991. The Grove Place baobab tree. 

Virgin Islands Agriculture and Food 
Fair, Bulletin No. 5:65-69. 

ROBERTSON, E. T. and E. G. B. GOOD- 
ING. 1970. Botany for the Caribbean. 
Collins Clear-Type Press, London. 

ROBYNS, ANDRE G. 1980. Bombacaceae. 
Pp. 58-71 in A Revised Handbook to 
the Flora of Ceylon. Vol. I. M. D. DAS- 
SANAYAKE (editor). Amerind Pub- 
lishing Company, New Delhi. 

ROCK, THOMAS D. 1861. Monkey bread 
nuts or fruit of the Baobab. Technol- 
ogy 1:346-50. 

SOAREZ, VANESSA. 1977 Monkey tam- 
arind tree. Hibiscus (Convent of Mercy 
Academy newspaper) 1(1). 

STORER, DOROTHY P. 1958. Familiar 
Trees and Cultivated Plants of Jama- 



MacMillan 



Where 



"wishing tree." Science Today, 



1978:35-44 



What 



English 



ole. Lito Vails, St. Johns, U. S. Virgin 

Islands. 
VARMAH, J. C. and K. M. VAID. 1978. 



Baobab 
Allahabad. The 

461-464. 



African tree 



WICKENS, G. E. 1982. The Baobab 



Bulle 



tin 



Mulberry (Morinda 



184 



RASHFORD Vol. 14, No. 2 



BOOK REVIEW 



Chumash Healing: Changing Health and Medical Practices in an American 
Indian Society. Phillip L. Walker and Travis Hudson. Foreword by Jan 
Timbrook. Banning, California: Malki Museum Press, 1993. Pp. xvi; 161. $12.95 
(softcover). ISBN 0-939046-33-4 (hardcover), 0-939046-34-x (softcover). 



The book at hand is of interest to ethnobiologists largely because of the medici- 
nal uses of plants and animals, described in Chapter VII, "Treatment of Specific 
Disorders" (pp. 81-102). However, the whole book is well worth attention. It pre- 
sents a comprehensive view of what we currently know of Chumash medicine. 

The book is rather unusual, among works of its kind, for its commendable 
attention to changes in postcontact times. The Chumash were among the most 
severely impacted by introduced diseases; they almost died out. A crumb of 
consolation lay in the Spanish/Mexican folk remedies they acquired during the 
mission days. Later, they have become sharers — alas, marginal sharers only — in 
the benefits of modern medicine. 

Phillip Walker's work on epidemics, demography, and physical changes 
among the Chumash is well known. In this book he has combined it with the 
ethnographic researches of Travis Hudson and John Peabody Harrington. 
Harrington's vast unpublished treasure trove of ethnographic findings has shed 
much light on the Chumash in recent years. Until his tragic and untimely death, 
Hudson worked assiduously with these notes. It was left to Walker to bring the 
results to light, combined with his own dynamic picture. 

The amount of material that we have is surprising, but no doubt represents 
only a small fraction of Chumash medical lore. At least five named classes of 
medical practitioners are described; this is verv Dossiblv not an exhaustive Hst. 



The ethnobotany is extensive, but surely there was much more. 

The strength of the book Ues in its archaeological, demographic, and historical 
materials. Contemporary Chumash ways are not well covered. The authors have 
drawn on pubHshed sources and some surviving oral tradition. Some compara- 
tive material is provided, but not very much. There is a need for a systematic 
investigation of, for example, Mexican and Southwestern parallels in herbal lore 
and curing practice. Judging from the evidence, modern Chumash practice is 
very heavily influenced by Mexican and Hispanic -American medical lore. This 
does not make it less worthy of attention; no detailed research on any group's folk 
medicine has come to us from the Santa Barbara- Ventura area. We need basic 
documentation comparable to what Bea Roeder has given us in Chicano Folk 
Medicine from Los Angeles, California (Berkeley: University of California, 1988). But 
that is a task for another book. 



E. N. Anderson 
Department of Anthropology 
University of California 
Riverside, CA 92521 



/. Ethnobiol. 14(2):185-210 



Winter 1994 



WET'SUWET'EN ETHNOBOTANY: 
TRADITIONAL PLANT USES 



E M. JOHNSON GOTTESFELD 
Anthropology Department 



HM 



'/ 



Edmonton, Alberta, Canada 

T6G 2H4 



Wet 



western British Columbia who occupy the transition zone between the sub-boreal 
spruce forests of the central interior and the cedar-hemlock forests of the Pacific 



Wet 



similarities 



Wet 



cines, foods, and material culture. The names and uses of 59 species of vascular 
plants and three nonvascular taxa are documented in this study. Plant uses 
reported here reflect Wet'suwet'en practices of the twentieth century and have 

been verified by living elders. 

Important medicines include: Oplopanax horridum, Abies lasiocarpa, Picea 
engelmannii x glauca, Cornus stolonifera, Sorbus scoptdina, lonicera involucrata, 
Nuphar polysepdum, and Veratrum viride. Food plants include Heracleum lanaium, 
Sedum divergens, Dryopteris expansa, Pinus contorta, Tsuga heterophylla, Vacciniiim 
membranaceum , Vaccinium caespitosim, Arctostaphylos uva-ursi, Cornus canadensis, 



hnology 



spp.. Thuja plicata, Alnus spp., and Picea engelmannii x glauca. 



if^ 



RESUMEN.— Los Wet'suwet'en son im 



de Columbia Britanica, en el Canada, que ocupa la zona de transicion entre los 
bosques sub-boreales de Picea del interior central y los bosques de Thuja plicata y 
Tsuga heterophylla de la costa del Pacifico. La utilizacion de plantas por parte de los 



Wet 



simili 



Wet 



alimento v cultura material. En este estudio se dooimentan 



vasoilares. Los usos 



sido verificados por los ancianos actuates. 



Wet 



Las medicinas importantes incluyen a: Oplopanax horridum, Abies ^ lasiocarpa. 



stolonif^ 



alimenticias 



acleum lanatum, Sedum divergens, Dryopteris expansa, Pinus contorta, Tsuga hetero- 
phylla, Vaccinium membranaceum, Vaccinium caespitosum, Arctostaphylos uva-urst, 



oxycoccus. Las 



cultura 



186 



GOTTESFELD Vol. U, No. 2 



contorta, Betula papyrifera, Salix spp.. Thuja plicata, Alnus spp., y Picea engelmannii x 
glauca. 



RESUMlS. — Les Wet'suwet'en sont un peuple autochtone parlant la langue atha- 
pascane du nord ouest de la Colombie Britanique qui occupent une zone de 
transition entre les forets de sapins de Tinterieur et les forets de cedres de la cote 
pacifique. Uutilisation des plantes par les Wet'suwet*en reflete leur occupation de 
cette zone de transition et les diverses communautes de plantes presentes dans ce 
territoire. Leur utilisation des plantes montre des similarites avec celle qu'en font 
leurs voisins. Les plantes sont utilisees par les Wet'suwet'en en tant que plantes 
medicinales, comme nourriture et pour culture materielle. Les noms et Tutilisa- 
tion de 59 espesces de plantes vasculaires et trois taxons non-vasculaires sont 
documentes dans cette etude. Uutilisation des plantes decrite ici reflete les pra- 
tiques des Wet'suwet'en du vingtieme siecle et ont ete verifees par des aines 
contemporains. 

Les plantes medicinales importantes sont: Oplopanax horridum, Abies las- 
iocarpa, Picea engelmannii x glauca, Cornus stolonifera, Sorbus scopulina, Lonicera 
involucrala, Nuphar polysepalum, et Veratrum viride. Les plantes alimentaires in- 
cluent: Heracleum lanatum, Sedum divergens, Dryopteris expansa, Pinus contorta, 
Tsuga heterophylla, Vaccinium membranaceum, Vaccinium caespitosum, Arctostaphylos 
uva-ursi, Cornus canadensis, Viburnum edule, et Vaccinium oxy coccus. Les plantes 
utilisees dans la technologie et la culture materielle sont les suivantes: Acer 
glabrum var. douglasii, Pinus contorta, Betula papyrifera, Salix spp., Thuja plicata, 
Alnus spp., et Picea engelmannii x glauca. 



INTRODUCTION AND SETTING 



Wet'suwet'en are an Athapaskan-sneakine ueoDle who 



Morice 



Columbia 



between the boreal interior 



Many 



Tsimshian-speaking 



Wakashan-speaking group with whom 



interior 



interaction, while other features of their way of life are similar to more 



material on the ethnobotanv of the Wet'suwet 



documented. Morice (1893) made pioneering studies of the Wet'suwet 
Carriers in the late nineteenth century. He did not differentiate Wet^s 



plant uses or names from those of the Carrier or even the Chilcotin. An unpub- 
lished manuscript on Carrier ethnobotany was produced by Smith during 1922- 
1923 (Smith n.d.). No serious ethnobiological work has been done with the Wet- 
'suwet'en people until the present study. 

The Wet'suwet'en live in the villages of Moricetown and Hagwilget, which are 
Indian Reserves, and in the surrounding communities of Northwest B.C. Many 
ties exist with the Babines of Fort Babine, who speak the same language with 

dialectical variation. The Wet'suwet'en were long classed as Carrier 
5, but recent studies have areued for their distinctness (Kari 1975). 



mmor 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 187 



120°W 



Wet'suwel'en Territories 




100 200 km 



FIG. 1.— Map of the territory of the Wet'suwet'en people, northwestern 
British Columbia, Canada. 



Vegetation of the Wet'suwet'en territory includes a fringe of coastal fores 
types of the Interior Cedar Hemlock Zone (Haeussler et al. 1985) near Morice 
town and Hagwilget and the Coastal Western Hemlock Zone at the westen 
margin of their territory. The bulk of the Wet'suwet'en territory is in the Sub 
Boreal Spruce Zone (Pojar et al. 1984). 



Wet 



congregation on the Bulkley River to fish for salmon in Moricetown or Hagwilget 
Canyons and dispersal to hunting and trapping territories in the winter (Daly 
1988). Groups from different winter hunting territories converged on the summer 
villages in time for the arrival of the salmon in early summer, arriving from 
widely scattered areas within a span of a few of days. Chinook {Onchorynchus 
tshawytscha (Walbaum)), sockeye (O. nerka ( Walbaum)), and coho salmon (O. kisutch 
(Walbaum)) were fished with dip nets, weirs, and gaffs. 

Summer was feast time for the Wet'suwet'en, when an abundant and concen- 
trated food resource brought aU the people together. Important group events such 
as funeral feasts and succession to new titles took place durmg the smnmer feast 
season (Mills 1987). The bodies of unportant people might be transported long 
distances back to the viUage to be buried (in historic times) or cremated with proper 
rites. This contrasts with the pattern seen in Coastal peoples, who dispersed to fish 
in the summer and came together in winter villages for a feast season. 



188 



GOTTESFELD Vol. 14, No. 2 



In the fall the Wet'suwet'en people dispersed according to their clan affilia- 
tions to widely separated hunting and trapping areas, and families spent the 
winter hunting, ice fishing, and trapping. Trapping territories included areas in 
the Hazelton and Babine mountains, the Nechako Plateau, and the Tahtsa ranges 
of the Coast Mountains. In the spring after beaver hunting and trapping, all the 
Wet'suwet'en would again congregate in the Bulkley Valley, bringing furs and 
smoked lake fish with them. 

Because of their patterns of movement, different groups of Wet'suwet'en peo- 
ple had access to the resources of very different biotic zones at different time of 
the year. Salmon and red cedar (refer to Table 1 for scientific names not listed in 
the text) were shared by all in the summer fishing season in the canyons of the 
lower Bulkley. Resources of the ecological communities of the montane and alpine 
slopes of the Hazelton Mountains, with western hemlock, amabihs fir {Abies 
amabilis (Dougl.) Forbes), mountain hemlock (T. mertensiana (Bong.) Carr.), sub- 
alpine fir, and spruce, interspersed with wet meadows and dry screes and ava- 
lanche tracks, were available to groups with western hunting and trapping terri- 
tories. Resources of the rugged Babine Mountains, with spruce or pine forests and 
dry alpine meadows, were utilized by groups with trapping territories in the 
northeast part of the Wet'suwet'en lands. The drier Nechako plateau country, with 
rolling spruce and pine forests, aspen woodlands, grassy slopes, and willow 
swamps, offered diverse resources to Wet'suwet'en people with territories in the 
southerly portion of their lands. 

Plants are used by the Wet'suwet'en people for medicine, food, and material 
culture. Medicines are derived from barks, roots, and foliage of a number of 
different species. Foods include green vegetables, fruits and berries, and root 
foods. Technological materials include fiber plants, wood, and dyes and pig- 
ments. Names of plants used by Wet'suwet'en people are presented in Table 1. 



METHODS 



The information presented in this paper was collected between 1987 and 1992 
through interviews of 31 Wet'suwet'en elders and knowledgeable people about 
the names and uses of plants.^ Consultants included both men and women. Most 
of the consultants are middle-aged or elderly people of traditional upbringing 
who are fluent speakers of the Wet'suwet'en language. Interviews were conducted 
in Wet'suwet'en, using a translator, or in English. Where possible, plants in the 
field, fresh plant specimens, or dried "case" specimens of known botanical iden- 
tity (Bye 1986) were used to verify the identifications of the plants discussed. ^ 
Color photographs and Hne drawings were also employed to verify plant 
identifications. 

All ethnobotanical information and Wet'suwet'en names reported here have 
been derived from interviews with livine oeoole. Not all nl^^nt iisps renorted are 



Wet 



culture 



been observed or practiced by the consultants in the recent past. Reported histori- 
cal uses of plants not confirmed by living elders will not be discussed in this 
paper. 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



189 



TABLE 1. — Names of plants used by the Wet'suwet'en. 



Common Name 



Plant Species 



Plant Family 



Wet'suwet'en Name 



Alder 



Alnus spp. 



Aspen^ trembling Populus tretnuloides 
Avens, large-leaved Geum macrophyllum 



Betulaceae 

Salicaceae 

Rosaceae 



Wis 
t'ighis 
ilk'it bin 



Willd. 



Birch, paper 
"Black tree moss 
Black twinberry 



Ff 



Betula papyrifera Marsh. Betulaceae 
Alectoria or Bryoria spp. 
Lonicera involucrata 



a 



bearberry 



// 



(Rich.) Banks 



Caprifoliaceae 



k'ay 
dikhghe 
sis mt' cin 



Blueberry low-bush Vaccinium caespitosutn 



Ericaceae 



yintimi? 



Blueberry high- 
bush 
Bunchberry 



Michx. 
Vaccinium ovalifolium 

Smith 
Cornus canadensis L. 



dtndze 



Cornaceae 



Cedar^ western red Thuja plicata Donn. ex Taxodiaceae 



dinthyez, din'th fan 
sitnggin 



D. Don 



Cinder conk, black Inonotus obliquus (Pers: Hymenochaetaceae tVeyhts'e, dic'ah 



burl 



Fr.) Pilat. 



/_/ 



cVists o 



Cottonwood, black Populus balsamifera 

L. trichocarpa (Torr. 
& Gray, ex Hook.) 
Brayshaw 

Cow parsnip, "wild Heracleum lanahim 



Salicaceae 



ts'iy 



Apiaceae 



gg^^ 



rhubarb 



// 



Michx. 



Crabapple, Pacific Pyrus fuscus 



Cranberry high- 
bush 

Cranberry low- 
bush; bog 

"Currant, black" 

Currant, red 

Devil's club 



Viburnum edule 
(Michx.) Raf. 
Vaccinium oxy coccus L 



Rosaceae 
Caprifoliaceae 



milks 
tsalhtse 



Ericaceae 



tnt o 



Ribes sp 

Ribes triste Pall. (?) 
Oplopanax horridum 
(Smith) Miq, 



Grossulariaceae 
Grossulariaceae 
Araliaceae 



dilkw'akh ml'? 
k'iy ditigt 
whisco 



Dogbane, spreading Apocynum 



Apocynaceae 



c'indeklh 



Elderberry, red 
Fir, subalpine; 



"balsam 
Fireweed 



// 



Gooseberry, 

northern 



androsimaefolium L. 
Sambucus racemosa L. Caprifoliaceae 
Abies lasiocarpa (Hook.) Pinaceae 

Nutt. 
Epilobium angustifolium Onagraceae 

L. 

Ribes oxyacanthoides L. Saxifragaceae 



luts 
ts'otsin 



khas fan 



c'indeivizgi 



Hazelnut, beaked Corylus cornuta Marsh. Betulaceae 
Hellebore, Indian or Veratrum viride Ait. 



LiUaceae 



tsalik gg'a kun' 
konye 



false 



A' 



Hemlock, western Tsuga heterophylla (Raf.) Pinaceae 

Sarg. 



misdzu 



190 



GOTTESFELD 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



TABLE 1. — Names of plants used by the Wet'suwet'en. (continued) 



Common Name 



Plant Species 



Plant Family 



Huckleberry black Vaccinium 



Ericaceae 



Juniper, common 
Juniper, Rocky 

Mountain 
Kinnikinnik 



Labrador tea 



Lady fern 



Maple, Douglas 



Mountain ash 



memhranaceum 

Dougl, 
Juniperus communis L. Cupressaceae 
Jiiniperus scopulorum Cupressaceae 

Sarg. 
Arctostaphylos uva-ursi Ericaceae 

(L.) Spreng. 
Ledum groenlandicum Ericaceae 

Oeder 
Athyrium filix foemina Polypodiaceae 

(L.) 
Acer glabrum (Torr.) 

van douglasii (Hook.) 

Dippel 
Sorbus scopulina Greene Rosaceae 

Urticaceae 



Aceraceae 



Nettles, stinging Urtica dioica L, 

Onion, nodding; Allium cernuum Roth Liliaceae 



"stink grass 
Pin cherry 

Pine, lodgepole 
Plantain, broad- 
leaved 
Raspberry 
Red columbine 



Prunus pennsylvanica L. Rosaceae 
Pinus contorta Dougl. Pinaceae 



Plantago major L. 



Plantaginaceae 



Rubus idaeus L. 



Rosaceae 



AquiJegia formosa Fisch. Ranunculaceae 



Red-osier dogwood Cornus stolonifera 



Cornaceae 



Michx. 



Rice root; "wild 

* AT 

rice 

Rose, prickly 
Salmonberry 

Sarsaparilla, wild Aralia nudicaulis L. 



Fritillaria camschatcensis Liliaceae 

(L.) Ker-Gawl 

Rosa acicularis Lindl. Rosaceae 

Rubus spectabilis Pursh Rosaceae 



Saskatoon 



Amelanchier alnifolium 



Araliaceae 
Rosaceae 



Nutt. 



Scouring rush 
Skimk cabbage 



Snowberries, 
"grouseberries 



Equisetum hyemale L. Equisetaceae 

Lysichitum americanum Araceae 

Hulten & St. John 

Symphoricarpos albus Caprifoliaceae 



(L.) Blake 
Sphagnum, "diaper Sphagnum sp. 



moss 



ff 



Sphagnaceae 



Soapberry 



Spruce 



Spruce, black 



Shepherdia canadensis 
(L.) Nutt. 

Picea engelmanii 
X glauca 



Eleagnaceae 



Pinaceae 



cea mariana (Mill.) 
Brittl, Sterns & Pogg. 



Pinaceae 



Wet'suwet'en Name 



digi 



detsan 



dinih 



Idt misg'tk 



'ayh 



dicin ilhtsin 
holhtsHc 
tl'o ilhtsin 



stnits'ok 

cindu 

delkw'akh nelhdic 



biyolhggok 

lesokh 

kak dilk'Vn; wikak 
dilk'Vn; k'entsik 

c'inkalh 



tselhghtl 
misggile'n 
scanistles 
Ihighah 



lawzV 
c'it anco 



c'itsit tnt' 



yin yil, yintVakh yil 



m • 



ntwts 



ts'o 



ts'o; nedus 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



191 



TABLE 1. — Names of plants used by the Wet*suwet'en. (continued) 



Common Name 



Plant Species 



Plant Family 



Wef suwet'en Name 



Stonecrop; ''stone Sedum divergens Wats. Crassulaceae 



tse mi 



berries 



// 



Strawberry wild 



Rosaceae 



Thimbleberry 
"Wild carrots' 
Willow 



Fragaria virginiana 

Duchesne 
Rubus parviflorus Nutt. Rosaceae 



yinti dilk'i'n 



dik dinkay 



Slum suave Walt.(?)/ 
Salix spp. probably 
S. lasiandra and/or 
S. scoukriar 
Wood fern, spiny Dryopteris expansa 



Apiaceae 
Salicaceae 



sasco 



k'eltay, k'endliyh 



Polypodiaceae 



diyi 'n 



(K.B Presl) Fraser- 
Jenkins & Je 
zhUlea millaefolium I 
Yellow pond lily Nuphar polysepalum 

Engelm. 



Yarrow 



Asteraceae 
Nymphaeaceae 



hi'il yesone 
khelht'ats 



f P. Karl, unpublished notes 



MEDICINAL PLANTS 



Many of the medicinal plants used by the Wet'suwet'en are used by other 
Indian peoples of northern British Columbia. Plants are generaUy employed as 
decoctions or infusions for internal or external use, mashed as poultices and 
wound dressings, or eaten. Many medicines are derived from the bark or iimer 
bark of the plant (Gottesfeld 1992a). "Wood medicine/' dicin yu,^ is the term for 
medicinal decoctions made from barks or inner barks, often mixtures of a number 
of species. The same medicinal category is present among 



rhizomes are often used 



rheumatism 



employed as fumigant 
. Some plants are als< 



bring luck. Medicinal plani 
more important medicinal 



Indian hellebore, konye (Veratrum viride AffJ.— Indian heUebore is a large forb of 
midelevation and subalpine moist meadows. The rhizome is gathered for medici- 
nal use. It is toxic, containing a variety of alkaloids that act to depress central 
blood pressure (Kingsbury 1964). It is considered a plant of great spiritual power; 
its primary uses are for ritual purification and bringing or restormg "luck 



m 



sometimes 



gredients such as cow parsnip root and devU's club bark may be made 



fumigant 



apparently was used in the sweat bath in the past. A piece of the dried rootstock 
may also be carried as a luck charm. The root can also be used externally m the 



TABLE 2.— Medicinal plants. 



Plant Name 



Avens, large-leaved 
Black twinberry 
Cinder conk 
Cottonwood, black 
Cow parsnip 
Crabapple, Pacific 
Cranberry, high-bush 

Devil's club 
Elderberry red 
Fern Rhizome (unspec.) 
Fir, subalpine 
Hellebore, Indian 
Juniper, common 
Kinnikinnik berries 
Labrador tea 
Mountain ash 
Nettles, stinging 
Pin cherry 
Pine, lodgepole 
Plantain, broad-leaved 

Pond lily, yellow 
Red-osier dogwood 
Rose, prickly 
Sarsaparilla, wild 
Scouring rush 
Snowberries 
Soapberry 

Spruce 
Spruce, black 
Strawberry, wild 
Yarrow 



Tonic Heart Respiratory Skin 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 

V 



V 



V 
V 
V 
V 
V 



V 



V 



V 
V 



V 

V 
V 
V 



V 

(V) 



V 

V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



Rheumatism/ 
Arthritis 



Stomach 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



Wounds 
Burns 



V 

V 



V 



V 



V 



General 



V 



V 
V 
V 



V 



V 
V 



V 



V 

V 



V 
V 
V 



Pain Urinary Childbirth 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 
V 






o 

r 
O 



^ 



z 

o 



TABLE 2. — Medicinal plants, (continued) 



Plant Name 



Purgative 



Purification/ 

Spiritual 



Eye 



Laxative 



Diarrhoea 



// 



Cleanser 



// 



Dental 



Diabetes 



Hair Rinse 



Avens, large-leaved 
Black twinberry 
Cinder conk 
Cottonwood, black 

Cow parsnip 

Crabapple, Pacific 
Cranberry, high-bush 
Devil's club 
Elderberry, red 
Fern Rhizome (unspec.) 
Fir, subalpine 
Hellebore, Indian 
Juniper, common 
Kinnikinnik berries 

Labrador tea 
Mountain ash 

Nettles, stinging 
Pin cherry 
Pine, lodgcpole 
Plantain, broad-leaved 
Yellow Pond lily, yellow 
Red-osier dogwood 
Rose, prickly 
Sarsparilla, wild 
Scouring rush 
Snowberries 
Soapberry 
Spruce 

Spruce, black 

Strawberry, wild 
Yarrow 



V 



V 

V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 
V 



:3 






4^ 



O 
C 




> 

r 

O 

z 

o 

03 



o 




< 






194 



GOTTESFELD Vol. 14, No. 2 



treatment of sore or inflamed joints. Indian hellebore was never taken internally 
by the Wet'suwet'en. 

The Wet'suwet'en regard this plant as extremely powerful and dangerous and 
treat it with the utmost respect and care. When gathering konye, it is proper to 
leave a gift in the hole from which it has been dug and to cover the hole again 
with soil. Men should take roots from a ''female" plant, which has dried flowers 
on top. Women should use roots from a ''male" plant, which lacks dried flowers. 



//TIT t 1 • ► // 



]Nood 



most widely used and gathered medicinal 
Columbia. It is a sprawling shrub up to 2 m 



moist mixed 



Wet'suwet'en name 



// 



impressive 



stems 



Wet'suwet'en in medicinal mixtures with ingredients such as subalpine fir bark, 
spruce bark, or mountain ash bark. It was also boiled alone (Fig. 2). These decoc- 
tions are used to treat colds, flu, or tuberculosis, or as tonics and preventative 
medicines. Devil's club is renorted to be ^ood for hp;5rt dispasp. The inner bark is 



also used fresh, worn around the neck as an aromatic treatment for colds. The 
bark is burned on the stove top to treat people with colds or to ward off sickness 
in a house. Bathing in devil's club infusions is part of the ritual cleansing that men 
undergo before hunting or trapping. 

Devil's club roots can also be dug up and used. They can be chewed for cough 
medicine or brewed as a tea. Roots are reported to be stronger than the stems. 

Red-osier dogwood is a common shrub of aspen forest and cottonwood for- 
ests, lakeshores, and river banks. It is called kak dilkTn, wikak dilk'i% or 

red," refers to the color of the bark. 



Wet 



// 



medicinal mixtures 



purposes. It may be boiled with subalpine fir and spruce bark, with mountain ash 
and black twinberry bark, and with devil's club. It is taken for coughs and 
respiratory ailments. A decoction of red-osier inner bark can be used to treat 
psoriasis by soaking the affected body part in the solution. A decoction of red- 
osier inner bark is also used internally for treatment of postpartum hemorrhage, 
for pain after childbirth, or for stomach pain. 

Black twinberry is called sis mt' cin, "bearberry," by the Wet'suwet'en. The 
inner bark of black twinberry is highly valued as a wound dressing and for 
treatment of infection. It is particularly described as being an effective medicine 
for burns. An infusion of the inner bark or the raw, fresh chewed bark is appUed 
to the burn. An eye medicine can be made from the inner bark of black twinberry 
It also forms one of the ingredients of medicinal mixtures of barks used for 
coughs and respiratory ilhiess. 

Mountain ash is called dicin ilhtsin, which means "smelly or stink wood." It is 
also called honca ts'iy cin and cinic hikh. The inner bark is scraped off larger stems 
and dried or used fresh. It can be infused alone and taken for bad colds, flu, and 
general sickness, or it can be mked with other ingredients such as devil's club, sub- 
alphie fir bark, and black twinberry bark, and boiled together for a strong medicine 
effective agamst diseases such as whooping cough. Mountain ash was used along 
with yellow pond lily root for treatment of tuberculosis in the recent oast. 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



195 







FIG. 2. 
from d 



Madeline 



medicine 



may 



may be mixed with other barks, such as devil's club, mountain 

nberry, in medicinal decoctions as mentioned above. 

used similarly to subalpine fir bark. Both may be specified in 



medicinal decoctions. The 



"tips 



// 



terminal 



make med 



medicine. Tl 
)ral antisept 



her conifers, such as lodgepole pine, were also used m 
medicines. Juniper bouehs (detsan'il) and berries were used to make a medicinal 



was used as a tonic and for treatment of flu. A medicine 



made from 



196 



GOTTESFELD Vol. 14, No. 2 



Bark of several other shrubs is used for medicinal decoctions. Snowberry 
bark is used for an eye medicine. Pin cherry bark, in combination with juniper 
boughs and willow or alder (?) bark, is used for cough. Red elderberry bark is also 
used for medicine. Jenness (reported in Smith 1928) noted the use of a decoction of 
the roots as a purgative. This practice was also found among the Gitksan in the 
early 1920s (Gottesfeld and Anderson 1988). 



Medicinal roots. — Yellow pondlily (khelht'ats), occurs widely in the shallow mar- 
gins of lakes and ponds up to the subalpine zone. The leaves are called by the 
same name as plantain leaves, dilkw'akh nelhdic, "frog blanket." Yellow pond lily 
rootstock, (khelht'atsghih) is used as a tonic, in medicinal mixtures taken inter- 
nally in the treatment of tuberculosis, and as a poultice for rheumatic joints and 
fractures. One method of using yellow pondlily rootstock as a tonic is to roast and 
powder the peeled rootstocks. The powder is then added to food consumed at 
meals. Pond lily rootstock is hard to dig. Some elders describe finding rootstocks 
dug up by beavers or muskrats; another strategy is to wait until late summer 
when the water levels in ponds may be lower, ^ 

The root of the cow parsnip (ggusghih) is used as a poultice for rheumatism. 
A decoction of the root can be used for a cough niedicine. It also can be used as an 
external wash, as described in the discussion o^ Indian hellebore. 

Nettle rhizomes are boiled for medicine. They are good for "anything." A 



rhizome 



skin rash. Nettle root is also an ineredient of a mixed 



medicinal decoction em 



The rhizomes of wild sarsaparilla (scanistles) were boiled in combination 



barks as a tuberculosis remedy. 



Skin treatments. 



treatment 



with 



mixed with black twinberry bark, which has similar 



make a good medicine for w 



three 



directly 



swelline. Mashed 



The leaves of broad-leaved plantain are applied directly to sores that are not 
healing, or a decoction of the leaves can be used to treat sores or swellings. 
Medicinal use of broad-leaved plantain may be of relatively recent origin, as the 
plant is considered a European introduction. 

A decoction of yarrow is used as a skin wash to treat itching. 

Other medicinal plants.— Soapbernes (niwis) are used for the treatment of stomach 
ulcers. They are good for arthritis also. A decoction of the inner bark of the 
branches is used as a laxative or for a sore stomach. 

Prickly rose (tselhghil fan) can be used for medicine. The whole plant is 
boiled. It is "good for everything." 

' scouring rush (lawzV) is used to aid in passing urine in cases 



of kidney dysfunction. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 197 



Slivers of cinder conk (tVeyhtse or dic'ah cVists'o'), a black, amorphous- 
looking polypore found on birch trees, are burned on the skin as a moxibustion 
treatment to relieve pain (Gottesfeld 1992b). 



Discussion. — ^Traditionally, diseases were treated either by home herbalists or 
diyin, ''Indian doctors," using plant- or animal-derived remedies. In addition 
Indian doctors used medicine songs and spiritual powers derived from super- 
natural beings as part of their healing power. Sixty-five years ago Indian doctors, 
the Kalutl'em (GGelulhent) Society, and the more powerful and prestigious K'yan 
Societv were much involved in treatment of serious illness that was believed to be 



(Jenness 1943). Jenness 



time (i.e., in the mid-1920s) (Jenness 



1943). 



time home herbal- or animal-product remedies 



modem 



treatments 



were diaenosed as "Indian Sickness 



number of people treated in this manner 



living. 



Some of the plants used by the Wet'suwet'en are known to have active mgre- 
dients that may contribute to their efficacy. Recent studies have affirmed the 
empirical basis and potential efficacy of many ethnomedical herbal treatments 
even though the understandings of disease etiology and therapeutic treatments 
may not repHcate biomedical approaches (Browner 1985; Browner et aL 1988; 



Etkin 



comprehensive review of the biochemistry and pharmacology of Wet 



medicinal 



known 



(Moskalenko 1986). This 

as treatment of wounds and perhaps in 



bury 1964). 



The root and stem bark of elderberry are emetic (Kings 



Research in progress on the constituents of devil's club extracts has identified 
several triterpenoids, but the bioactivity of the isolated compounds has not yet 
been demonstrated (Sheng-Chu Feng, personal communication, 1992). Clinical 
studies from the 1930s suggest hypoglycaemic properties for devil's club extracts 
(Brocklesby and Large 1938; Justice 1966). 

Juniper boughs and berries contain a large number of compounds, mcludmg 
flavonoids, benzenoids, lignans, alkenes, diterpene polyprenoids, maUc acid, 
malonic acid, oxaHc acid, phenyl pyruvic acid, aconitic acid, tartaric acid, vaniHic 
acid, and ascorbic acid, which have been isolated by a number 



Linder 



Juniper berries show antitumor 
shown embryot 



May and Willuhn 1978). The antiviral properties of juniper berries would be 

. f^.o:,f.^or.f r.f rpcniratorv iUnesses. The ascorbic acid content 



mi 



198 



GOTTESFELD Vol. 14, No. 2 



Indian hellebore (Veratrum viride) is recognized by the Wet'suwet'en as poten- 
tially deadly. The plant contains a number of toxic alkaloids which can cause 
death through depression of central blood pressure (Edwards 1980; Jeger and 
Prelog 1960; Kingsbury 1964). The properties of external washes or of the smoke 
of burning dried Indian hellebore root remain unknown. 

Cow parsnip contains abundant furanocoumarins that are toxic to DNA in 
the presence of ultraviolet radiation, causing blistering (Camm et al. 1976). Skin 
blistering could be involved in a counterirritant treatment of swollen rheumatic 



joints. 



FOOD PLANTS 



Wet'suwet 



tables, tree "cambiums," numerous 



(Table 3). A number of different berries and small fruits were quantitatively and 
nutritionally the most significant plant foods. Few other foods rich in carbohy- 
drate are available in this region. Only two root vegetables were extensively used 
by the Wet'suwet'en, spiny woodfern rootstock (Turner et al. 1992) and rice root 
bulbs. "Cambiums" of pine, hemlock, and spruce were harvested for food in early 
spring, when at their most palatable and nutritious staee. A few plants were 



Wet 



Wet 



by Gottesfeld (1995). Several plants were steeped in hot water to make teas. 
Sometimes a medicinal value is suggested by Wet'suwet'en people, but the gen- 
eral feehng among my consultants is that these infusions were drunk simply as 
beverages. Some beverages, like Labrador tea or infusions of conifer needles, may 
contain significant ascorbic acid and perhaps other nutrients (Berkes and Farkas 
1978; Gottesfeld 1995). 



Berries.— Berries of all sorts were eaten fresh, dried on racks "like raisins," or 
preserved fresh in rendered grease and stored in underground storage houses. 



m 



way. In the past berries were also preserved by being made into berry cakes. This 
process was essentially identical to that described for the Gitksan (People of Ksan 
1980). Wooden racks were placed on a frame over a small fire. The rack was lined 
with leaves of skunk cabbage, (c'it anco) or thimbleberry, and cooked berries 
were ladled on in several layers to allow partial drying and to prevent the berries 
from spilling (Gottesfeld 1991). The leaves were stripped off of the dried cakes, 
which were moistened to make them flexible and rollpd un on a stick. These berry 



Huckleberries 



in a dry place for lone term storaee (Naziel and Naziel 



this 



m 



jars. Huckleberries and high-bush blueberries are most 



im 



use today Like many other western hidian people (Turner 1982), the Wet'suwet 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



199 



TABLE 3.— Wet'suwet'en food plants. 



Green 



Root 



Common Name 



Vegetable "Cambium" foods Fruits Beverage Other 



// 



// 



ff 



ii 



// 



Black tree moss" 
Black twinberry, ''bearberry 
Blueberry, low-bush 
Blueberry, high-bush 
Bunchberry 

Cow parsnip, "wild rhubarb 
Crabapple, Pacific 
Cranberry, high-bush 
Cranberry, low-bush; bog 

Currant^ black 
Currant, red 
Fireweed 

Gooseberry, northern 
Hazelnut, beaked 
Hemlock, western 
Huckleberry, black 
Kinnikinnik 
Labrador tea 

Onion, nodding; "stink grass" 
Pin cherry 
Pine, lodgepole 
Raspberry 
Red columbine 
Rice root; "wild rice 
Rose, prickly 
Salmonberry 
Saskatoon 
Soapberry 
Spruce 

Stonecrop; "stone berries 
Strawberry, wild 
Thimbleberry 

Wild carrots 
Wood fern, spiny 



V 



V 



V 



V 



V 



// 



V 



(V) 



f/ 



V 



// 



ff 



V 
V 



* reported by Morice (1893) 



V 
V 

V 



V? 

V 
V 
V 

V 



V 

V 



V 
V 



V 



V 



V 

(V) 

V 
V 



V 
V 



V 



V 



(V) 



berries by the spoonful. 



them into a froth, or they may 



Formerly the abundant kinnikinnik berries were miportant m 



Wet'suwet 



Rooi foods.~ln the past diyrn, the rootstock of the spiny wood fern was an 
important staple food, as it also was among the Gitksan, Tsimshian, Haisla, and a 
number of other Indian groups of coastal British Columbia (Turner et al. 1992). 



200 



GOTTESFELD Vol. 14, No. 2 



Fern roots were dug in the fall after the leaves had withered, or in the winter by 
shovelling off the snow to expose the dried tops of the plants. Apparently the 
rootstock is not damaged by freezing. Elders who have eaten this plant remember 
its flavor with pleasure, and comment that it was the "potatoes" of their people. 
Annual trips were made from Hagwilget to Blue Lake to gather and store 
diyr n. The meadows at the heads of Corya and John Brown Creeks were other 
areas where diyi" n was picked. A stock of stored fern rhizome, rich in carbohy- 
drate (Turner et al. 1992; Kuhnlein 1990), provided a welcome source of calories in 
late winter when other foods might be growing scarce. To prepare this food, it 
was slowly baked overnight in a pit covered with birch bark and earth. Each 
individual leaf base was then pulled off and peeled before eating. This food was 
generally eaten with rendered grease or fish oil, and often accompanied by dried 
spring salmon eggs. 

The other important Wet'suwet'en root food was c'inkalh, the bulblets of rice 
root, locally called "wild rice." These bulblets can be collected in reasonable 
quantity in rich, moist, low elevation meadows in the northwest part of the 
Wet'suwet'en territory. They can be gathered in spring and fall. They were pit 
cooked or boiled and served with sugar or salt. 



Tree " camhiums ." — ^The tree cambiums, misdzu (from hemlock) and k'inth (from 
lodgepole pine), were formerly prized plant foods. Spruce cambium was also 
utilized. Hemlock cambium was often obtained by trade from Gitksan people, as 
it is more widespread and abundant in the Gitksan territory. Hemlock cambium 
was gathered in the spring by removing the bark of mature trees and scraping the 
cambiim\ layer from the bark. It was preferentially harvested from stands with a 
southern exposure because "the sun makes the sap sweeter" (Richard Daly, per- 
sonal communication, 1991). The cambium was pounded after collection. Some 
people remember dried hemlock cambium cakes, while others recall shavings. 
Hemlock cambium has been described as tasting like saskatoons. 

Pine cambium was widely gathered in the Wet'suwet'en territories. It was 
harvested in May or June when the sap rises in the pines and the bark is loose. 
The bark was removed from a standing tree with axe or knife, and the cambrium 



from the outer surface of the exDosed wood. Much 



consumed 



much 



Wet'suwet'en, or hung to drv as individual 



piece of cord. The dried strips were then crumbled to resemble 
stored for winter. 



Green vegetables.— l\ve young flowering stalks of the cow parsnip or "wild rhu- 
barb" i^s) are still gathered in spring, peeled, and eaten fresh. They can also be 
fried lightly or roasted in a campfire. Some modern Wet'suwet'en preserve this 
prized vegetable by freezing. 

Another vegetable eaten by the Wet'suwet'en was stonecrop (tse mi'). It was 
gathered m May before flowering. The Wet'suwet'en people cooked the small 
fleshy leaves of this plant, frying it lightly and sometimes adding sugar before 
serving. The same species was eaten by the Gitksan and the Niska'a. who classed 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 201 



4 

it as a berry and ate it raw or cooked with sugar and grease (Jensen and Powell 
1979; McNeary 1976; Gottesfeld field notes 1984). 

Fireweed stalks (khasfan) were stripped of their leaves, split, and bent over. 
The marrow was then stripped out and eaten. It is described as tasting like 
bananas- 

Nodding onion was gathered and eaten raw in the spring. It was called stink 
grass (tVo ilhtsin). 

Columbine flower tips (lesokh) were bitten off and the nectar sucked by 
children for a sweet snack. 

At the present time, the onlv traditional plant foods important in the Wet- 



wild 



canned 



Jim ^* 

made into jam), and "wild rhubarb" (cow parsnip). Many 



cambium. The 



hemlock cambium 



these foods for decades. Some people also recall gathering stonecrop leaves in 
spring for the elders. In addition, Labrador tea or raspberry leaves are collected 
and brewed for tea by some people. There is renewed interest in traditional foods 
by young people, some of whom are learning about traditional foods through 
local educational programs. Knowing about and eating such foods contributes to 
their sense of identitv as Wet'suwet'en. 



PLANTS USED IN TECHNOLOGY 



were used for construction, carvmg 



smoking foods and hides 
variety of trees and large 



species 



stem 



boughs of shrubs and herbaceous plants were also used for cordage, food prepa- 
ration, and bedding. Moss and fruticose lichens were used for chinking, diapers, 
or tinder. The following discussion does not include complete information on 
carving, construction, boat-building, or smoking. 

Bark uses and cordage plants.— The most important bark used for cordage by the 
Wet'suwet'en was the inner bark of willow trees. Willow bark (k'eltay) {Salix spp., 
probably S. lasiandra, S. scouleriana, or both), was twined for cord, still especially 



Untwined green willow 



smokehouse and lashing 



while 



ched and dried. Willow bark is tough and dure 
Willow bark and nets and cords made from 
re use to make them pliable. 



was also used for cord, and sometimes made into twined 
■he manner of the Gitksan. The cord was used to hang fish in 



smoke house, to lash together fish traps, and in 



much longer lengths than willow 



202 



GOTTESFELD 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



^Oj 



¥ 





■■^-rf _ _^.-:- 


—at 


.^.:^;;k^.4^>^ -^ 




* :"^£s„ 








b 


^'4 % ' - - 


* 


* ■ 1 


> 


« 







^..Ji'-"*^ 



^ 



-df 



:^^ 



>>■ 



_v_ 



-r^ 



^=- 



-1^ 



/■ 



/^^: 



.:w 



■*:^^ 



y--- 



L-ts^ 



^^ ^- 



:i^- 



■%■ 



- -- 0'. 



^1^ 



« 



'^i 



+v^ 



"V 



^-^JB^itft^y**^^ 



■^^ 



V 



^0^'- 



^5^ 



i^ 



'I 



-^i 






-*^-«*(i^ 



TT 



-fl-- 



*- 



"«^- 



■^-^ 



r:^' 



..».,*«Mt-^«r 



H 



rn^^ 



_M-H 



^?-^^ 



.i«H" 



i*'^ 



W^^Wfirw; 



FIG. 3. — Bundle of prepared willow bark to be used to hang fish in the smoke 
house, Moricetown. 



and Hagwiiget. 

Whole cedar bark and spruce bark were 
was peeled from the tree in May when the 



Bulkley Valley near Moricetown 



While 



pud 



m 



surface 



in the lower layer. The roofing was weighted down with poles to prevent its 
blowing off. Cedar bark roofing was said to last for several years, while spruce 



more 



Some 



by the word for green tree, dt'Zi'and birch wood, dili tsiz "green firewood." Birch 
bark was used for basketry and in pit cooking. For baskets the bark must be 
collected from a living tree and used before it dries out and hardens (Modern 
women sometimes keep freshly stripped birch bark in the deep freeze for later 
use.) Birch baskets were used for food storage and for carrying water, berries, and 
other items (Fig. 4). Torches were also made of rolled birchbark, and birchbark 
was used to carry fire from one camp to the next. 

The Wet'suwet'en apparently once made birchbark canoes. A birchbark canoe 
was constructed in the Burns Lake area as recently as the late 1970s or early 1980s 
(Bob Skin, personal conununication. 1994). 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



203 





FIG. 4.— Birchbark basket made by Jenny Naziel of 
Moricetown, B.C. 



Split spruce roots (khay) are used for sewing birchbark baskets and stitching 



m 



baskets. Such baskets were used to carry the remains of the dead back to the 



remote 



also reportedly used for constructing fish traps, which were lashed together with 

iing dogbane (c'indeklh) was spun and twined to make 



cedar bark. 



cord for rabbit snares. 



formerly one of the most impor 



because 



Wood for carving and construction.— 

tant woods for construction, in pari 

poles were used for construction of winter lodges, 'A" frame buildings about 

2.5 m high (Morice 1893), cabins, and caches. In the area around the summer 

villages of Moricetown (Kyah Wiget) and Hagwilget (Ts'e Kya), red cedar was 

used for construction and for totem pole carving. Red cedar can be readily split 



204 



GOTTESFELD Vol. 14, No. 2 



along the grain to produce durable and rot-resistant planks, which were used in 
the construction of feast houses. Cedar poles were used to frame these large and 
imposing buildings. 

Cedar wood, sintggin, was also used for making bentwood boxes for storing 
food and goods, and for cradles. According to one elder, aspen wood (t'ighis tsiz) 
was used also for bentwood boxes and plates. 

Spruce poles are preferred for salmon gaff poles at Moricetown Falls. The gaff 
pole consists of a large hook is lashed to the end of a long pole and secured with a 
leather strap. The fisherman holds the gaff pole down in the current and jerks 
sharply upward when he feels a fish. If a fish is caught on the hook, the fisherman 
hauls the pole out of the water and removes the fish. Young trees, 5-6 cm in 
diameter and some 9 m long, are used. Spruce gaff poles will last three to four 
years. Cedar and subalpine fir are too brittle for this use, and they float up rather 
than stay down in the current. Hemlock saplings are too heavy for this use. 

The most important use for maple, 'ayh, was for snowshoes. The word 'ayh 
means both maple and snowshoe. Maple wood is hard and strong, but heavy. 
Apparently ice skates were also fashioned from maple in the recent past. Maple 
was also sometimes used for other household implements where durability and 
hardness were desired, such as for tumpline looms. 

Both spruce and pine were also employed for snowshoe construction. Maple 
does not extend into higher elevations or more interior sites and so is not available 
m many traditional trapping areas. Showshoes made of woods other than maple 
wore out much faster, lasting only a single season. Although pine wood is not 
very strong, it was much lighter than maple, and some considered its tendency to 



fuzz" when exposed to wear to be a positive characteristic: it made pine snow- 
shoes somewhat less likely to slip. Willow wood was also used for snowshoes. 
These were called k'eltay 'ayh. 

Rocky Mountain juniper wood is very hard. It was formerly used to make a 
special knife for harvesting pine "cambium." Arrows were also made from it. The 
wood was boiled in grease for these uses to prevent its cracking. Juniper is limited 
to certain xeric, south facing slopes in the Bulkley Valley A locality south of 
Telkwa was traditionally known for juniper. 

Birch wood is used for carving masks, spoons, and soup bowls. Birch wood is 
also valued as firewood, as it is dense and has a high yield of heat energy per 



volume of wood. 



important 



same 



trunks. Similar canoes were made 



uru-e- 



lated, means "good for canoe"). There is some evidence that the Wet'suwet'en may 
also have built birchbark canoes, and spruce bark canoes were apparently con- 
structed as an emergency measure. 

The different chemical properties of woods were appreciated for smoking, an 
unportant way of preserving foods and coloring and preserving hides. Cotton- 
wood wood was used in hide smoking to give hides a very pale color. Rotted 
spruce wood gives a brown color to hides. Pine cones (dikhlengwil) are also used 
to give moosehide a brown color. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 205 



sm 



meat, and aspen is the preferred wood for smoking salmon. Cottonwood wa 

used for smoking fish and meat. Weathered driftwood could be used fc 

smokehouse if needed. The wood of resinous conifers was avoided for sm 
foods. 



Boughs and withes. — Spruce boughs, ts'o HI, were used as thatch over the pole roof 
of winter lodges or small cabins. Spruce boughs can be used for bedding when 
camping. 

The branches of red osier dogwood, k'entsec, are very flexible. Red osier 
dogwood branches were used for the frames of temporary sweat huts. Larger 
branches were joined to form a circular frame for stretching beaver hides. Thin, 
smaller branches are used to form the rim of birchbark baskets. 



Moss, — "Diaper moss" is called yin yil or yintVakh yil, "moss," or "white moss. 



// 



A long, pale sphagnum moss was gathered from bogs and dried in trees or 
bushes. The preferred kind is about 18"-20" long. Feathermoss from hemlock 
stands (species such as Hykcomium splendens or Rhytidiadelphis spp.) could also be 
used. It was used for diapers and to absorb menstrual flow. Sufficient moss to last 
the winter was gathered and dried in late summer. Urine-soaked moss could be 
washed and reused, but moss soiled by feces or menstrual blood was considered 
unclean and discarded. Moss was also used to chink log cabins. 



Leaves. — Leaves of several large-leaved species were used to provide clean sur- 
faces in food processing. Skunk cabbage leaves, c'it'anco (Lysichitum americanum), 
were used to line the wooden rack used for making berry cakes. Thimbleberry 



were 



salmon 



for drying. The fish were covered with a second layer of fern fronds. Now fish are 



may 



while after being 



Tm^er.— Before matches were introduced, "black tree moss," dikhghe (Alectoria 
spp. or Bryoria spp.), was used as tinder for starting fires with a spark made by 
striking rocks together. Alternatively, fire could be carried with a slow match 
made of a thick, tightly twisted cedarbark rope. In an oral history a young 
woman who was being abandoned was secretly left a glowing ember of cinder 
coT\k (Gottesfeld 1992b), documenting a third type of tinder or slow match tradi- 



Wet 



Miscellan 



from 



soap. Alder bark, k'is, was used as a red dye for birch bark baskets. 



DISCUSSION 



m 



environment, many of the plants used by the Wet 



206 



GOTTESFELD Vol. 14, No. 2 



shrubs. Important medicines and foods, as well as plants us 
material culture, are derived from the stems of trees and la 
1992a). Berries of many kinds, also largely derived from p 
the most important food plants . The fleshv roots of some 



medicines 



rhizome diyV « as a carbohydrate source. Mosses and lichens were used for 
diapers and tinder, but not for food or medicine within Hving memory. They may 
have been used for dye in the past. Fungi, with the exception of the cinder conk. 



lumped under one term 



cosmetics 



// 



black birch burl" for medicinal purposes and as a slow match 



Wet 



many mushrooms 



environment occupied by the Wet'suwet 
est, the Wet'suwet'en made use of westeri 



totem 



and wooden storage boxes, and of cedar bark for cordage. In the interior parts of 
their territories, spruce poles and bark or branches were used for construction. 



America . were more 



Wet 



bium. 



Willow bark and sinew or rawhide, more widely available in Wet'suwet'en 
•y than cedar, were the most important cordage materials. Hemlock "cam- 



' though less important in Wet'suwet'en diet than in that of coastal peoples 
was relished and gathered in the northwestern part of the Wet'suwet'en territo- 
ries, or obtained in trade from their neighbors. Pine "cambium," readily available 
throughout Wet'suwet'en lands, was a more typical cambium food than hemlock 
Similarly, Douglas maple, used by the Gitksan for snowshoes, was used by tht 

Wet'suwet'en Wherp avail3Vllp» in tViO r,r\r^^\^^l>Tac^^a^r^ r,^^-^ U,^i- r^-^^-,^^ r^r- -nirya XA7<3rf 



m 



involving health, heaUng, and the spiritual 



by the Wet'suwet'en and neighboring groups. Two important concepts shared with 
the Gitksan include purification and "getting lucky." As hunting and gathering 
peoples, both the Gitksan and the Wet'suwet'en were dependent on success in 
hunting for an important part of their food supply. Hides and meat also brought 
prestige and paid debts when given away at potlatches. Preoccupation with hunt- 
ing success led both groups to ensure the luck of the hunter by spiritual means. 
Plants such as devil's club, Indian hellebore, and hadik^ were used by both in 
rituals to purify hunters, iheii equipment, and their families, and to promote good 
fortune (Gottesfeld and Anderson 1988; Jenness 1943). These practices, generally 
very private, continue at the present time in both groups in more traditional fami- 



number of people are aware 



// 



Many of the medicinal plants utilized by the Wet'suwet'en were used in 
similar ways by the Gitksan, which is not surprising due to the long period of 
exchange and interaction between these cultures and the similarities in the 
envh-onments they occupy However, certain plants were used more frequently 
among the Wet'suwet'en than the Gitksan. For example, the Wet'suwet'en made 
extensive use of black twinberry, mountain ash, and red-osier dogwood. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 207 



A number of medicinal plants used by the Wet'suwet'en were also used by the 
Central Carrier (Carrier Linguistic Committee 1973). Medicinal use of spruce and 
fir inner bark and pitchy pine tips, red-osier inner bark, devil's club inner bark, 
mountain ash bark, soapberry stem bark, scouring rush, juniper, wild rose, and 
Indian hellebore were shared with the Central Carrier. Plants such as spruce, 
subalpine fir, Indian hellebore, and devil's club are found over much of northern 
B.C. and were used medicinally by all peoples of the region (Turner 1982). 

The long association of the Wet'suwet'en with the Gitksan in the Hazelton 
area led to considerable cultural diffusion and some linguistic borrowing. Al- 
though for most plants the names in Wet'suwet'en, an Athapaskan language, and 
Gitksan, a Tsimshian language, bear no resemblance to one another, some signifi- 
cant plant names are shared. Words for fireweed, yellow pond lily, cedar, cedar 
bark, pine cambium, cranberry, wild cherry, and spreading dogbane are among 
the shared plant words. Some were evidently Gitksan in origin. These include the 
names for red cedar and cedar bark, spreading dogbane, fireweed, and possibly 
pine cambium. 



SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS 



The Wet'suwet'en are transitional both in territory and way of life. Their 
span the transition between the coastal rainforests and the interior spruce fc 
Their social structure, belief system, and way of life show the twin influen 



nomadic 



g cultures of the Northwest Coast. Plant names 



interaction 



terms are loanwords across a major 



ary suggesting a long history of contact (Rigsby and Kari 1987). 



The present study documents the names and uses of 59 species ot vascular 
plants and three nonvascular taxa by the Wet'suwet'en in the historic period. Most 
plants used are plants of forest or woodland; many are woody perennials or trees. 
Despite the traditional reliance of Athapaskan-speaking hunting peoples on ani- 
mal products, a diverse array of plant species was used for food, medicine, and 
technology by the Wet'suwet'en. Modern Wet'suwet en continue to collect various 
medicinal barks and roots, especially devil's club, spruce, subalpine-fir, and 
mountain ash barks and Indian hellebore rhizomes. Berry picking is still a signifi- 
cant activity and wild berries are highly regarded. Carving and birchbark basket 
making are modern craft activities that reinforce Native identity and help to 
provide an economic base for the community through sale to tourists, collectors. 



and the local population. 



NOTES 



Wet'suwet'en people generously shared their time and knowledg- 
^ Madelinp Alfred. Katherine Arsenault, Charles Austin, Margaret 



Mabel 



Caroline 



MichelL Josephine MichelL the late Alfred Mitchell, Charlotte Mitchell 



208 



GOTTESFELD 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



Jenny Mitchell, Roy Morris, Lizette Naziel, Pat Namox, Lucy Namox, Elsie Tait, Sara Tait, 

Tommy Tait, Christina William, and Margaret Williams. 

^Voucher specimens of important ethnobotanical species are on deposit in the ethnobotany 
collection of the herbarium at the Royal British Columbia Museum (V) in Victoria, British 
Columbia, Canada. 

■ 

^Spellings of Wet'suwet'en words by Sharon Hargus, using the modified Hildebrandt sys- 
tem (informal name), were provided in 1989. 

^Spellings of Gitksan words is after Gottesfeld and Anderson (1988). 

^Hadik is the name of an unknown plant used for ritual and medicinal purposes by both 
the Gitksan and Wet'suwet'en. It may be a clubmoss (most likely Huperzia selago), but 
efforts to identify the plant positively have been unsuccessful to date. 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



Wet 



Michell 



Wet'suwet'en langu 



own 



review; Sharon Hargus and Jim Kari for assistance with orthography and Unguistics; and 



Joseph and Dora Wilson 



Wiget 



the Wet'suwet'en Plant Curriculum project), the Secretary of State, the Gitksan Wet'- 
suwet'en Tribal Council, the Gitksan Wet'suwet'en Education Society the Gitksan-Wet'- 
suwet'en Traditional Medicine Project, and NNADAP (funding for the Traditional Medi- 
cine Project), and the Canadian Circumpolar Institute. I thank Ross Hoffman for support, 
community liaison, help in fieldwork, manuscript review, and helpful discussions. I would 
like to thank Linda Burnard and Nancy Turner for helpful discussions. 1 thank Richard 
Daly Joseph Laferriere, Nancy Lovell, Nancy Turner, and Deborah Pearsall for manuscript 
reviews. I thank Lois Browne and Sheng-Chu Feng for information on the chemistry of 
devil's club. Last of all 1 would like to thank Allen S. Gottesfeld for support, photography 
and field assistance, and manuscript review. 



LITERATURE CITED 



AGRAWAL, O. R, J. S. BHARADWAJ, and 
R. MATHER. 1980. AntifertiHty effects 
of fruits of Juniperus communis. Planta 
Medica 40 (Supplement):98-101. 

BELKIN, MORRIS, DOROTHEA B. FITZ- 
GERALD, and MARIE D. FELIX. 1952. 
Tumor-damaging capacity of plant ma- 
terials 11: Plants used as diuretics. 
Journal of the National Cancer Insti- 
tute 13:741-744. 

BERKES, FIKRET and CAROL S. FAR- 

KAS. 1978. Eastprn Tamoc Ua^r f^r-a^ 



BROWNER, C. H. 1985. Criteria for select- 
ing herbal remedies. Ethnology 24:13- 
32. 

, BERNARD R. ORTIZ DE MON- 
TELLANO, and ARTHUR J. RUBEL. 
1988. A methodology for cross- 
cultural ethnomedical research. Cur- 
rent Anthropology 29:681-702. 

BYE, ROBERT A. Jr. 1986. Voucher speci- 
mens in ethnobiological studies and 
publications. Journal of Ethnobiology 
6:1-8. 



Indians: Changing patterns of wUd CAMM, EDITH L., WAT CHI-KIT, and 



food 

Food and Nutrition 7:155-172 
BROCKLESBY, H. N. and R. G. LARGE. 
1938. A hypoglycemic substance from 
the roots of Devil's Club. Canadian 
Medical Association Journal 39:32-38. 



G. H. N. TOWERS. 1976. An assess- 
ment of the roles of furanocoumarins 
in Heradeum lanatum. Canadian Jour- 
nal of Botany 54:2562-2566. 
CARRIER LINGUISTIC COMMITTEE. 
1973. Hamiyeh Ghun 'Utni-i. Carrier 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



209 



Linguistic 
James, B.C. 



Committee, Fort Saint 



DALY, RICHARD. 1988. Anthropological 
opinion on the nature of the Gitksan 
and Wet'suwet'en economy. Opinion 
evidence in Delgamuukw et aL versus 
The Queen in the light of the Province 
of British Columbia and the Attorney- 
General of Canada. British Columbia 
Supreme Court, 0343, Smithers Reg- 
istry Manuscript on file, Gitksan- 
Wet'suwet'en Government Library, 
Hazelton, B.C. 

DE PASCUAL, TERESA J., A. F. BAR- 
RERO, L. MURIEL, A. SAN FELICI- 
ANO, and M. GRANDE. 1980. New 
natural diterpene acids from funiperus 
communis. Phytochemistry 19:1153- 
1156. 

EDWARDS, GRANT THOMAS 1980. Bella 
Coola Indian and European medi- 
cines. The Beaver Winter 4-11. 

ETKIN, NINA L. 1986. Multidisciplinary 
perspectives in the interpretation of 
plants used in indigenous medicine 
and diet. Pp. 2-29 in Plants, Indige- 
nous Medicine and Diet. Biobehav- 
ioural Approaches. Nina L, Etkin (edi- 
tor). Redgrave Publishing Company, 
Bedford Hills, NY. 

GOTTESFELD, LESLIE M. JOHNSON. 



We 

Wet 



Kyah Wiget 
icetown, B.C. 



1992a. The importance of bark 
products in the aboriginal economies 
of northwestern British Columbia, 
Canada. Economic Botany 46:148-157 

1992b. Use of Cinder Conk (Inon- 
otus obliquus) by the Gitksan of North- 
west British Columbia, Canada. Jour- 
nal of Ethnobiology 12:153-156. 

1995. The role of plant foods in 
traditional Wet'suwet'en nutrition. 
Ecology of Food and Nutrition, in 
press. 

and B. ANDERSON. 1988. Gitksan 
traditional medicine: Herbs and heal- 
ing. Journal of Ethnobiology 8:13-33. 
HAEUSSLER, S., J. POJAR, B. M. GEIS- 
LER, D. YOLE, and R. M. ANNAS. 
1985. A guide to the Interior Cedar- 
Hemlock Zone, Northwestern Transi- 
tional Subzone, (ICHg), in the Prince 
Rupert Forest Region, British Colum- 



bia. Land Management Report No. 26, 
Information Services Branch, Ministry 
of Forests, Victoria. 

JEGER, O. and V PRELOG. 1960. Steroid 
alkaloids, veratrum group. Pp. 363- 
417 in The Alkaloids, Vol. VII. R. H. R 
Manse (editor). Academic Press, New 
York. 

JENNESS, DIAMOND, 1943. The Carrier 
Indians of the Bulkley River; Their 
Social and Religious Life. Bureau of 
American Ethnology Bulletin 133^ An- 
thropological Papers, No. 25:471-586. 
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, 
D.C. 

JENSEN, VICKIE and J. V POWELL. 1979. 
Learning Gitksan Book 1, Western 
Dialect. Kitwancool, Kitsegukla, and 
Kitwanga Indian Bands. 



W. 



Alaska 



icine 8:36-39. 



KARI 



abaskan linguistic grouping. Urgent 
Ethnology Contract No. UElO-90-73. 
Manuscript on file, Alaska Native Lan- 
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KINGSBURY, JOHN M. 1964. Poisonous 
Plants of the United States and Can- 
ada. Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, 

NJ. 
KUHNLEIN, HARRIET V 1989. Nutrient 

values in indigenous wild berries used 

by the Nuxalk people of Bella Coola, 

British Columbia. Journal of Food 

Composition and Analysis 2:28-36. 

V 1990. Nutrient values in indige- 



nous wild plant greens and roots used 
by the Nuxalk people of Bella Coola, 
British Columbia. Journal of Food 
Composition and Analysis 3:38-46. 

LAMER-ZARAWAKA, E. 1977 Ravonoids 
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51:2131-2137 

LINDER, WOLFGANG and DIETER 
GRILL. 1978. Acids in conifer needles. 
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MCNEARY, STEPHAN A. 1976. Where 
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Ph. D Dissertation, Bryn Mawr Col- 
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MOSKALENKO, S. A. 1986. Preliminary 
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/. Ethnobiol. 14(2):211-234 



Winter 1994 



TRADITIONAL ARROWROOT PRODUCTION AND 
UTILIZATION IN THE MARSHALL ISLANDS 



DIRK H. R. SPENNEMANN 
Johnstone Centre of Parks, Recreation, and Heritage 

Charles Sturt University 

P. O. Box 789 
Albury, NSW 2640 

Australia 



ABSTRACT.— This paper examines the traditional and modern role of Polynesian 
arrowroot (Tacca leontopetaloides) in the subsistence and market economy of the 
Republic of the Marshall Islands, a group of atolls in the central equatorial Pacific 
Ocean. The plant is discussed in its biological and nutritional parameters. Aspects 
of traditional arrowroot production, starch extraction, and food preparation are 
examined. In the final section the potential role of the root crop in modern Mar- 
shallese society is discussed. 

RESUMEN.— Este trabajo examina el papel tradicional y modemo de Tacca leon- 
topetaloides en la economia de subsistencia y de mercado en la Repiiblica de las 
Islas Marshall, un grupo de islas coralinas en el Oceano Pacifico ecuatorial cen- 
tral. Se discuten los parametros biologicos y nutricionales de esta planta, y se 
examinan los aspectos de la produccion tradicional, la extraccion de almidon y la 
preparacion como alimento. En la seccion final se discute el papel potencial de 
este cultivo en la sociedad moderna de las Islas Marshall. 

RESUME.— Nous examinons les roles traditionels et modernes de 1 'arrowroot 
Polynesien (Tacca leontopetaloides) dans la subsistance et I'economie de la Repub- 
Uque des Ilsles MarshaUes, un groupe d'attoUs de I'Ocean Pacifique Equatorial 
Central. Les parametres biologiques et nutritifs de cette plante sont consideres. 



cimsi 



que I'extraction de la fecule et la preparation des aliments. Enfin, nous discutons 



economique 



moderne. 



INTRODUCTION 

The Republic of the Marshall Islands is currently undergoing dramatic social 
and cultural changes. Having been released in 1991 from the trusteeship of the 
United States of America and accepted as a full member of the United Nations, 
the vmincT n;:,t,-r>n cfr^HpQ alnncr thp nath of modcm development. The former 



subsistence economy, or the remnant thereof that survived the past 4U years oi 
consumer-oriented influences, is waning and imported foods are becoming more 
prominent. In the course of this change several traditional subsistence items have 
almost disappeared or are Ukely to do so in the near future. One of these is 

Pr»hm^c,-=>t^ ^y^r...r■rr^r.^ fTnrm ion^tnr,Ptnlni<1p<i Tarraceae). This paper reviews knowl- 



212 



SPENNEMANN Vol. 14, No. 2 



edge on arrowroot production and utilization. It examines the traditional (pre-1900) 
and pre-World War 11 production of Polynesian arrowroot, the role it plays in 
traditional Marshallese horticulture, and planting and harvesting procedures. A 
discussion of starch extraction techniques is also provided. Pre-World War 11 food 
and nonfood uses of arrowroot are presented along with the present-day utiliza- 
tion of the plant and its potential as a source of carbohydrates in the future. 

Data for this study were compiled from ethnographic and historic sources 
covering the period from the beginning of intensified Western contact with the 
Marshall Islands until today, interviews with Marshallese from various atolls, and 
my own studies of plant distribution and plant status. 



Geographical background .—The Marshall Islands comprise 29 atolls and five 



km 



km north of Fiji, and 1,500 km 
' Marshall Islands, numbering 



atolls is only 115 km^. With 



million km^. The total combined 



atolls, Enewetak and Ujelang, the Marshall Islands are arranged m two island 
chains, the western Ralik Chain and the eastern Ratak Chain, which run roughly 
NNW to SSE (Fig. 1). Atolls range from very small, less than 3.5 km^ (Nadikdik 
[KnoxD to very large (Kwajalein, the world's largest lagoon [2,173 km2 lagoonal 
area]). The more or less ring-like reef platforms of the atolls support narrow sand 
cays, very few of which are larger than 2 km2. Traditionally (i.e., without importa- 
tion of food from outside the Marshall Islands), atolls of the southern Marshalls 
had a higher carrying capacity than the northern ones, a distribution which 



(Williamson 



The plant,— The family 



Marshall 



Tacca leon- 



arrowroot 



(Fig. 2). 



Micronesia 



Marshallese distinguish between a "male" and a "female" arrowroot 

Morphologically, male and 



female plants can be distinguished by their flowering stalks 
leaves of the male plant are less deeply serrated, somewhat darke 
and have a coarser surface than those of the female. The female 
known to bear more and esHpriallv l;:^rcrpr fnV»orc xAzifV. fi^^ ^^c^.^u fv.^ 



male 



from atolls in Micro 



Mile 



Marshallese, albeit not separately named 



stems and stalks 
e-stemmed varie 



- * — J ^ " --^ vyT.il jp^xxv C4ina a ytrilUW LU Willie llueilUl, ^^i «-*^'- 

three green-stalked varieties, one produces a single large tuber and two produce 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



213 



160 



162 



4 

I 



164 






166 



168 



170 



4 



I 



172 



174 



20 




■ 



S 



^W^r-kAr^ ^i-V^ V^ % ^ 



■ 



f 







I 



* 

Eneen-Kio i 









J" 






i 



\ 



^VipV^^Ap^^V^^^ 



-V^>- 



\ 






: 



t 

t 

P 

: 




BokakI 



i 





r^v^ ^«-w^nw% ^%-w^^^^^^Ar-v^ -^^r^W^ 










18 




16 



14 



i 
i 



4 






Enewetak 




4 






*=»» 



4 



Ujelang 



**-"- ■"i-^"V-»-«'----.-^-v>'*'^-i-*%,-*^T,VV*'- 



W^W^-^VW^^Vt^+^^ii-lfr-.-W^.-ta-.'.^ J^-.-.-.^.^^'ta'A^'. >^-.-.^- . 



1^ 

1 









i 

I 



1 



s 



Bikinf Ronglap 



Rongrik 



^7 ^^^ i 



^Bikar 

Utrik 



ft. 



Taka 



Ailinginae 

f 

V 

«-^H » w ^ r q 



i 



Ailuk 



i 



Wotho 






1 



Kwajalein : 








Wotje 



Lae 



Nami 



. , ,V^-»-»-^rfta-VWWW-^^A-WVV'^V-WW*"*t^' ■ 



Ub 




Erikup 



^ 



Mak)dap 



Aur 



4 



. Jatjat 



■ ^ ri ■ J ri 



f 
? 






Aflfnglaplap 



! 



" ^ *J^*^^.ii^»_fl^*^« « * 




Namdrik 




f 

: Majuro Amo 

1 "T 

"^k 



Jatuit 



Kill 






2 

i 



Ebcxi 






Narikrik 



■ 



4 

i 




•f 






- ■ J-^##^f»^ * ^ *^F-P .ff# ^ 



T 



■ **Hwrw*4C« *' 



I 
I 

I 

300 



nautical rr^ 




! 

: 



12 



10 



8 



6 



4 



2 



FIG. 1. — Map of the Marshall Islands. 



214 



SPENNEMANN 



Vol. U, No. 2 




^^^- 2.— Arrowroot {Tacca leontopetaloides L. Kuntze) (after Li- 
sowksi et al. 1976). 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 215 



TABLE 1, — Nutritional value of arrowroot flour (per 100 g edible portion) 



Water 
Calories 
Protein 
Fat 



12.1 % 



346 



0.18 g 
0.05 g 



Carbohydrate (Total) 85.74 g 

Carbohydrate (Fibre) 0.0 

Ash 
Calcium 



Phosphorus 

Iron 

Riboflavin 

Niacin 



1.89 g 

58.0 mg 

7.2 mg 

0.55 mg 
0.0 
0.0 



Source: Mural et al. 1958:104. 



yellow-v^^hite flesh. According to an informant, the purple variety 
from Pohnpei by the Japanese sometime in the 1930s. 



thrives v\^ell in areas protected from 



m 



without substantial understory, for exam 



(Murai et al. 1958; Wohltmann 



tubers 



from 



Distribution of arrowroot —Tacca leontopetaloides is a pan-Pacific cultigen that is 
believed to have originated in Southeast Asia (Herklots 1972:473; Purseglove 
1972:517). Its distribution includes Africa, the Indian subcontinent including Sri 
Lanka, islands in the Indian Ocean, and Australia (Brown 1954:383-384; Fosberg 



Lisowki et al. 1976; Masefield 



inhab- 



(Kirch 1979:290; Doty 



.nemann 



surrounding the Marshall Islands arrowroot 



from the following areas: Kiribati, Tuvalu, Pohnpei, Kosrae, Eastern Carolines 
(outer islands of Pohnpei), Yap, Western Carolines (outer islands of Yap), Chuuk, 
Mortlock Islands (outer islands of Chuuk), Belau, southwestern Carolines (outer 
islands of Belau), atolls north of Belau, Guam, and the northern Marianas (for 
details on distribution see Spennemann 1991). Arrowroot distribution in the west- 
em Pacific is illustrated in part in Fig. 3. 

Apart from coconut (Cocos nucifera L.) and screwpine (Pandanus tectorius L.) 
arrowroot is the most widely distributed cultivar in the MarshaU Islands. Arrow- 
root is absent only from Wake (Eneen-Kio), Bokak (Taongi), Bikar, and Lib (Fos- 
berg 1990; personal observation). The absence of arrowroot on Lib is somewhat 
doubtful, given the fact that no adequate botanical research has been conducted 
on that island. Its absence on the northern three atolls is likely, however, since 
these atolls lack reliable rainfall and are not utilized on a regular basis. 



216 



SPENNEMANN 



Vol. 14, No. 2 




FIG. 3. — Distribution of Tacca leontopetaloides in Micronesia and the western 
Pacific. Distribution in Melanesia is greater than shown. 



TRADITIONAL PRODUCTION OF ARROWROOT 



A number of plant species were utilized in traditional Marshallese 
ture. Among these are giant taro {Alocasia maccrorhiza L.), swamp fc 
tospertna chatnissionis Schott), breadfruit {Artocarpus altilis Parkinson and 
annensis Tree), ti-root {Cordyline fruHcosa L.) coconut, banana (Musa sapie 
spider lily {Crinum hakeri K. Schum.), and Pandanus. All were most Hk 
duced by the Marshallese, either at the initial settlement of the region c 
times of contact. In addition, the following pan-Pacific cultivars introi 
Europeans in the last century are today found in the Marshall Islands: 



m); D. bulbifera L. (bitter yam 



1886 



Hemsheim 1887; Kramer 1906; Kramer and Nevermann 1938; Wendler 1911). 

The main food plants at the turn of the twentieth century were taro, breadfruit, 
and Pandanus, while arrowroot, ti-root, spider lily, and other plants, such as 
Triumfetta procumhens Forst. and Wedelia (Wollastonia) biflora L., were famine foods 
(Anonymous 1895; Stone 1951:25). There is some seasonality in the food supply 
because of rainfall. Seasonal resources include breadfruit, Pandanus, and, to a 
lesser extent, arrowroot. In assessing the horticulture of the Marshall Islands as a 
whole, Kramer (1906:420) gives arrowroot the status of the second most important 
food after Pandanus. This assessment is largely based on the geographical distri- 
bution, and thus the availability, of the plant throughout the Marshalls. 

To evaluate the contemporary relative importance of arrowroot in Micro- 
nesia, I analyzed the frequency of occurrence of words relating to arrowroot in 
dictionaries for Micronesian and northwestern Polynesian languages. Table 2 
shows the overall importance that contemporary peoples (here considered as 
post-World War II) in greater Micronesia attach to arrowroot. The Marshallese 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 217 



TABLE 2. — Comparison of arrowroot terms in modern dictionaries in 
Micronesia and northwestern Polynesia. 



Terms for Total Total Index2 

Language Plant Food Use terms entries^ (%o) Rank 



Marshallese 3 4 10 17 8,500 2.00 1 



Tuvaluan 3 



3 4,000 0.75 2 



Chamorro 2 - - 2 8,400 0.23 3 



Mokilese 

Kiribati 

Yapese 

Kapinga 
Palauan 
Woleaian 

Pohnpeian 

Kosraean 

Nukuoro 



1 4,500 0.22 4 

- - 1 5,000 0.20 5 

1 5,000 0.20 5 

1 6,000 0.17 7 

1-2 12,000 0.17 7 

1 6,200 0.16 9 

- - 1 6,750 0.15 10 
_ _ 1 7,650 0.13 11 

- - 1 14,500 0.07 12 



1 The number of entries in a dictionary was computed by multiplying the total number of pages w 
the average entry count derived from a count of five sample pages. 

2 The index has been computed as follows: number of entries under arrowroot X 1000 / number 
local language words contained in the dictionary. That this is valid measure becomes evident if c 
compares the representation of other food plants or names for fish in the dictionaries. See for examp 
the names for yams in Pohnpeian (87 entries in the English section; Rehg and Sohl 1979:253). 



eatest number of words for arrowroot and its u 
terms in their vocabulary. This finding serves 
ervations that arrowroot was only really imj 



crop in the Marshall Islands (Wendler 1911). 

Arrowroot was a welcomed addition to the other cultivated plants of 
Marshall Islands, especially since it did not compete with taro or breadfruit 
prime gardening space. In the traditional way of setting out land, a househ 



allotment (wato) running from 



The 



commonlv consisted of a mixed 



boulder ridge and on gravelly land. Inland, the soil gradually becomes finer, and 
humus content increases. An abundance of breadfruit trees are planted in this 
zone. In the very center of the island, where the underlying ground water lens 
(Ghyben-Herzberg lens) is the thickest, artificial depressions in the ground allow 
the cultivation of swamp taro (Kramer and Nevermann 1938; Spennemann 1991). 
Towards the lagoonal shore vegetation zonation is again breadfruit trees giving 
way to utility and ornamental shrubs along the rear side of the household units. 
House sites and yards are located along a sand-covered road or track running 
parallel to the lagoon shore. Coconut palms are distributed only along the imme- 
diate lagoon area, such as the zone of the houses and their backyards. Uninhab- 
ited and uncleared stretches of lagoon shore are covered by coconut scrubland 
with an abundance of Scaevola taccada Vahl and Tourhefortia argentea L. shrubs. 
The tvDical arrowroot planting zone was located between the houses and the 



218 



SPENNEMANN 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



I 




Some plants are 
not dug up at all 



Some small 
tubers are 
collected and 
thrown into the 

buah without 

systematic 





Small tubers are 
left behind in 

the hole 



Hole ia not 
refilled and left 
to fill-up by 
itself 



Hole is refilled 

with excavated 

soil 



Vegetation is 
biuned down 




No fiirther action 





Competing 
vegetation is 

pulled 
out/cleared 



Area is 
repeatedly 

weeded 



Arrowroot is 
harvested 



FIG 



Marshall 



tury) 



lagoon, as well as between the houses and the onset of the breadfruit forest. 
Arrowroot could also be grown on the smaller islands of an atoll where breadfruit 
would not thrive because of the absence of a (reliable) fresh water lens, and where 
permanent human habitation would have been impossible. 

Because the influence of European economy on Marshallese agroforestry led 
to the systematic replacement of breadfruit forests by coconut plantations for 
copra production, the habitat for arrowroot has changed. When island centers 
were cleared of breadfruit to make way for wide-spaced copra plantations, an 
ideal, semi-shaded habitat for Tacca was produced in areas where soils were not 



humid 



came to be an inland plant as well 



Arrowroot planting and tending. —At the beginning of the planting cycle, the tuber 
crop from the previous year was harvested (Fig. 4). Only the large tubers of 
"female" plants were taken; small tubers, as well as tubers of "male" plants, were 
not. Small tubers, even if numerous, were not due ud or wprP thrown back into 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 219 



the hole. These were called lep in makmok or "eggs of arrowroot" (ErdI 
Wendler 1911) since they acted as seedlings for next year's crop. Th( 
hole was then conunonly refilled with loose soil (Hiyane 1967), althot 
some reports that the hole was left to be filled in naturally (Kiste 1 9i 
1950:17). Apparently no systematic, spaced planting of small tubers 

the Marshall Islands. 

More attention to arrowroot tending was given in areas sum 
Marshall Islands, which is surprising in view of its relatively low in 



these areas. In Chuuk, for example, arrowroot 
moon or full moon. Land was carefully cleare 



small tubers less than 25 mm 



small hole, on average 50 mm deep. The 



with 



some 75 cm 



"wild" or was intentionally planted along the ridges of taro patches (Handy 



Namoluk AtolL Western 



vated," and "now grows wild in relatively open coconut groves near the beach" 



(Marshall 



Informants I interviewed mentioned that Marshallese 



small tubers in the bush if an abundance of small 



from 



?ver practiced in traditional Marshallese horticulture. 
pan-Pacific horticultural tradition, in which tuber- < 
dominate, while seed-propaeated plants are almost 



was the fact that children 



my informants for the decline of Tacca in the Marshalls 



dissemination 



Since Tacca plants tend to spread like weeds, no care needs to be taken to 



mulch or fertilizer. According to Wendler 



make 



was obtained. However 

and competing veeetati 



?fit[tedl from this we 
arrowroot is a very 



plant that can withstand droughts relatively well. In case of a severe drought, the 
top leafy part of the plant may die off, but the tubers survive and send up new 
shoots with the return of moisture (Soucie 1983:197). 

Since the end of the nineteenth and beginning of the twentieth centuries, 
when coconut plantations became more common, arrowroot has been "tradi- 
tionally" grown in coconut groves, often intercropped with papaya, banana. 



, Mixed 

common, especially on the smaller 



atolls. 



y the underbrush seems to be a new Tacca horticultural 
ced as late as the post- World War II period (Fig. 5). Bu 
ms and breadfruit trees (Hiyane 1967), but, more 



competing plants, leaving 



220 



SPENNEMANN 



Vol. 14, No. 2 




Small tubers are 
left behind in 

hole 



Hole 



refilled 



with excavated 

soil 



Vegetation is 
burned down 




No farther action 




FIG. 5.— Organizational flowchart of modern 
ture in the Marshall Islands. 



tubers 



any competition, Spi 
ture in Micronesia, r 
considered as a Vol 
coconuts, breadfruit 



// 



Marshall 



times large areas of underbrush 



onut groves m the dry season. The bush plants are kille 
mmediately re-sprout and predominate" (Sproat 1968:64 



Harvesting 



time the arrowroot plant matures 



commonly occurs between 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 221 



November and the beginning of December in the northern atolls, and between 
January and February in the southern (Poyer 1990; Spennemann 1991). These 

changes indicate it is time to harvest the crop. 

The Marshallese I interviewed could easily decide which plants would bear 
many tubers, for every leaf stem corresponds to one root, and at the end of each 
root is a tuber. In times of relative affluence, only "female" plants are dug up, 
while "male" plants and plants located on stony ground are spared. The digging 
up of the tubers traditionally was done with sharpened sticks (kiibwij) (Abo et al. 
1976:170). Since the turn of the twentieth century, spades, shovels, crowbars, and 
pick axes have become the sole means for excavation, both in soft sands and in 
gravelly and rubble ground. Before 1900 the collected tubers were placed in a flat 
coconut leaf basket with two handles (banonoor) for transport to the processing 
site (Abo et al. 1976; Kramer 1906; Kramer and Nevermann 1938; Wendler 1911), 
while today a discarded sugar bag ("copra-bag") suffices. 



EXTRACTION OF STARCH 



Traditionally (i.e., pre- World War II) there were a number of slightly different 
techniques to make starch (described in Kramer 1906:428-429; Kramer and Nev- 
ermann 1938:110; Mural et al. 1958:102; Wendler 1911). Extraction techniques 
have varied over time, especially as modern appliances have become available. 
However, the extraction of starch always followed the same general principles 
(Fig. 6). This description follows Wendler (1911) with additions from other 
sources (Abo et al. 1976; Curtis 1986; Erdland 1906, 1914; Feeney 1952; Fosberg 
1990; Grosser 1902; Hiyane 1967; Kramer 1905, 1906; Kramer and Nevermann 
1938). 

The collected arrowroot tubers are brought to the processing site and poured 
into a wide-meshed sack made of plaited coconut (sennit) that resembles a fishing 
net (mado, do). The sack is tied on the top with string and carried into the lagoon 
where the tubers are cleaned of earth and sand by pushing the sack around with 
the feet. After this cleaning process, the sack is pulled out of the water and carried 
to the location where the grating takes place. Every single tuber is grated with a 
rough but soft coral (pukor) until it is reduced to a reddish mass (une rup) not 
dissimilar in consistency and appearance to grated potatoes. In modem times a 
grater made of a tin plate punched by many nail holes may substitute for the 
grating stone. In the Ralik Chain, the skin of the tuber is commonly removed after 
the washing and before the grating process, either with a paring knife or a shell, 
which results in a cleaner and whiter flour. Washed tubers were also grated with 



Chain, 

d mats 



serve the same purpose 



men who Derrorm 



around a pit measuring 1-2 m in diameter and 50-70 cm deep (Fig. 7). The 
and bottom of the pit are lined with leaves or coconut fronds (today: copra 1 
A large, strongly woven mat (today: copra bags sown together) is placed on 1 
these leaves, and its edges protrude a good distance over the edge of the pit 
mat serves as a trough for catching the strained arrowroot flour. 




SPENNEMANN 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



Plants are dug up and the 
larger tubers collected 



Storage of tubers 

underground or 

in a dark place 

for futtue use 




Excavation 




processing 




Cleaning of tubers in a 
mesh bag in the lagoon 




Washed out starch is 
allowed to settle in the pit 



Washed-out starch is placed in 
strainer and strainedAvashed a 

second time 



Washed-out starch is 
allowed to settle in the pit 



Grating of tubers on a 
coral rock 



Grated arrowroot 
mash is placed in 
straining unit 



Washing out 
arrowroot mash with 
seawater 



Settled starch is formed into a 

lump and hung up on a tree or 

beam to let water run off 



^r^ 



Lump is stored in a dry 
shaded place for further 
cfaying and hardening 



Dried limip is brought into 
the sun and crushed for 
final drying 



Dried starch is placed in 

bags 



Leached out 
fibrous material 
is discarded 



UtiHsation of flour 
by own household 




Trade of arrowroot 
flour 



To European traders 



To other Marshallese 



FIG. 6. 



flowchart 




5' 






4^ 






FIG. Z 



ma tic view of the arrowroot sifting process. (1) mat with gi 

arrowroot tubers; (3) pit excavated into sand; (4) coarse mat 

of coconut leaves (not shown); (5) heap of sifted arrowrool 



strainer (waliklik); (7) ground arrowroot ready for washing with sea water; (8) excess water dissipates 
into the ground. 






224 



SPENNEMANN Vol. 14, No. 2 



Resting on the orifice of the pit and supported by four legs is a rectangular 
container woven from Pandanus roots or from young shoots of the mangrove 
Bruguiera gymnorrhiza L. In order to prevent any large pieces of the tine rup or any 
foreign material from falling into the mat, the coconut mesh is covered with a 
sticky flexible creeping root {kil-in-kadnon; species unknown). In more recent time 
this has been replaced by a wooden box (waliklik) that acts as a strainer, and 
whose lower part is open and only covered with a mesh made from coconut coir 
(ekkwal). An alternative setup dispenses with the need for a pit altogether and 
suspends the mat catching the water and washed-out starch on four sturdy 
stakes. This arrangement permits placing the entire sifting unit at the beach, 
within easy access to seawater. 

The tine rup is then enclosed in a net-like wrapper of young coconut leaves 
(today: bed sheet) that acts as a filtering cloth. This is placed in the box and 
watered with seawater and continuously kneaded with the hands. While one man 
kneads, the other from time to time sprinkles the mass with seawater from a canoe 
bailer (lem) or tin can. The water runs off, carrying with it the dissolved arrowroot 

u 

starch into the trough-Uke mat underneath. This mixture of water and arrowroot 
stays in the mat for one to two hours and the starch gradually settles to the 
bottom. Then water that has not yet escaped through the mat and leaves is 
skimmed off. The material left over from the kneading (bwe) has been leached of 
its starch content and is thrown away. 

Two or three hours later the starch is sifted again in the same manner (epta), 
and if there is large amount of flour processed, even for a third time. Commonly, 
but apparently not as a rule, the last washing is with fresh water. During this 
pounding and leaching process, the arrowroot is said to loose its bitterness. 

When all water is skiiruned off or has dissipated, a small hole is excavated 
and lined with leaves. The starch lump v^rapped in young coconut leaves is 
placed into the hole in which the excess water will run off (likatottot). Another way 
of getting the starch lump to dry is to scrape together the flour and hang it up in a 
wrapper made from a young coconut leaf (or bed sheet), thus allowing the water 
to run off and drip out of the starch (bobo en Ujlan). In order to expedite the 
process, some people beat the suspended starch ball with a stick, although most 
are satisfied to let gravity do the work. The latter is the preferred method in the 
rest of the Marshall Islands, especially in Likiep and Utirik. As soon as the water 
has dripped out, the hardened, rounded lump of arrowroot starch (jibwil) is 
placed in a shady place, usually a hut, so that it can dry and harden still more. 
After two or three days the jibwil is crushed on a mat and placed in the sun to dry 
further. This process, in which the flour is frequently turned and broken into 
grains, takes about two to four days. 

The dry, snow-white flour is then wrapped in Pandanus leaves or stored in 
mat bags (bojo). It will last for well over a year. About seven baskets of unpro- 
cessed tubers result in one basket of processed, dried flour (Wendler 1911). 
Kramer (1905) also mentions that a thoroughly dried jibwil may be kept as such 
and not broken up. In this case the drying process creates an hourglass-shaped 
object from which arrowroot flour is broken off as needed. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 




Time expenditure. — The process of arrowroot starch production as outlined above 
is time consuming. I estimated time expenditure costs based on interviews with 
numerous Marshallese who had actively made arrowroot starch at one point in 
their lives. All time estimates are based on processing two copra bags of tubers 
estimated to hold a total of about 125 lb. of arrowroot tubers. This quantity is said 
to produce between 25 and 30 lb of pure starch. Harvesting tubers to fill two bags 
is said to have taken about two days. Over half a day is spent cleaning tubers in 
the lagoon and grating them into a mash. The first sifting usually occurs before 
the day is over, and the starch is allowed to settle overnight. The second and third 
sifting of the starch takes another day, after which the starch ball is suspended to 
dry. Over the next three days the predried starch ball is broken up and sun-dried. 



)f arrowroot 
essed form 



arrowroot 



tubers 



months 



dry and away from weevils, ants, cockroaches 



m 



1126). 



Trade in arrowroot starch in the Pacific developed at the end of the nineteenth 



'ntury 



World War 



woven Pandanus bag was used to package arrowroot traded to Jaluit, the German 
trading port of the Marshall Islands (Hemsheim 1887; Kramer and Nevermann 
1938:138). When starch became an export commodity to the European and Asian 
markets, it had to be prepared more carefully. This brought about changes in local 
production techniques. In the Philippines, for example, grating of arrowroot 
tubers was done underwater to prevent them from turning brown and discoloring 
the starch (Brown 1954:388). In Fiji a "grater of mushroom 



tubers 



washed 



TRADITIONAL AND MODERN USAGE OF ARROWROOT 



In traditional Marshallese culture arrowroot was mainly utilized as a food 
item. Tubers and other parts of the plant were used in a variety of ways, however. 
Food and nonfood uses are discussed below. 

Foods prepared from arrowroot .—Traditionally , as well as today, flour (starch) is the 
most common form in which arrowroot is used as a food. A number of Mar- 
shallese dishes are prepared solely from or with the addition of arrowroot starch 
(flour). The addition of arrowroot starch gives many dishes a gelatinous, brain- 
like appearance; for this reason these dishes are called in Marshallese komalij. 
(Kramer 1906:429; Abo et al. 1976:162). All Marshallese dishes are soHds, unlike in 
the Tuamotus, where Tacca starch is also used to make (alcoholic ?) beverages 
(Doty 1954:34). Commonly arrowroot flour was mixed with water to form a thin 
paste, laMba (Wendler 1911), which was then mixed with other ingredients (see 



226 



SPENNEMANN Vol. 14, No. 2 



Table 3). In addition to the dishes described in Table 3, arrowroot flour was 
sometimes added to dried and preserved mogan (made from the pulp of cooked or 
raw Pandanus keys) during the production process, thus increasing the volume of 
the mogan preserve and adding further starch to it. 

For post-World War II times it is mentioned that arrowroot tubers are 
"cooked like a potato and eaten at meals with other foods" (MacKenzie 1961:60). 
Stone (1951:24-25), in his treatment of the agriculture of Arno Atoll, notes that "it 
is possible to eat them [arrowroot tubers] baked." Both cooking methods may be 
recent developments. According to Merrill (1945:185) the bitter taste attributed to 
arrowroot will disappear when it is cooked. Raw tubers, however, not only have a 
bitter taste, but are also credited with being mildly poisonous (Murai et al. 
1958:100). In Hawaii fresh Tacca was mixed with coconut milk, wrapped in ti 
leaves and baked in an earth-oven (Handy 1940:299; Ihara 1971). Another modern 
development in the Marshall Islands is the practice of grating arrowroot and 
boiling it in water to form a spongy ball, which then is covered with freshly grated 
coconut meat (MacKenzie 1961:60). Today arrowroot starch is mainly used as a 
thickener in numerous dishes (Poyer 1990:64). 



Nonfood uses of arrowroot. — Apart from the predominant 



arrowroot was also used for other Durooses. When 



stems, especiallv those of the flower stalks 



amount 



manufacturing these hats, they were the property only of chiefs (Wendler 1 
In Tahiti "straw" hats were made by splitting the flower stalks and the petiol 
arrowroot into narrow strips, then curing and drying them. The material 



w 



Mason, in his study of the economic organization of the Marshall Islands, 
2S that arrowroot flour is used as a medicine, but does not elaborate (Mason 



1975:31). 



Namoluk Atoll, Caroline Islands, the seeds (fruits) are co 
the leaves are considered to be essential in the treatment 
lea ghost, and the stem has medicinal uses (Marshall ai 



A common use for arrowroot starch developed with the advent of Christianity 
in the islands and the increased use of European clothes, especially white dresses 
worn for Sunday church services: use as laundry starch. Tacca starch was widely 
used m the Marshall Islands for that purpose (MacKenzie 1956; Pollock 1970:162). 

The long green stalks (up to 2 m) supporting the flower and the seeds of the 
plants (aetoktok) served village children as spear-Hke projectiles (Abo et al. 1976:6; 
Wendler 1911). In the modern Marshall Islands, Tacca stems are also used as 



rette holders, mainly during the frequent times when there is little tobaC( 
slands. A medium-sized Tacca stem is chosen, pulled out, and cut to a k 
30ut 15 cm. A cut piece of a cigarette or a cigarette stub is inserted in th( 
smoked. In this way the cigarette can be smoked until virtually no toba< 
These arrowroot cigarette holders, when no longer usable, are carefully 
dried. When the tobacco shortage becomes so severe that there are no : 
to smoke, the nicotine-drenched tips of the dried arrowroot cigarette ho 
chopped up and smoked in fresh hnlHpr*; (<i(^(^ alcn Pr»iir.^v iQvn-^cim 



th 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



227 



TABLE 3. — Traditional Marshallese dishes prepared with arrowroot. 



Name of dish 



Aikiu 



Auiik 

Benben in mokmok 



Bern 



Bobo 



Buiabui 



Bwiro iidk 



lek 



Jaboen 



}amok(ok) 



Jinkap 



Jokwob 

Jup in mokmok 

Karek 

Kebieltak 
Likbbla 



Managedien 
Peaut In 

Wagakgak 



Ingredients and preparation of dish 



Soup made from iu (spongy coconut/coconut embryo) and 

arrowroot flour. 

Arrowroot flour boiled with (rolled in?) grated coconut. 
The most common use. Arrowroot flour boiled in water wit 
coconut sap (jekaro) added until it attained a thick, jelly-like 



grated 



coconut. 



(moku>an) 



poured 



triangular receptacle made of two fresh breadfruit leaves; cooked 



added 



Commonly cooked in the earth oven (um). 



cooked 



When jelled 



This 



mainly used for sick and old people (and infants?). 



Starvation 



mixing 



flour and water. 

Preserved breadfruit (bioiro) mixed with arrowroot flour 



breadfruit 



kneaded 



ball. It is then sun-dried and can be stored for a limited period of 
time. When it is to be eaten, it is soaked for an hour in v^ater. At 
meal time the water is poured out and the ball is mashed with a 



mixture 



pounded. 

Arrowroot starch boiled in water with coconut sap (jekaro) added. 

Allowed to cool, formed into a ball, and rolled in grated coconut. 
Arrowroot flour mixed with grated coconut meat from semi-ripe 
coconuts and baked. 



flour 



postpartum 



Boiled arrowroot flour with fish added. A soup-like dish. 
Arrowroot flour, iu, fish, and coconut milk. 



mixed 



Arrowroot flour, crackers, and jekaro. 



gared 



:onsistency (at a ratio of three to one). Then 



mixture 



obtained 



Same as leK but not rolled in grated coconut. 

Cooked with water or coconut milk and arrowroot flour 

Meal prepared from arrowroot flour boiled with grated ( 



228 



SPENNEMANN Vol. 14, No. 2 



TABLE 3. — Traditional Marshallese dishes prepared with arrowroot, 

(continued) 



Name of dish Ingredients and preparation of dish 



no name An innovative dish, apparently introduced by the UNDP 

Integrated Atoll Project, was reported for Taroa, Maloelap Atoll. 

Papaya and arrowroot are mixed with water, apparently to make a 
pof-like dish. 



compiled 



Kramer 1905:144; Kramer 



Mason 1947:71; Murai 1954:2; Murai et al. 1958:102-103; Pollock 1970:319; Poyer 1990:64; Wendler 
1911). 



Contemporary role of 



World War 



^ed a major role in the subsistence economy of the Marshallese 
more northern atolls. A nutrition survey undertaken during the 
northern Marshall Islands showed that ";^rrriwrnnf flmir w;:^^. nc^ 



where im 
(Murai IS 



botanical 



com 



leared. This finding was appHed in the recommendations of an 
of KiH Island and islands in Jaluit Atoll, In order to maximize 



scrub 



(MacKenzie 



Jabwor 



From June to August, 1967, the subsistence patterns of some families on 
Laura, Majuro Atoll, were investigated (Domnick and Seeleye 1967). At the time, 
some 700 people lived on Laura and it was not as urbanized as it is today (in 1988, 
population was 1,575; OPS 1989; Kabua and Pollock 1967). The 1967 assessment 
found that none of the nine households analyzed utilized arrowroot starch. This 
finding may be a result of the time of year when the study was conducted, but the 
omission of arrowroot from the introduction to the study and the discussion of 
food items suggests that it had lost its importance altogether. 

These data from Laura contrast to some degree with findings on the outer 
islands, where arrowroot production was still practiced, although gradually 
declining, through the 1960s. In a 1968 assessment of nutrition on Namu Atoll, 



November when arrowroot corms 



make 



time 



tivation— had almost died out since seed corms 



r — — ^ 

like taro cul- 



Namu informants 



gather coconuts for copra to sell to buy rice than to grow taro and arrowroot as 



mentioned 



as starch for clothes, then as a food, indicates that the starch has lost its position as 



major 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 229 



The role of arrowroot starch in the contemporary (i.e., 1990s) Marshall Islands 
economy is hard to ascertain. The starch is virtually impossible to obtain in the 
urban atolls Majuro and Kwajalein, and is also very rare in the outer islands. 
Based on my interviews, arrowroot starch is still produced, although not in very 
large quantities. When the starch is available, it is almost invariably quickly 
exhausted for daily consumption, rather than stored and used over a longer 
period of time. Quantitative data, however, cannot be provided. 

It appears that the decline of arrowroot in the Marshall Islands is a result of a 
simultaneous demise in importance of all traditional food items. With lack of 
weeding, arrowroot quickly becomes crowded by competitors and is eventually 
overgrown. The fact that the plants have to put all their energies into leaf growth, 
in order to keep up with weedy competitors, rather than producing a seed stalk 
and a large tuber, results in the recovery of very small tubers from modem 
arrowroot plants. 



THE FUTURE OF ARROWROOT PRODUCTION 



major issue remains to be discussed: whether there is a future for arrow- 
iuction in the Marshall Islands. From the previous discussion, it is appar 
arrowroot has lost its importance. In fact, throughout the Pacific regior 
)f arrowroot in the local subsistence economy has seen a major downturn 



limited during 



century, and the small amount of money 



made subsistence agriculture a necessity on the atolls. In the immediate post- 
World War II period, many traditional subsistence systems still existed, although 
in a phase of transition to a consumer society. Arrowroot was still a staple crop on 
some atolls, although it had become restricted to a source to rely on in times of 
food scarcity. Over time arrowroot starch was produced as a laundry starch, 
rather than as a food. Finally, the advent of washing powder— as opposed to bar 
soap— and the general decline of the habit of wearing starched clothes brought 
about the decline of arrowroot starch altogether. This is true for the Tuamotus 



Marshall 



economy 



most 



became 



from the proceeds. This was even more 



modern 



This has pomtedly been called the "copra-tin can econom/ 



observed on numerous atoU groups (Doty 1954:13). While this made 



economic sense 



makes little economic sense in 



m 



The modern economy of the Repubhc of the Marshall Islands is hea 
supported by outside funding. Available balance of payment figures show a tr 
towards increasing imports, while exports stagnate or at best increase negligi 
The balance of trade is highly negative: exports would have to be raised 1500^ 
level out the balance (OPS 1989a:138). For most outer islanders, copra is still 



230 



SPENNEMANN Vol. 14, No. 2 



sole means of a cash income, apart from handicraft production, but it has become 
less and less lucrative. Other income-generating schemes do not always work, 
and in order to increase the standard of living, the lowering of expenditure by 
import substitution is a feasible option. 

Previous botanical and agricultural studies have shown that arrowroot does 
very well under coconut^ provided that competing vegetation is kept in check. 
Thus arrowroot would be a very suitable intercrop in copra plantations. Based on 
the analysis of arrowroot tending, production, and starch extraction described 
above, a comparison of the costs of producing arrowroot and copra can be made. I 
have used a household comprising two able-bodied males (15-64 years of age) 
and two male minors for purposes of this comparison. Female labor input, which 
would speed up the process, was not taken into account since this is not "tra- 



ditional." 



nnemann 1 992) dailv income from 



is $3.00 per person (male) on very productive 
invested in the production of 25 lb. arrowroot 



most $21.00 of copra production. Processing arrowroot 
, costs the producer and self-consumer $0.84 per pc 
of the fact that both copra income fieures and arrowro 



investment 



pound cost of arrowroot starch is very likely substantially less than $0.84. F 
example, if weeding of plots and drying of the extracted starch were done 1 
children, who are not involved in copra-making, the labor investment for men 



$0 



Alternatively, the cost per pound of starch is reduced to $0.37 if copra income 
averaged for all copra-producing atolls is used in the calculation, and then to $0.21 per 
lb when a 4-day labor investment figure is used. 

This cost of $0.84 or less per pound of arrowroot starch can be compared with 
the cost of corn starch in Majuro ($1.15 or more) and in outer island retail stores 
($1.50 or more). Because of the remote location of the Republic of the Marshall 
Islands, all imported foods are expensive due to transportation costs and mark- 
ups. Substitution of locally produced products therefore is feasible and, in view of 



economic situation 



CONCLUSIONS 



The goal of this study was to review the state of knowledge 



Marshall 



future source of carbohydrate. In many Pacific Island nations the former ! 
tence economy is waning in view of consumer-oriented influences, and im 



becoming more prominent 



almost 



arrowroot and its role in Marshallese 
common staple before World War II. 



from a food source to a provider of laundry starch. Where arrowroot 
ced in small quantities, it is a sought after food item. A brief eco- 



nomic assessment demonstrates 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



231 



imported starch. Because it thrives well intercropped under coconut, arrowroot is 
an ideal plant for import substitution. 



^r 



NOTES 



^It should be noted that the Republic of the Marshall Islands, in its internationally recog- 
nized boundaries, comprises 28 atolls and five coral islands. The geographical term "Mar- 
shall Islands/' however, also includes Eneen-Kio (Wake Atoll), currently under the juris- 
diction of the United States of America. The Republic of the Marshall Islands has 
repeatedly made clear its position that Eneen-Kio forms an integral part of the Republic of 

the Marshall Islands. 

^In Western literature on Pacific plants, Tacca leontopetaloides (L). Kuntze is known as 
arrowroot, Tacca, East Indian arrowroot. Island arrowroot, Polynesian arrowroot, Tahiti 
arrowroot, or Fiji arrowroot. African arrowroot is the common name synonym for Tacca 
involucrata Schumacher and Thonn (1827), which in turn is a synonym for T. leon- 
topetaloides. The German ethnographic literature on the Marshall Islands, the main source 
for nineteenth century data, describes arrowroot as Pfeilwurz. For comparison, Indian 
arrowroot (Curcuma angustiofolia) and Queensland arrowroot (Canna edulis) have similar 
vernacular names, but belong to totally different plant families. The name East Indian 
Arrowroot is also used to contrast Tacca with West Indian Arrowroot (Maranta arurt- 
dinacea), which was discovered first by Europeans and received its name from the fact that 
the plant was used by West Indian natives to treat wounds inflicted by poisoned arrows 

(Masefield 1948:44-45). 

Apart from the official Marshallese spelling makmok as shown in the current edition of 
the Marshallese-EngUsh Dictionary (Abo et al. 1976:212), there is an abundance of phoneUc 
variations by which the Marshallese name has been spelled, such as makemok (Bryan 
1972:132); mogumok (Kotzebue 1821:1126); or mok mok (Fosberg and Sachet 1962:13) 

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DSSER, HERBERT. 1902. Worterbuch 
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Dr. Erwin 



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1953. The 



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lor of the Empire, Count Romanzoff in 
the Ship Rurick, under the Command 
of the Lieutenant in the Russian Impe- 
rial Navy, Otto von Kotzebue. 3 Vols. 
Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme and 
Brown, London. 

KRAMER, AUGUSTIN. 1905. Die Gewin- 
ning und Zubereitung der Nahrung 
auf den Ralik-Ratak Inseln. Globus 

88:140-146. 
. 1906. Hawaii, Ost-Mikronesien 

und Samoa. Schweizerbartsche Veri- 
agsbuchhandlung, Stuttgart. 

and HANS NEVERMANN. 1938. 



BuUetin 



Ralik-Ratak (Marschall Inseln). in Er- 
gebnisse der Siidsee-Expedition 1908- 
1910. II. Ethnographie, B: Mikronesien. 
Vol. II. G, Thilenius (editor). Fried- 
richsen and de Gruyter, Hamburg. 

LISOWSKI, S., F. MALAISSE, and J. J- 
SYMOENS. 1976. Hore d' Afrique 
Centrale (Zaire-Rwanda-Burundi) . 
Spermathophytes. Taccaceae. Jardin 
Botanique National de Belgique, 
Brussels. 

MACKENZIE, J. B. 1956. Agriculture Sur- 
vey of Jebet, Jar Bokalap, Jebwor, and 



Winter 1994 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



233 



Kill Islands. Manuscript on file. Na- 
tional Archives of the Republic of the 
Marshall Islands, Alele Museum, Ma- 
juro Atoll. 
— . 1961. X: Population and economy 



of Jaluit. Pp. 81-87 in A Report on 
Typhoon Effects upon Jaluit Atoll. D. I. 
Blumenstock (editor). Atoll Research 
Bulletin 75. Pacific Science Board, 
Washington, D.C. 

MARSHALL, MAC. and R RAYMOND 
FOSBERG. 1975. The natural history of 
Namoluk Atoll, Eastern Caroline Is- 
lands with identifications of vascular 
flora. Atoll Research Bulletin 12:67-80. 

MASEFIELD, G. B. 1948. A Handbook of 
Tropical Agriculture. Clarendon Press, 
Oxford. 

MASON, LEONARD. 1947. The economic 
organisation of the Marshall Islands. 
U. S. Commercial Company Economic 
Survey. Manuscript on file. University 
of Hawaii Library. 

MERRILL, ELMER D. 1945. Plant Life of 
the Pacific World. 1981 Facsimile re- 
print by Charles E. Tuttle Co., Rut- 
land, VT. 

MURAI, MARY. 1954. Nutrition Study in 
Micronesia. Atoll Research Bulletin 27. 
Pacific Science Board, Washington 
D.C. 

, F. PEN, and C. D. MILLER. 1958. 
Some Tropical South Pacific Island 
Foods. Description, History, Use, 
Composition, and Nutritional Value. 
University of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. 

OFFICE OF PLANNING AND STATIS- 
TICS. 1989. Census of Population and 
Housing, 1988. Final Report. Office of 
Planning and Statistics, Majuro, Mar- 
shall Islands. 

OTOBED, D. O. 1977. Guide list of plants 
of the Patau Islands. Manuscript on 
file. Entomology Section, Biology Lab- 
oratory, Trust Territory of the Pacific 
Islands, Koror, Patau. 

PAUL, T. 1965. Arrowroot and sweet po- 
tato in Truk. in Field Training and In- 
terchange in Root Crops, Koror, Palau 
Islands. September 25 - October 15, 
1965. Microfilm No. 219 on file. Ar- 
chives of the Trust Territory of the 
Pacific Islands, Palau. 

POLLOCK, NANCY. 1970. Breadfruit and 



Breadwinning on Namu Atoll, Mar- 
shall Islands. Unpublished Ph. D. Dis- 
sertation, Department of Anthropol- 
ogy, University of Hawaii, Honolulu. 
University Microfilms (MF 71-12211), 
Ann Arbor, ML 

POYER, LIN. 1990. Ethnology component. 
Micronesian resource study, Taroa Is- 
land, Maloelap Atoll, Republic of the 
Marshall Islands. Micronesian Endow- 
ment for Historic Preservation. Report 
on file. Historic Preservation Office, 
Republic of the Marshall Islands. 

PURSEGLOVE, J. W. 1972. Tropical Crops. 
Monocotyledons. Longmans, London. 

REHG, KENNETH L. and DAMIEN G. 
SOHL. 1979. Ponapean-English Dictio- 
nary. Pacific-Asian Language Institute 
Language Texts, Micronesia. Univer- 
sity of Hawaii Press, Honolulu. 

SAFFORD, W. E. 1905. The Useful Plants 
of the Island of Guam. Contributions 
from the U. S. National Herbarium 9. 



Washingt 



D.C. 



EDWARD 



culture for Secondary Schools. Soils 
and Major Agricultural Crops of 
Micronesia. Ponape Agriculture and 
Trade School, Pohnpei. 
SPENNEMANN, DIRK H. R. 1991. Notes 
on the Occurrence, Utilisation, and 
Importance of Polynesian Arrowroot 
(Tacca leontopetaloides) in the Marshall 
Islands. Independent Nationwide Ra- 
diological Survey Background Study 
No. 39, Majuro, Marshall Islands. 



1992 



the Outer 
Marshall 

: Society ( 



43-54 



SPROAT, M. N. 1968. A Guide to Subsis- 
tence Agriculture in Micronesia. Agri- 
cultural Extension Bulletin 9. Publica- 
tions Office, Saipan, Commonwealth 
of the Northern Marianas. 

STONE, EARL L. 1951. The Agriculture of 
Amo Atoll, Marshall Islands. Atoll 
Research Bulletin 6. Pacific Science 
Board, National Research Council, 
Washington D.C. 

TAYLOR, WILLIAM RANDOLPH. 1950. 
Pi^ttfc of RiWini ;5nd other Northern 



234 



SPENNEMANN 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



Marshall Islands. University of Michi- 
gan Press, Ann Arbor. 

WENDLER, PATER JOACHIM. 1911. Zur 
Feuer-und Nahrungsbereitung der 
Marschall-Insulaner (Sudsee) . Baes- 
sler-Archiv 1 :269-276. 

WILLIAMSON, L. and M. D. SABATH. 
1982. Island population, land area, and 



climate: A case study of the Marshall 
Islands. Human Ecology 10:71-84. 
WOHLTMANN, F. 1905. Pfeilwurzmehl. 
Der Tropenpflanzer March 1905. Cited 
in Kramer, Augustin. 1905. Die Gew- 
inning und Zubereitung der Nahrung 
auf den Ralik-Ratak Inseln. Globus 
88:140-146. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Barley: Chemistry and Technology. Alexander W. MacGregor and Rattan S. 
Bhatty (Editors). St. Paul, Minnesota: American Association of Cereal Chem- 
ists, Inc., 1993. Pp. viii; 486. $145.00 (in United States), $169 (outside of United 
States) (add $2.00 postage). BEF 5575. 

I 

One of the oldest of cultivated plants, barley, is treated in this valuable book 
by seventeen contributors from six countries, an extraordinary collection of out- 
standing experts who in ten chapters present the most up-to-date data on the 
chemistry and technology oiHordeum. As stated in the preface, "The intention of 
the editors was to produce a volume that was broad in scope yet covered each 
topic in depth/' Their intention has indeed been fulfilled. The book must be 
considered a major contribution to economic botany. 

The ten chapters present a mass of information organized in a most orderly 
sequence: (1) The taxonomy, origin, distribution, production, genetics, and breed- 
ing of barley; (2) Formation of the barley grain — morphology, physiology, and 
biochemistry; (3) Carbohydrates of the barley grain; (4) Barley seed proteins; 
(5) Barley lipids; (6) Physiology and biochemistry of barley germination; (7) Malt- 
ing technology and uses of malt; (8) Non-malting uses of barley; (9) Potential 
improvement of quaUty through genetic engineering; and (10) Whole crop utiliza- 
tion of barley, including potential new uses. 

Each chapter naturally has its own extensive bibliography. The index, which 
occupies eleven and a half pages, is extremely detailed. 



Richard 



Museum of Harvard University 



Cambridge, Massachusetts 



/. Ethnobiol. 14(2) :235 -240 



Winter 1994 



RECENT DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS 
OF INTEREST TO ETHNOBIOLOGISTS XII 



JOSEPH E. LAFERRIERE 

Herbarium, 113 Shantz Bldg. 

University of Arizona, Tucson AZ 85721 USA 

and 

TERENCE E. HAYS 

Department of Anthropology and Geography 

Rhode Island College 



Providence, RI 02908 USA 



column 



contain the word "ethnobotany 



// 



time 



Worldwide dissertations from Volume 



(D.A.). Unfortunately, no copy of this was available this year to either author. 

This is the twelfth in an annual series of bibliographies Usting selected disser- 
tations drawn from the pages of Dissertation Abstracts. As in the past, this list 
was compiled by scanning the titles and abstracts pubUshed in D.A. and making 
subjective decisions as to which ones might be relevant to work in ethnobiology 
or related disciplines such as ecological anthropology and economic botany Dis- 
sertations categorized in D.A. under Agricultural Economics, Agriculture, Ameri- 
can Studies, Anthropology Biology Botany Chemistry Ecology Folklore, Geogra- 
phy Health Science, Home Economics, Language, Linguistics, Paleoecology 
Physical Geography Sociology and Zoology were considered for inclusion in the 
list. An attempt was made to be as inclusive as possible, but some dissertations 
may have been overlooked. Comments and suggestions would be welcome for 



items 



Volume A, September 



Volume B (Sciences and Engineering), September 



The 



Note that these are the dates for the issues of D.A. in which the abstracts appear, 
rather than the dates of acceptance of the dissertations themselves. 

~ dissertations are listed below alphabeticaUy by author, along with the 

, cceptance, title, institution, length, adviser or major professor, number(s) 

of the page(s) in D.A. on which the abstract may be found. University Microfilms 
order number, and the ISBN number when this information was mcluded. 

Most of the dissertations accepted at mstitutions in the United States, and 
some of those from Australia, Canada, South Africa, and the United Kingdom 
may be obtained from University Microfihns International, PO. Box 1764, Arin 
Arbor, MI 48106-1346, either on microfilm or published by microfilm xerography 
Quality of printed matter is generally excellent, but that of figures and photo- 
graphs varies with the quality of the original. Abstracts of aU dissertations below 



ROM 



236 



LAFERRIERE & HAYS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Current prices may be obtained by calling 800-521-3042; 313-761-4700 from 
Alaska, Hawaii, or Michigan; or 800-343-5299 from Canada. Further information 
may be obtained from UMI Dissertations Information Service, 300 North Zeeb 
Road, Ann Arbor, MI 48106-1346, USA. 



RESUMEN. — En este bibliografia se incluyen disertaciones recientes de interes a 
Ids etnobiologos. For cada uno se da el numero de la pagina donde se halla el 
resumen en Dissertation Abstracts (D.A.), y el numero de encargar un ejemplar de 
la disertacion de University Microfilm International, P.O. Box 1764, Ann Arbor, 
Ml 48106-1346 USA (telefono: 313-761-4700 o 800-521-3042; desde Canada 800- 
343-5299). 



RESUME 



dissertationes recentes 



donne 



trouve le resume dans Dissertation Abstracts (D.A.), et le numero de commander 



Microfilm 



1764, Ann Arbor, MI 4810 
de Canada 800-343-5299). 



Akbar, Shahid. 1993. Hypothermic activity of repin, a sesquiterpene lactone from 
Centaurea solstitialis. University of the Pacific, 252 pp. D.A. 9411870. Order 
no. DA9411870. 

Amarquaye, Ambrose. 1993. Isolation of spasmogenic principles from Byrsonima 
crassifolia Richard ex lussieu (Malpighiaceae). University of Illinois at Chi- 
cago, Health Sciences Center, 150 pp. D.A. 54(4):1910-B. Order no. DA9324364. 

Arzigian, Constance Marie. 1993. Analysis of prehistoric subsistence strategies: A 
case study from southwestern Wisconsin. University of Wisconsin-Madison, 
506 pp. Supervisor: James B. Stoltman. D.A. 54(4):1432-A. Order no. DA9309494. 

Bartram, Laurence Eugene, Jr. 1993. An ethnoarchaeological analysis of Kua San 
(Botswana) bone food refuse. University of Wisconsin-Madison, 836 pp. 
Supervisor: Henry T. Bunn. D.A. 54(8):3084-A. Order no. DA9322519. 

BaumI, James Anthony. 1994. Ethnobotany of the Huichol people of Mexico. 
Claremont Graduate School, 278 pp. D.A. 55(1):16-B. Order no. DA9416313. 

Bendremer, Jeffrey Cap Millen. 1993. Late Woodland settlement and subsistence 
in eastern Connecticut. University of Connecticut, 443 pp. Major Adviser: 
Robert E. Dewar. D.A. 54(7):2629-A. Order no. DA933289Z 

Bennally, Christine Jean. 1993. The Navaio Nation: msecticide appUcation and 



environmental impact 
Order no. DA9331361. 



anatomy and taxonomy 



of the Coto Brus region of Costa Rica. City University of New York, 128 pp 



D.A. 54(9):4479-B. Order no. DA9405498. 
scaren, Stephen James. 1993. Bean preference and use in northwestern Mexico 
University of Cahfornia, Riverside, 555 pp. Chairperson: Eugene N. Ander- 
son. D.A. 54(7):2632-A. Order no. DA9332488. 



Cameron 



•ment 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 237 



sity and Agricultural and Mechanical College, 276 pp. Director: William V 

Davidson. D.A. 54(8):3156-A. Order no. DA9401509. 
Bussieres, Bruno. 1992. La deforestation subalpine au mont du lac a I'Empeche, 

Charlevoix, Quebec {Subalpine deforestation at the hill of Lac a I'Empeche, 

Charlevoix, Quebec]. Universite Laval (Canada), 249 pp. D.A. 54(6):2832-B. 

ISBN 0-35-79445-3. Order no. DANN79445. Dissertation and abstract in 

French. . . 

Casey, Joanna Louise. 1993. The Kintampo Complex in Northern Ghana: Late 

Holocene human ecoloy on the Gambaga Escarpment. University of Toronto 



Maxine 



54(9):3486-A. Order no. DANN82756. 



Colten, Roger Henry. 1993. Prehistoric subsistence, specialization, and economy 
in a southern California chiefdom. University of California, Los Angeles, 
258 pp. Chair: Jeanne E. Arnold. D.A. 54(10):3876-A. Order no. DA9408227 

Coomes, Oliver Thomas. 1992. Making a living in the Amazon rain forest: Peas- 
ants, land, and economy in the Tahuayo River Basin of north-eastern Peru. 
University of Wisconsin-Madison, 468 pp. Supervisor: William Maxfield 
Denevan. D.A. 54(4):1498-1499-A. Order no. DA9306449 

Crawford, Patricia Louise. 1994. Man-land relationships in the Wadi Tumilat of 



Maskhuta: A paleoethnobotanical 



versity, 355 pp. Major Professor: Juli 
DA9417315. 



Order no. 



Cummins 



McMaster 



\. 54(8):3087-A. Order no. DANN80765. 

1993. Climate change and agricultural transformation m the Oa 

Mexico. Pennsylvania State University, 297 pp. Adviser: Diana M 



Liverman 



Remote sensing of montane 



John 



Jensen 



Kathryn Carey 1993. Hunter-gatherer subsistence adaptation in the Sagina 

Michigan. (Volumes I and II). Michigan 



WUliam 



307-A. Order no. DA9417991. 



len, Meta Patricia. 1993. Indian corn and Dutch pots: Seventeenth-century food- 
ways in New Amsterdam/New York City City University of New York, 449 pp 
Adviser: Thomas H. McGovern. D.A. 54(9):3487-A. Order no. DA9405523. 
erado, Tommaso Antonio. 1993. Chemical analysis of Penstemon and Castilkjo 
(Scrophulariaceae), Thessalia ( Lepidoptera) and Pinus (Pinaceae). Coloradc 
State University, 193 pp. D.A. 54(6):3069-B. Order no. DA9331375. 
:ke, Jeffrey Benjamin. 1993. Evolution of a settled landscape: a biogeographical 
study of Rancho Mission Viejo, California. University of California-Los Angeles 
263 pp. D.A. 54(3):1202-B. Order no. DA9319806. 



children 



in an agricultural rain forest community of Madag 



Massachusetts, 314 p 
Order no. DA9408286. 



Thomas 



238 



LAFERRIERE & HAYS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Hasler, Arthur Richard Patick. 1993. The cultural and political dynamics of Zim- 
babwean wildlife resource use in the Zambezi Valley: A case study of Cha- 
poto ward. Michigan State University, 320 pp. D.A. 54(10):3790-A. Order no. 
DA9406502. 

Hockett, Bryan Scott. 1993. Taphonomy of the leporid bones from Hogup Cave, 
Utah: Implications for cultural continuity in the eastern Great Basin. Univer- 
sity of Nevada, Reno, 264 pp. Adviser: Gary Haynes. D.A. 54(6):2200-2201-A. 
Order no. DA9331876. 

Hunter, Andrea A. 1992. Utilization of Hordeum pusillum (little barley) in the 
midwest United States: Applying Rindos' co-evolutionary model of domes- 
tication. University of Missouri-Columbia, 361 pp. Supervisor: Deborah M. 
Pearsall. D.A. 54(5):1852-A. Order no. DA9327836. 

Jarvis, Devra Ivy. 1993. Vegetation and climate change in Mianning County, south- 
western Sichuan Province, China. University of Washington, 254 pp. D.A. 



54(8):4054-B. Order no. DA9401439. 



among the Metis 



Alberta: A study of tradition and change. University of Northern Colorado 
175 pp. D.A. 54(3):1053-A. Order no. DA9319987 



James. 1993. The ethnobotany and ethnopharm 
?s. Washington University, 256 pp. D.A. 54(6):284 



no. DA9330243. 

esat, Sa'eb Abdelhaleem. 1993. Soils and geomorphology of an intermontaine 
basin near Orogrande, New Mexico. New Mexico State University, 117 pp. 
D.A. 54(7):3400-B. Order no. DA9333496. 



Knott 



knowledg 



sity 476 pp D.A. 54(9):3491-A. Order no. DA9406145. 
Lieberman, Daniel Eric. 1993. Mobility and strain: The biology of cemen 



mo 



ing the Late Quarternary in the northern Levant. Harvard University, 460 pp. 
D.A. 54(3):985-A. Order no. DA9318704. 

Lupo, Karen D. 1993. A taphonomic analysis of Hadza-produced bone assem- 
blages. University of Utah, 410 pp. D.A. 54(10):3786-A. Order no. DA9409473. 

Magistro, John Vito. 1994. Ecologv and production in the middle Senegal Valley 



Michael M 



Binghamton 



Martinez y Diaz de Salas, Mahinda Luisa. 1993. Systematics of Phx/saJis (So- 
lanaceae) Section Epeteiorhiza. University of Texas at Austin, 257 pp. D.A. 
54(8):3944-B. Order no. DA9400950. 

Mehta, Manjari. 1994. The transformation of subsistence agriculture and gender 



DA9417321. 



Mai 



Himalay 



Meeker, James Edwin 



// 



wild-rice {Zizania palustris var 



m 



University of Wisconsin-Madison, 376 pp. D.A. 54(8):3945-B. Order no 
DA9326045. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 239 



Meikle, William Grems. 1992. Evaluating the sustainability of subsistence farmer 
practices in West Africa. University of California-Berkeley, 209 pp. D.A. 
54(6):2819-2820-B. Order no. DA9330643. 

Mohd, Rusli Bin. 1993. Rainforest policies and U.S. NGOs: organization, policy 
positions and tactics of influence. North Carolina State University, 112 pp. 
D.A. 54(9):4464-B. Order no. DA9404142. 

MoUoy, Paula Marie. 1993. Cod, commerce, and climate: A case study from Late 
Medieval/Early Modern Iceland. Harvard University, 232 pp. Adviser: Ste- 
phen Williams. D.A. 54(6):2201-A. Order no. DA9331077. 

Morrison, Kathleen Diane. 1992. Transforming the agricultural landscape: Inten- 
sification of production at Vijayanagara, India. University of California, 
Berkeley, 617 pp. D.A. 54(6):2201-2202-A. Order no. DA9330653. 

Pastor, Robert F. 1993. Dental microwear among prehistoric inhabitants of the 
Indian subcontinent: A quantitative and comparative analysis. University of 



John 



3497-A. Order no. 



DA9405209. 



Michael Wayne. 1993. Late Holocene paleoenvironment and huma 



New Mexico. Texas A & M 



M. Bryant, J 



Comparative 



Washington Ur 

a Marie Leimar. 1993^ Women's wild plant food entitlements in Thai 



Oregon 



Silverman 



Salafsky, Nick N. 1993. The forest garden project: an ecological and economic 



West Kalimantan, Indonesia 



Duke University, 342 pp. D.A. 54(10):5082-B. Order no. DA9404268. 

w, Chester Worth, Jr. 1993. Human responses to past climate, environment 



Mogollon areas of New Mexico 



J. Jeffe 



Order no. DA932266Z 



from the Wallace 



Wa shingt 



376 pp. Chair: Carl Gustafson. D.A. 54(12):4496-A. Order no. DA9414812. 



wisdoms: mental 



Worth metroplex. Texas Woman 



University, 144 pp. D.A. 54(12):6129-B. Order no. 1 
el, Gail L. 1993. The ethnobotany of the grain amara 
to San Miguel del Melagro, Tlaxcala, Mexico. Cit] 
346 pp. D.A. 54(9):4482-B. Order no. DA9405586. 



Systematics of Tagetes (Asteraceae 



Austin 



vart, Andrew McLean. 1993. Caribou Inuit settlement response to changmg 
resource availability on the Kazan River, Northwest Territories, Canada. Uni- 



Chairman: Michael Jochim 



55(2):307-308-A. Order no. DA9419114. 



Jose. 1993. Allocation of farm 



240 



LAFERRIERE & HAYS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Costa Rican agricultural community. University of Michigan, 176 pp. D.A. 
54(7):3403-B. Order no. DA9332167 

Sussenbach, Tom. 1993. Agricultural intensification and Mississippian develop- 
ments in the confluence region of the Mississippi River Valley. University of 
Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 177 pp. Adviser: R. Barry Lewis. D.A. 54(11): 
4154-A. Order no. DA9411796. 

Suttisri, Rutt. 1993. Phytochemical studies on the constituents of Periandra dulcis 
and Baccharis genistelloides . University of Illinois at Chicago, Health Sciences 
Center, 205 pp. D.A. 54(12):6019-B. Order no. DA9414936. 

Toure, Alamir Sinna. 1992. Ecologie et production primaire des paturages au 
moyen-Bani-Niger, Mali I Ecology and primary production of pasture in 
Middle-Bani-Niger, Mali]. Universite Laval (Canada), 172 pp. D.A. 54(6):2836- 
B. ISBN 0-315-79577-8. Order no. DANN79577 Dissertation and abstract in 
French. 

Turner, Matthew Drew. 1992. Living on the edge: Fulfie herding practices and the 
relationship between economy and ecology in the inland Niger Delta of Mali. 



Michael Watts 



2280 -A. Order no. DA9330768. 



Wakhungu, Judi Wangalwa. 1993. Energy resources management 



em 



2420-B. Order no. DA9326962. 
Walker, Karen Jo. 1992. The zooarchaeok 
maritime adaptation: Spatial and tem 



DA9331226. 



Chairman: Michael E. Moseley. 



Warren, Sarah Timberlake. 1993. The political ecology of rural development for- 
estry: land use and species choice in Gujarat, India. Yale University, 298 pp 
D.A. 54(5):2303-2304-B. Order no. DA9325424. 

Wells, Carl D. 1993. Isolation and evaluation of insertiridal volatiles from the 



Alabama 



9313076. 



/. Ethnobiol. 14(2):241-264 



Winter 1994 



ABSTRACTS 

of presentations (contributed papers and poster sessions) 

at the Seventeenth Annual Conference 

of the Society of Ethnobiology 
The Environmental Studies Program, University of Victoria 

and the Royal British Columbia Museum 

16-19 March 1994 



E. N. ANDERSON, Department 

erside, CA 92521 

GARDENS OF CHUNHUHUB 



This paper reports a survey of a sample of gardens in Chunhuhub, Quintana 
Roo, Mexico. Gardens range from four to 92 species of plants. Most are deliber- 
ately planted, but some are tolerated and utilized weeds. Plants are used for food, 
forage, firewood, medicine, ornament, and other purposes. Commercial crops are 
numerous. Gardens are extremely varied, partly due to a fondness for experimen- 
tation and for havine something unique in one's yard. 



M. Kat ANDERSON, Department of Environmental Science, Policy and Man 



Wood 



Duck Circle, Stockton, CA 95207 

A MORE COMPREHENSIVE APPROACH TO ASSESSING TH 

IMPACT OF NATIVE PEOPLE ON THE DYNAMICS OF WILD 

ULATIONS 



Many of the seminatural 



man 



may 



human 



simultaneously 



wild plant management systems around the world. As the focus on management 
and production of single species is expanded to include a larger number of 
resources in temperate and tropical ecosystems, this will require a different, more 
comprehensive approach to the assessment of human impacts on natural resources. 
Descriptive and interpretive studies in the social sciences establish a solid foim- 
dation for more definitive studies of the role and impacts of Native people on the 
dynamics of wild plant populations. More quantitative longer-term studies and 
experiments can lead to the development of a set of management principles and 



242 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



■ 

ecological concepts embedded in Indigenous systems, which will be useful to 
ecologists, resource managers, and small entrepreneurs in the management and 
harvest of wildlands for an array of cultural products. Such studies and experi- 
ments need to be addressed to answer specific questions and test hypotheses. 
These kinds of studies will also uncover the degree to which particular habitat 
types and plant species are dependent upon Indigenous disturbance regimes for 
maintenance of their productivity, crystallizing the complex relationships between 
biological and cultural diversity. 



Mary E. BAKER, Department of Anthropology, University of California, River- 
side, CA 92521-0418 
MEDICINAL PLANT USE BY CAPUCHIN MONKEYS (Cebus Capucinus) 



I growing body of evidence documenting animals 
in their environment for medicinal Dur noses. Duri 



.m m 



ing plant material 



compounds which are known to have anti-insect and/ 



mo 



shows 



World use these plants for similar purposes and in similar 



medicinal purposes. Medicinal 
species of capuchin monkey. 



nonhuman primates 



I BEAUCAGE, Departement d' anthropologic, Universite de Montreal 
Succ. A, Montreal, Quebec H3C 3J7 

DOMESTICATION OF INNOVATION: THE TRADITIONAL COI 
HARD OF EASTERN MEXICO 



proclaimed 



as well as cultural diversity, there has been a renewed interest in studying Native 



or "traditional" ways of dealing with the environment 



methods 



materials without putting to risk the productive po 



environment. In spite of the verv fraem 



it has been shown that various groups have developed techniques not only for 
preserving basic resources such as soil and water, but for reclaiming land that is 
considered exhausted or near-exhausted. 



amount 



Mexico 



have been in direct contact with Europeans for centuries. For some scholars the 
terms must be limited to resources and techniques of ore-Columbian (or at most 



(Mexico), I want to demonstrate 



term research in the Sierra Norte de 



coffee-growing by Nahuat and Totonac peasants in lower Sierra de Puebla, well 



was 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 243 



increase that challenged the continuation of the previous short-fallow milpas 
agriculture. I will refer to the large body of local and regional archives that my 
collaborators and I investigated, and which are now being processed. Second, I 
will analyze the extensive data we collected on plant and animal associations to 
show how the Native way of managing the coffee orchard, far from being 
"disastrous monocultivation" in fact recreated on the hilly ground a diversified 
environment that was analogous to the natural tree cover that had been 
removed (with dozens of associated vegetal and animal species). And, third, 
that the pattern of interspersing milpas with coffee groves on the gentler slopes, 
while planting orchard on the steep and rocky parts, helped to preserve soil 
fertility. 



Robert BYE and Edelmira LINARES, Jardin Botanico, Instituto de Biologi'a, Uni- 
versidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Apdo. Post. 70-614, 04510 Mexico, DF 
AZTEC GREENERY— CONTINUITY OF QUELITES 



continuity of plant use in central Mexico 



examines 



com 



prominent 



significance placed on these plants is corroborated by the Aztec's classifying 
them as one of the six major vegetal life forms. The 54 quelites are divided into 
two major groups based upon their form of consumption: crude or cooked. As a 
central ceremonial element, quelites were the highlights of feasts such as the 
ixcozauhqui, which marked the end of an Aztec annual cycle and the preparation 
for new growth of fire and children. Although practiced on the date that corre- 
sponded to the 8th of January this native feast probably was supplanted by 
European rituals involving edible greens representing Cathohc renewal during 
the Lenten (Cuaresma) season later in the calendar year. Over half of the quelites 
mentioned and illustrated in Sahagun's classic work can be identified botanically 
today Many are muhiple use species that provided other edible parts as well as 
medicine. Although a quarter of these quelites are still eaten today these greens do 
not maintain their prominent pre-Hispanic status in contemporary folk taxonomy 
and food preference. The continuity of quelite consumption endures despite the 
reduction in the number of species and the substitution by European cultivated 
leafy vegetables. The prestige of edible greens has declined in the dietary and the 
ceremonial domains. 



CLEMENT. Canadian Ethnology Service, Canadian Museum 



tion, 100 Laurier Street, Hull, Quebec, C 
WHY IS TAXONOMY UTILITARIAN? 



taxonomy have always been opposed 



in ethnobiological studies. In this paper, data from Montagnais and Cree taxo- 
nomies show a relation between taxonomic structure and uses of plants and 



This relation operates through 



classified). 



244 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



The Montagnais and the Cree are Native groups from the eastern Subarctic. A 
study was conducted among the Montagnais in 1981 and revealed general eth- 
nobotanical categories based on uses of plants (e.g., wood for mishtukuat, or 'tree'; 
fruit for atishia, or 'small shrub'). Additional proof of these links is provided by 
the morphemes that compose words for either objects fabricated with the part 
that is the basis of a category (e.g., askhu", the bound form for 'wood,' which is 
used in words designating objects made out of trees) or names of entities in the 
category (e.g., akashi, or 'fruit plant', the bound form appearing in words in the 
category atishia, or 'small shrubs,' used mainly as foods). 

A second study was conducted between 1982 and 1988, also among the Mon- 
tagnais people. The hypothesis of a relation between uses of zoological entities, 
partons, and taxonomy was also examined. The ethnozoological taxonomy hence 
appeared to be based on food as a main operational key. First, consumable animals 
(aueshtshat) are distinguished from inconsumable animals (manitushat). Then, 
among consumable animals, quadrupeds and birds or animals (aueshishat) with 
uidsh ('meat') are separated from aquatic animals {nameshat), or animals with 
namesh ('flesh'). Finally, pineshishat ('small birds') are also differentiated from 
other animals with uidsh by their utility, since they are said not to be consumed 
even if consumable. Cree data gathered in 1990 provides linguistic proof of the 
Montagnais general ethnozoological taxonomic structure: James Bay Cree still use 
a word for the 'flesh' (uhkuwaau) of fish to distinguish it from the 'meat' (wiyaas) 
of animals. 

Primitive societies are not the only ones to show such taxonomic features. 
Lirmaean taxonomy was also based on a very specific historical context in which 



taxonomy 



taxonomic development 



taxonomic anomalies 



m more 



Susan CROCKFORD, Pacific Identifications, 6011 Oldfield R 
ria, B. C. V8X 3X1 ' 

A TAXOMONIC REVIEW OF THE TRACHEAL BULLAE 



(POSTER) 



THE GENUS Anas OF THE PACIFIC NORTHWEST 



This poster presents a taxonomic review of the tracheal bulla (or bony syrinx! 
of the ducks of the genus Anas found in the Pacific Northwest of North America 
The taxonomic implications of similarities between tracheal bullae of the tribt 
Anatini and other tribes of the subfamily Anatinae are discussed. A genera 



Northwest 



from other genera with which it mi 



confused. It is expected that these keys will ^ . 

(1) for the correct identification of isolated tracheal bulla, such as might be 
foimd in archaeological or subfossil contexts; 

(2) for confirmation of correct identification of whole duck specimens, where 
juvenile or eclipse plumage of males produces uncertainties: 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 245 



(3) for correct identification of whole duck specimens, where condition of the 
carcass produces uncertainties (e.g., oiled birds); and 

(4) for correct identification of partial duck specimens, where head and /or 
feathers have been intentionally removed to avoid prosecution (i.e., wildlife con- 
servation violations). 



Christoffel DEN BIGGELAAR, Department of Forestry, Michigan State Univer- 
sity, East Lansing, Michigan 48824-1222 

INDIGENOUS AGROFORESTRY SYSTEMS IN RWANDA: GENDER, SPE- 
CIES DIVERSITY, TREE MANAGEMENT, AND UTILIZATION 



The combined effects of both farmers' efforts and external pressure to plant 
more trees in recent decades have resulted in an increase in the number of trees 
in the landscape and the complex agroforestry systems found in Rwanda today. 



will Dresent evidence of the com 



ms 



tion research project in Rwanda in 1992. The objective of the research was to 
obtain an "emic" perspective of agroforestry, and to determine and understand 



farmers 



tree" (igiti in 

kinyarwanda) was interpreted broadly and determined by the farmers them- 
selves in accordance with its Bantu-Rwandan philosophical meaning of "plants 
that are not grasses." 



sam 



and 70 comparison farmers) in three research areas: Kibingo, Maraba, and Simbi 
secteurs in southern Rwanda. On the tree expert farms, inventories were taken as 
part of a case study of farmers' knowledge and farm/ tree histories using repeated 
visits. Comparison farmer inventories were done in a single visit. 

The results indicate that Rwandan agroforestry systems have a great species 
diversity (152 species were found) with complex arrangements of species over 
space and /or time. Over 80% of the trees are planted and owned by men. Women 
plant and own few trees, but the percentage is higher among female heads of 
household than among married women. Although men do most of the tree main- 
tenance and harvesting, both women and children do significantly greater shares 
of these activities than their ownership of trees indicates. The tree experts were 
called experts as they had much experience with a great variety of species (in 
Rwandan thought, knowledge equals experience with a plurality of objects). 
However, their being the most knowledgeable farmers about a diversity of tree 
species and their cultivation may not necessarily mean that they are also the 
persons having the most knowledge of managing these trees in an agroforestry 
system. Comparison farmers, having much smaller farms with less species diver- 
sity have more trees of each species and have on average more than twice the 
number of trees per hectare than tree experts. These small but high density farms 
require farmers to have higher levels of management skills and greater knowledge 
of the various components and their interactions in order to produce sufficient 
food and other products to maintain the family In the future, it may therefore, be 
necessary to study both groups of farmers in greater detail regarding their knowl- 
edge as their knowledge may be divergent. 



246 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



side, CA 92521 



Department 



ANCIENT MAYA LAND MANAGEMENT: MODELING THE DISTRIBU- 
TION OF AGRICULTURAL TERRACES 



Ancient agricultural terraces represent a form of land-resource management 
practiced by the ancient Maya of southern Mexico and Central America. While 
the existence of terraces has been reported sporadically in the archaeological 
literature for many years^ the apparent lack of patterning in the distribution of 
these terraces across the landscape has often puzzled investigators. 

This study examines the local distribution of ancient terraces within the 
upper Belize River valley of Belize, Central America. A predictive model for 
terrace distribution was developed, incorporating the variables of slope, soil type, 
and geological parent-material. This model was tested through field survey, and 
the resulting observations were used to refine the model. Within the study area, a 
variety of terrace forms were identified, all of which were restricted to the lower 
slope$. Slope alone, however, is not a good predictor of terrace distributions. The 
variables of soil type and geological-parent material represent the other important 
criteria for predicting the distribution of ancient terraces. Fine-scale analyses of 
land resources provides the necessary context in which ancient land-management 
decisions can be understood. 



Gregory FORTH, Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta, Edmon- 
ton, Alberta T6G 2H4 

PO: QUESTIONS CONCERNING THE CLASSIFICATION OF SOUNDS, 
SPIRITS, AND BIRDS AMONG THE NAGE OF EASTERN INDONESIA 

The Nage of eastern Indonesia possess a word, po, which refers to a class of 



term 



identifies an ethnoornithogical taxon. As an onomatopoeia, po describes various 
nocturnal sounds, and when joined with certain other words, resulting com- 
pound terms allude to kinds of spiritual beings distinguished by audial qualities 
of sounds associated with each. Other compounds of po refer more directly tc 
kinds of sounds, while yet others denote physical owls. According to the Nage 



name 



pto 



term 
more general problems 



relative value of visual and nonvisual criteria in distinguishing animal kinds and 



nomenclature 



NV 



FOWLER, Department 



HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVES ON TIMBISHA SHOSHONE LAND MAN 



AGEMENT 



time of contact and disruption, the Timbisha 



Mojave 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 247 



Desert and its uplands. Floral resources particularly favored for food were honey 



mesquite (Prosopis Qiandulosa\ single-leaf pinyon 



corms 



managed. Mesquit 



trimmed of lower branches, thus keeping them open and free of dunes formed 



milarly trimmed 



more 



fire further facihtating the collection of pine nuts, but also fostering fire-following 



(Nicot 



chortus kennedyil Fire was also used in the marshes to discourage cattail {Typha 
spp.) and increase forage plants and other seed producers. Springs were cleaned 

4 

and cleared as part of routine maintenance. 

In 1933, when Death Valley National Monument was created, management of 
these lands and resources shifted to the National Park Service. Native practices 
were discouraged and finally disallowed altogether. This paper reviews the his- 



some 



Death Valley area. 



Elliot FRATKIN, Department 

penter Building, University Park, PA 16802 



AMONG SAMBURU AND MAASAI 



ISTS OF EAST AFRICA 



among Samburu and Maasai 



medicines 



medicines known as hihonok. Samburu categorize ilhiess 



into "natural 



/f 



remedies 



emetics 



shrubs, and "mystical" illnesses, which include infertility, mental illness, and 



enemies 



Treatment of sorcery demands the intervention of the loihon, who uses divmation 
and protective medicines to combat the sorcery This paper discusses Samburu 
concepts of disease and describes their treatments. 

Jose GONZALES, Departamento de Antropologia, Universidad Autonoma Me- 
tropolitana-Iztapalapa, Av. Michoacan y La Purisima s/n. Col. Vicentma, Iztapal- 
apa C.R 09340, Mexico, and Regina LEAL, Departamento de Economia, Univer- 
sidad Autonoma Metropolitana-Iztapalapa, Av. Michoacan y La Purisima s/n. 

Col. Vicentina, Iztapalapa C.R 09340, Mexico ^^j^r^r:c 

ASSIGNMENT RULES FOR THE MANAGEMENT OF NATURAL RESOURCES 

IN AN INDIGENOUS COMMUNITY 



In this paper, we review the nonformalized rules set that exists at the Nahuatl 
community Santa Catarina del Monte (Texcoco, Mexico). These rules determme 
the inhabitants' rights and obHgations concerning the management of natural 
resources within the common and public land. Attachment to these rules is an 
essential condition for their economic growth within a social structure where the 



248 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Some cultural elements 



natural resources. 



management 



It is necessary to regard the adequacy of such rules and obligations which 
have an effect on the management of natural resources, since this Indigenous 
community is inserted on a dynamic social and economical context. In this sense, 
we analyzed the changes generated as a result of this process. 



Claudia GONZALEZ ROMO, W. Hardy ESHBAUGH, Department of Bota 
Miami University, Oxford, Ohio 45056, and A. G. GREENBERG, Department 
Sociology and Anthropology, Miami University Oxford, Ohio 45056 
CAMPESINO HOME GARDEN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT AT El CIEI 
BIOSPHERE RESERVE, TAMAULIPAS, MEXICO (POSTER) 



El Cielo Biosphere Reserve, which was established in 1985 (144,000 Ha) and is 
:ated at the Neotropical Holartic boundaries as well as the northeastern 
Mesoamerica in Mexico, has scattered campesino mestizan villages witl 
eserved area. The Joya de Salas (20 de Abril village, 1500 m) used to be i 



limits 



system 



e management practices that today exist in Joya 
in spite of its protected area status. The home eai 



actively managed by both women and men, including children. Over 100 culti- 
vated and wild plant species are managed within the home gardens, including 
poultry (chicken and turkey), pigs, cats, dogs, cattle (horses, donkeys, cows and 
calves, goats), some honeybee keeping with European and native bees, and small 
and large mammals. 



Leslie M. Johnson GOTTESFELD, Anthropology Department, 13-15 KM Tory 
Buildmg, University of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta T6G 2H4 
WET'SUWET'EN PLANT CLASSIFICATION AND NOMENCLATURE: A 
PRELIMINARY EXAMINATION 



Plant classification of the Wet'suwet'en of northwest British Columbia 
ada, IS explored in this paper. Wet'suwet'en plant classification includes a 
number of generics or basic terms that are designated by primary or unpr 
tive secondary lexemes, or sometimes by descriptive phrases. There ar. 
major plant classes, or "life-forms" and mtermediate eroumn^s. Onlv one e 



moss,' 'fungu 



forms 



satisty criteria proposed by Berlin and Brown in being morphologically defined, 
transitive and containing relatively large contrast sets. The remainder are cross- 
cuttmg (berry ), utilitarian ('berry'), or empty ('moss,' 'mushroom,' 'flower'), 
showing similarities to life forms reported for other northwestern North Ameri- 
^n peoples. Several intermediate groupings are proposed, defined either by 
morphology or utihty including such types as 'willows/ 'spines,' and 'poisonous 
plants . Utility seems to be important in perception and grouping of plants, and 
may be directly or indirectly coded in plant names. A number of Wet'suwet'en 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 249 



plant names are loanwords from Gitksan, an unrelated Tsimshianic language 
spoken to the north and west. 



J. GREMILLION, Department of Anthropology 



Department 



W. 17th Avenue, Columbus, OH 43210-1362, Kathryn JAKES 



Columbus OH 43210-1220, and Charles 



partment of Environmental Practice, University of Tennessee, PO Box 1071, Knox 
ville, TN 37901-1071 



AGRICULTURAL 



EASTERN NORTH AMERICA 



Desiccated paleofeces of probable human origin from the Newt Kash Hollow 
and Hooton Hollow rockshelters in eastern Kentucky, U.S.A. were found to con- 
tain, in varying combinations and quantities, remains of native domesticated 
plants including sunflower (Helianthus annuus), sumpweed {Iva annua), and che- 
nopod {Chenopodium berlandiert). These materials, which date to around 1000 B.C., 
provide evidence for the dietary role of domesticates before food production 
acquired central subsistence importance. The feces also contain fibres, some of 
which display features similar to bast or phloem fibres used to produce textiles. 
Symbiotic relationships between humans and other animal species occupying 
rockshelters are suggested by anthropod remains and the occurrence of cultigens 
in feces of possible nonhuman origin. 

Sybille HAEUSSLER, Skeena Forestry Consultants, RR #2, Site 81 C-2, Snuthers, 
B. C. VOJ 2N0 

BURNING BY ABORIGINALS AND THE IVfAINTENANCE OF GRASSLAND/ 
STEPPE ECOSYSTEMS IN NORTHWESTERN BRITISH COLUMBIA (POSTER) 



The biological diversity of any region is the result of both natural and anthro- 
pogenic processes. In Canada, there is relatively little awareness that Indigenous 
peoples have long played an important role in shaping their environment through 
land use practices such as burning. In a sparsely populated region such as north- 
western B.C., burning by aboriginals may have helped to maintain plant and 

animal populations that would otherwise have been lost as a result of climate 
change. 

One example is the grassland /steppe ecosystem that today occupies isolated 
south-facing hillsides from the Nechako Plateau, along the Bulkley Valley and the 
shores of Babine Lake, to Kitwanga and Telegraph Creek. This vegetation type 
was probably much more widely distributed during the period of warm, dry 
climate (the "Xerothermic") that followed the retreat of continental glaciers some 
10,000 years ago. I hypothesize that periodic spring burning by aboriginals 
around village sites and camps has played an important role in allowing grass- 
land/steppe ecosystems to persist through subsequent periods of cooler, wetter 
climate. Without human intervention, many of these ecosystems would have 
reverted to forest. The rare and unusual plant and animal species that occupy 
them would have been lost to northwestern B, C. 



250 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Regular burning in the early spring allows the grassland /steppe biota to 
survive because it maintains the open, sunny conditions they require, while at the 
same time not causing much damage because fire severity is low. Infrequent, 
lightning-caused fires are more destructive because there is greater fuel build-up 
between events and the fires are more severe. With a few exceptions (on Indian 
reserves), the grassland /steppe ecosystems have not been burned regularly for 
several decades because of fire suppression policies and public attitudes against 
burning. 



Richard HEBDA, Royal British Columbia Museum, Victoria, B.C. V8V 1X4, and 
Nancy J. TURNER, Environmental Studies Program, University of Victoria, PO 
Box 1700, Victoria, B. C. V8W 2Y2 

USE OF BARK MEDICINES BY COASTAL INDIGENOUS PEOPLES OF 
NORTHWESTERN NORTH AMERICA (POSTER) 



Bark comprises the most important botanical ingredient of the pharmacopoeia 
of Indigenous peoples of coastal northwestern North America. Bark uses of 
51 woody species including 10 coniferous trees, 15 angiosperm trees, and 26 
angiosperm shrubs and vines have been recorded. Of conifers, 10 of 13 species 
yielded bark for medicines. Tsuga heterophylla (western hemlock) was most widely 
used for purposes ranging from eye and digestive problems to venereal diseases, 
and as heart and circulatory aids. Abies spp.(firs) were widely used too, especially 



problems 



em 



Among angiosperm trees most important were: Alnus rubra (red alder). Arbutus 
menziesii (arbutus), Malus fusca (Pacific crabapple), and Prunus emarginata (bitter 
cherry). The efficacy of Rhamnus purshianus (cascara) with respect to digestive 
complaints was widely recognized, making it the most popular bark medicine 
from an angiosperm tree. The bark of Oplopanax horridus (devil's club) had more 
medicinal applications (at least 63) than any woody species on the coast. Indige- 
nous peoples treated a wide range of maladies with this plant including problems 
of the respiratory digestive, reproductive, and skeletal systems. Sambucus race- 
tnosa (red elder) was another widely used shrub species. Our analysis suggests 



knowledge of the medicinal 



numerous wi 



Eugene S. HUNN, Department of Anthropoloey, University of Washington, Seat 
tie WA 98195 ^ 

* ■ 

LUSHOOTSEED SHELLFISH CLASSIFICATION AND NOMENCLATURE 



summarize what is known of Lushootseed/Puget Salish shellfish terminol- 



Washingt 



shellfish 



nomic 



ethnohistoric 



documented lingu 



es at treaty tune. More than 25 named 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 251 



corded, the majority for bivalve mollusks, which is more than half the number of 
finfish taxa recognized. Lushootseed naming closely approximates the scientific 
species level for all relatively large, widely distributed local shellfish species. 
Anomalies in the correlation of linguistic distinctions with midden frequencies 
are attributed to biologically and culturally patterned harvest practices. 

Chief Ronald IGNACE, Chief, Skeetchestn Band, Savona, B.C. and President, 

Secwepemc Cultural Education Society, 345 Yellowhead Highway, Kamloops, 
B.C. V2H IHl 

TRADITIONAL LAND AND RESOURCE RELATIONSHIPS OF THE 
SECWEPEMC PEOPLE 



Traditional ecological knowledge and its role in determining resource man- 
agement for hunting, fishing, and gathering will be discussed. The role of narra- 
tive and discourse in perpetuating traditional knowledge will also be presented, 
with examples of stories illustrating ecological knowledge. Chief Ignace's presen- 
tation will provide first hand evidence of past and on-going strategies for sustain- 
able resource use. He is joined by Secwepemc elders Mary Thomas, Nellie Taylor, 
and Christine Simon. 



Marianne B. IGNACE, Secwepemc Cultural Education Society, 345 Yellowhead 

Highway, Kamloops, B. C. V2H IHl 

MORE THAN THE SUM OF THE PARTS: SOME REFLECTIONS ON 

SECWEPEMC DISCOURSE ABOUT PLANTS 



knowledge about plants 



sented m terms of taxonomies or types of plant use, often accompamec 
organized as, sets of charts and tables. Jack Goody has alerted us to the e> 
which writing and the construction of tables of opposites reduces oral com 
to graphic simplicity, with the result that complex statements of interrelatic 
about humans, animals, plants, and the rest of the environment are frozf 
systems of permanent oppositions. Such analysis may simplify reaHty : 



knowledge 



understanding 



examine what may 



emc 



ethnobotany project. The issue of eliciting knowledge itself will be discussed, as 
will be the presentation of plant knowledge by Native elders in the form of oral 
narratives which present knowledge about plants and plant ecology within the 
context of Indigenous ways of knowing and explaining the natural environment. 



JONES, Department 



V8W 



KNOWLEDGE IN THE 



AGRICULTURAL DEVELOPMENT PROTECT 



e Brundtland Commission called i 
meet their needs in development 



252 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



developing world, numerous authors have supported the importance of this task. 
Unfortunately, few have offered suggestions or models on how to do this. In this 
paper, using a cultural ecology perspective, I discuss three methods of gathering 
local and/ or Indigenous knowledge necessary to design an appropriate develop- 
ment plan. These methods are: the use of general systems diagrams of the cultural 
and social linkages with agricultural pursuits, decision-making models of the 
individual's influence on crop choices and land uses, and traditional ecological 
knowledge (TEK) regarding their understanding of the unseen interconnections 
between environmental components. Together, these methods of gathering Indig- 
enous knowledge can help to provide the vital socio-cultural and ecological- 
linked information necessary to design a project suited to those particular peo- 
ple's needs. 



Frank Andrew JONES and David L. GORCHOV, Department of Botany, Miami 
University, Oxford, Ohio 45056 

ECOLOGICAL AND HUMAN FACTORS INFLUENCING POPULATION 
DENSITIES OF THE UNDERSTORY PALM (Chamaedorea radicalis) IN THE 
"EL CIELO" BIOSPHERE RESERVE, TAMAULIPAS, MEXICO (POSTER) 



The leaves from several species of the palm 
throughout Mexico and Central America and u 
in the United States and Europe. Chamaedorei 
mountainous regions of Mexico and is harvests 



"El Cielo" 



m 



While the perennial harvesting of palm le 
major external source of income for many 



Jose (population 30). We 



montane 



tors influencing local population densities of C. radicalis. C. radicalis has been 
listed as a vulnerable species in Mexico, indicating that it may become endangered 



assumed 



from to 35,000 palms /ha, with a mean 



ms/ha. A multivariate analysis of the imoortant abiotic, biotic. and human 



palm populations will 



human exploitation may 



from 



discussed 



Management strategies employed by local campesinos will 



Elame JOYAL, Department of Botany, Arizona State University, Tempe, AZ 8528: 
TRADITIONAL RESOURCE MANAGEMENT AND CONSERVATION BIOL 
OGY: AN ETHNOECOLOGICAL CASE STUDY FROM SONORA, MEXICO 



Traditional resource management (TRM) can be defined as the management 
of natural resources by traditional people, i.e., indigenous and local people not 
trained m Western scientific methods. A combination of quantitative ecological 
and ethnographic methods may prove effective in evaluating TRM and thus lead 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 253 



to more rapid assessment of the conservation status of poorly-known but eco- 
nomically important species. 

Sabal uresana Trelease is the most valuable and widespread of six palms native 
to northwest Mexico. It is an important nontimber resource, its leaves being used 
for weaving and thatching. S. uresana is thought to be overexploited and is listed 
as "rare" by the Mexican government. Populations typically have few seedlings, 
many juveniles, a few immatures, and some adults. Individuals are slow-growing 
and long-lived. Experimental manipulations to simulate harvest reduced leaf 
production. TRM consists of controlling harvest times and levels, choice of leaf 
age and palm size, and "sparing." Reasons stated for these practices were that 
they produced the best fiber or were practical. A preliminary model predicted 
that populations are sustainable, as uneven as their size-class distribution appears. 

Characteristics that make for good quaUty fibre also make for good manage- 
ment. Because such practices seem to be little more than common sense, they are 
likely to be overlooked and forgotten as a result of acculturation and changing 
market demand. TRM, developed in a subsistence economy and combined with 
Western scientific methods, may offer the best approach to future management of 
wild plant resources made scarce by changing cultures and economies. 

Dana LEPOFSKY, University of California, Berkeley, CA; Home address: 4553 
Raeburn Street, North Vancouver, B. C. V7G 1K3 

PREHISTORIC HUMAN-INDUCED ECOSYSTEM CHANGES AND AGRI- 
CULTURAL PRODUCTION IN THE OPUNOHU VALLEY SOCIETY ISLANDS 



Human-induced ecosystem changes played a central role in 
of prehistoric agriculture in many Pacific Islands. I test a model c 



human-induced geom 



ment of agricultural 



sediment 



remains are used to examine predictions of the model. The 
; history of human modification to the Opunohu landscape, 
ral production was both instrumental in causing these chanj 
Iv pffertpd bv the resultant modifications to the landscape. 



Walter S. LEWIS, Department of Biology Washington University, St. Louis, MO 

63117 

GOALS OF THE INTERNATIONAL COOPERATIVE BIODTVERSITY GROUPS 



theme of this new U.S. Government-sponsored program is the 
:overy and development of pharmaceuticals from natural prod- 
ppropriate circumstances, promote sustained economic growth 
intries while conserving the biological resources from which 
e derived . Asoects include the utilization of traditional medi- 



ment of lone-term 



training. Intellectual property agree 



ments exist among participating institutions so that economic benems 
pharmaceutical discoveries can be equitably shared with local communities 



254 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Indigenous peoples involved in the ethnomedicinal use of specific natural prod- 
ucts. The five groups awarded grants will be briefly outlined, and the award 
made to the Washington University (St. Louis) group described in more detail. 

+ 

Edelmira LINARES and Robert BYE, Jardin Botanico, Instituto de Biologia, Uni- 
versidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Apdo. Post. 70-614, 04510 Mexico, DF 
MANAGEMENT INTENSIFICATION OF ARNICA {Heterotheoa inuloides; 
ASTERACEAE)— A NATIVE MEXICAN MEDICINAL PLANT (POSTER) 



Mexico as a rem 



ailments 



demand 



Mexico. Until recently, arnica was sold in the markets 



remainder 



demand, some 



material 



modes 



dimorphic fruits, which assures its successful establishment 



Mexican 



germination 



tivation time to produce large plants). Home gardens provide the initial site of 
production, and now some farmers are converting their milpas (traditional maize- 
bean-squash fields) to cultivated parcels of medicinal plants. This change in plant 
resource management and land use reflects not only increased economic benefits 
from this class of specialty crops, but also the broadening market for raw vegetal 
material used in traditional teas and washes, as well as for novel products such as 
skin creams and dental powders. 



Lisa MEEKISON, Department 
ton. Alberta T6G 2H4 



ECOLOGICAL RESTORATION 



MODELS FROM 



ms 



have been damaged by development, the intrusion of exotic species, or a 
factors that may have compromised the ecosystem's health and integrity Restora- 
tion projects are underway all over the world, and in North America, local com- 
munities, government agencies, corporations, and academics and volunteers are 
attempting to heal damaged prairies, wetlands, rainforests, and so on. 

Restoration is still a new dicipline, however, and such aspects as its defini- 



ration 



exam 



professionals, or can the work be left open to those who live close to the land 



m question? Can we rely on "technological fixes" and Western science tor our 

models of restoration, or do restorationists neeed to look elsewhere for informa- 
tion and ideas? 

The above questions raise the point that we need to broaden the scientific 
practice of ecological restorstion to include issues of culture; we need to recognize 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 255 



that nature and restoration are cultural categories. One of the major implications 
of this point is that the input from different cultures may lead to a wide array of 
methods and goals in restoration. While I believe this aspect of restoration to be 
fundamentally promising, there is a danger that, given existing power dynamics. 
Native American sciences and ecological knowledge, as well as other "alterna- 
tive" systems of knowing the world, will be excluded from, or marginalized 
within, restoration practice. 



Daphne NASH, Human Sciences, Department of Geography, Australian National 
University, 57 Wilshire Street, Dickson ACT 2602, Australia 
ABORIGINAL GARDENING IN CENTRAL AUSTRALIA 



Most observers have regarded Australi 
who merely appropriate their resources from 
of modern plant resource management in I 
communities, my field studies demonstrate 



more comm 



management 



home 



man 



promote 



home 



manaeed not onlv for food and shade but to maintain connection with 



may 



mam 



Continuity of ideas and practices are reflected in people's choice of their food 
and other resources, which suggests that they are motivated by social and cul- 
tural reasons and not solely by biological survival. In both garden locations, 
culturally significant species are planted, protected, and/or encouraged m ways 
that are readily recognized as gardening when used by other cultural groups, but 
rarely recognized as such in Aboriginal Australia. There are strong social and 



motivations 



Kintore. New Bore, and Mt 



ing represents one aspect of this complex system of resource use. 

M. NATHAN, E. FRATKIN, K. SMITH, Department of Anthropology Pennsyl- 
vania State University University Park, PA. 16802, and E. ROTH, Department of 
Anthropology University of Victoria, Victoria, B, C. V8W 2Y2 
SEDENTISM AND CHILD HEALTH AMONG RENDILLE PASTORALISTS 

OF NORTHERN KENYA 



concomitant 



nomadic 



from cattle and milk 



on food aid, to irrigation agriculture. To delineate the consequences of these 



communities 



morbidity, dietary, and anthropometric data for children under 



256 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Conducted during the most difficult time of the traditional Rendille annual cycle, 
the end of the dry season, these data assess patterns of childhood disease and 
nutrition for diverse sedentary strategies in relation to a still nomadic Ariaal 
Rendille population sample. In addition, they provide comparisons for previously 
collected wet season data for the same communities. Results are discussed in 
relation to anthropological and economic literature linking sedentism with in- 
creased childhood morbidity and deteriorating nutrition. 



Irene OCKENDEN, Biology Department, McMaster University, 1280 Main Street 
West, Hamilton, Ontario L8S 4K1 

INTERNAL STRUCTURE AND COMPOSITION OF ARCHAEOLOGICAL 
SEEDS (POSTER) 



make ud the bulk of plant remains 



middens 



more 



squash, sunflower and tobacco. All the recovered seeds are black and brittle and 
are believed to be charred. However, study of the internal structures of the pre- 
served seeds shows considerable variation in both morphology and elemental 
composition suggesting that despite being in the same area, the seed matrix was 
differentially affected. For example, intact corn kernels had reddish embryos 
which contained iron while the endosperm was black and had no iron. Bean 
cotyledons had areas of solid matrix rich m calcium with hollow areas lined with 
inclusions made up of calcium and phosphate. Bean matrix was reduced in den- 
sity by mineral acid while equally dense areas of corn kernels were not affected. 
The preserved squash and sunflower seeds did not have the thickened matrix and 
so retained a more distinctive cellular structure. Wild plant seeds also varied in 
their internal structures. There is still reasonable doubt about the damage that 
may be caused by flotation despite the fact that small seeds can only be recovered 
using flotation. The differences in structure, density, and composition of seeds 
from the same areas suggests that more study is needed to determine the fragility 
of the preserved specimens under various procedures for their recovery. 



CENTRE, 506 Burnside West, Victoria. B. C. V8Z 1M5 



THE FIRST NATIONS WOODLANDS PROGRAM 
Guy PROUTY, Department of Anthropology, Univ 
Oregon 97404 

PALEOETHNOBOTANY IN THE FORT ROCK BA 

MENT AND SUBSISTENCE INTENSIFICATION 
LAGE UPLANDS 



currently underway examines interrelationships between economic 
e subsistence/settlement strate^ipQ nrprfirpH in tht^ Fnrt Rork Basin 



examine 



productivity of traditional Northern Paiute and Klamath/Modoc 



development 



sem 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 257 



and processing sites. The research is focused on Boulder Village, the largest vil- 
lage of its kind in the Northern Great Basin, with over 100 pithouses and numer- 
ous cache pits thought to store geophytic roots. Ethnographic modelling, aerial 
photo interpretation, pedestrian plant survey, and paleoethnobotanical analyses 
will be discussed as techniques for understanding these relationships. Finally, a 
model of population pressure and environmental change will be presented as 
possible reasons for intensification in the Boulder Village uplands. 



Elizabeth J. REITZ, Museum of Natural History, University of Georgia, Athens, 
GA 30602-1882 

CHANGES IN AGE AND GROWTH OF ATLANTIC CROAKER RELATED 
TO SPANISH COLONIZATION IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY (POSTER) 



Comparing age and growth data from archaeological contexts at St. Au- 
gustine, Florida, with data from modern Atlantic croaker (Micropogonias undu- 
latus, Perciformes: Sciaenidae) suggests the maturation and growth habits of these 
marine fish have changed dramatically. Comparing incremental growth rings of 
fish otohths deposited prior to the sixteenth-century Spanish colonization of the 
Florida peninsula with First Spanish Period and modern catches indicate that 
croaker grew more slowly and lived longer prior to the sixteenth century than 
they did during the eighteenth century or today These differences suggest a 
species whose rates of exploitation have increased; although climatic variation 
may be another explanation. 



E. M. RITCH-KRC, College of New Caledonia, Prince George, B. C, V2N 1P8, 
S. THOMAS, Herbalist and Elder, Stoney Creek Reserve, Vanderhoof, B. C, VOJ 
SAO. N. J. TURNER, Environmental Studies Program, University of Victoria, 
Victoria, B.C., V8W 2Y2, and G. H. N. TOWERS, Department of Botany Univer- 
sity of British Columbia, Vancouver, B. C, V6T 2B1 
HERBAL MEDICINE OF THE CARRIER PEOPLE OF NORTHCENTRAL 

BRITISH COLUMBIA 



bia. 



rhis presentation documents some traditional and contemporary knowledge 
e medicinal properties of plants used by the Carrier people of British Colum- 
ns well as their traditional use of the land and these plant resources. Impor- 
medicinal plants include: Abies lasiocarpa, Alnus incana, Arctostaphyhs uva- 



frigida, Fragaria virginiana, Juniperus 



Shepherdia 



The antimicrobial properties of some of the traditional herbal preparations 
were evaluated usin? the aear dilution method. Pitch preparations were screened 



human 



Aspergillus fumigatus. The results 



antimicrobial activity in 



provide a starting point 
dition, cytoxicity assays, 



mouse mas 



oma cells 



258 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Kristin T. RUPPEL, Idaho State University, 355 N. Lincoln, Pocatello, Idaho 83209 
INDIGENOUS USES OF SOME INTRODUCED PLANT SPECIES AMONG 
THE NORTHERN SHOSHONE AND BANNOCK OF SOUTH-EASTERN 
IDAHO: A PRELIMINARY STUDY (POSTER) 



new 



cultural environments are explored in terms of a few specie. 
times, have gained prominence in the Shoshone/Bannock ethnobotanical r 
toire. The Snake River plain of southeastern Idaho in presettlement times 
ported a delicately balanced native plant community in a harsh, cold c 
environment. However, since at least the mid-1800s, the native floral comoo: 



environmental 



completely altered throueh a combination 



Whereas 



tumblemustard, and cheat grass) others have harmlessly 



mary stu 
invaders. 



environments of the region. The focus of this prelim- 
il and cultural history of a few of these "friendly" 



Enrique SALMON, The Heard Museum, 22 East Monte Vista Road, Phoenix, 
Arizona 85004 

BIOREGIONAL EFFECTS ON LEXICAL DEVELOPMENT 



Past approaches towards the topic of environmental effects on language have 
split over whether or not taxonomies and lexicons are a result of the human 
recognition of the "discontinuities" of nature in gross morphological form, or 
from human adaptation to, and recognition of, environmental utility Although 
contradictory, both approaches imply that lexicons are a result of a human need to 



humans act upon an inactive 



human 



members influence what humans 

huma 



human 



boon they begin to relate to and identify the surrounding diversity. The resulting 
lexicon can only identify what is there. 



Their 



Tarahumara of Chihuahua, Mexico, live the Raramuri 



which part of the mountains 



might inhabit. Based on my 



community of mountain-inhabiting Raramuri maintain 
Hants. This is beraimp nn fr»viV r^i^»,i.^ ^i ..t.- 



The mountain 



This 



since there are many 



approaches to lexical development but suggests that cognitive/linguistical 
must search beyond human-centprpr? ;,T^»^r.^.^T.^c .^ if „j .; 



mans 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 259 



Margaret SCARRY, Department 



American 



TURNER 



MISSOURI 



The Turner site, located in southeast Missouri, was a late prehistoric (AD 
1300) village composed of about 45 households. The village was built and occu- 
pied for about 5-10 years by people whose culture we classify as Mississippian; 
they were agriculturalists and their society was hierarchically organized. In the 
late 1960s and early 1970s, archaeologists from the University of Michigan exca- 
vated virtually all structures and associated features at the Turner site. These 
excavations produced an unprecedented wealth of information about commu- 
nity organization and about the nature and distribution of material goods and 
subsistence remains at the site. Since the village had burned, food plant remains 
were exceptionally well preserved. The site was excavated when flotation was 
still in its infancy and only a small fraction of floor deposits and pit fill was 
processed by flotation. While small food remains are undoubtedly missing from 
the archaeobotanical assemblage, the collection contains immense quantities of 
both by-products of food processing (e.g., nutshells and maize cobs) and stored 
foodstuffs (e.g., nutmeats and harvested crops). In this paper, I discuss the food 
plants that were major elements in the diets of the residents of the Turner site. I 
then examine the distributions of edible plant parts and food by-products 
across the site. This allows me to make some observations about the locations of 
food processing areas and storage facilities vis a vis households and groups of 
households. 



G. K. SHARMA, Biology Department, University of Tennessee, Martin, TN 3823J 
ETHNOMEDICINAL SIGNIFICANCE OF Taxus haccata L. IN THE HIMA 
LAYAS (POSTER) 



Himalayas are a treasure-trove of medicinal 



most 



from the subhumid 



Himalayas to the high elevation of 4,000 m and above in the western Himalay 
It is used for a wide variety of medicinal purposes by the inhabitants of the an 
Its use in controlling skin tumours has gained momentum in the last few yea 
although ancient scrintures of the area confirm its utilization in prehistoric tim 



warm and humid 



most 



medicinal 



sam 



in the Himalayas to study the cuticular dynamics 
\e taxon. Furthermore, the cuticular analysis has bt 
relationship between the cuticular dynamics and 1 



amies of the olant. Ethnomedicinal 



com 



260 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Florence SHIPEK, 2932 Lawrence Street, San Diego, CA 92106 
FREE GOOD OR UNRECOGNIZED PAYMENT? 



A debate has been initiated about the translation of a supposedly "free good," 



medicine, into a commercial 
medicinal drug in the developed or mechanized world. Hov 
hts to be protected in the commercial world? An additional qu 
free good', or general knowledge in the Indigenous world, o 

knowledge of a healer, for which a payment was made 



// 



ii 



Was 



realm 



I// 



knowledg 



mean knowledge such as that in seventeenth century Europe wherein most 
lagers knew that willow bark tea eased pain. The medicinal practitioner was only 
called for something the willow could not ease; much later a pharmaceutical 



medicinal 



some 



ems. Among the southern California tribes, the same dichotomy 



generalized 



iized knowledge w 
family of the patient. Indigenous rights must 



protected, both at tribal and individual levels. Care must 
and acknowledge all levels of knowledge 



Evelyn Vicky SIEGFRIED, Department 



W. 



ETHNOBOTANY OF THE NORTHERN CREE OF WABASCADESMARAIS 
ALBERTA (POSTER) 



Uurmg the summers of 1992 and 1993, field research was conducted on the 
ethnobotany of northern Cree people from the community of Wabasca/Desmarais. 
Although this community has been missionized since the turn of the century, 
many people continued to live in the surrounding regions and practiced more 
traditional lifestyles. The community has become less isolated since the 1960s, 
when an all-weather road was constructed that was finally completely paved 
durmg 1993. Throughout the last three decades, much of the traditional knowl- 
edge and practices of people within the community have ceased to be carried on. 
One of the goals of this ethnobotanical study was to coUect traditional knowledge 
specific to the community before it is lost forever as Elders, who still remember 

ough much has been lost aTrpadv information 



recorded provides an interesting per 
people Hving off the local resources 
bemg a generic, vegetational realm 
dynamic, ever-changing environment, requiring 



animal species living upon it. The 

environmental resea 



This study represents an initial foray into one community 



follow. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 261 



Information gathered during fieldwork included specific knowledge of the 
use of plants both in the present and past. Elders were consulted in informal 
interviews that were tape-recorded; notes were taken as well. None of the Elders 
consulted will be specifically identified in the study. Information on approx- 
imately 60 plants provided some 120 different uses. Many plants had multiple 
uses identified, as in the cases of white spruce {Picea glauca) and paper birch 
(Betula papyrifera). Names of plants were recorded in Cree and transcribed in the 
International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), which provides data for comparative 
studies with other Cree ethnobotanical research. 



Daisy SEWID-SMITH, Mamaliliqala Tribe, Village Island, B.C., 
Education Department, School District No. 72, 425 Pinecrest 
River, B.C. V9W 3P2 
CEDAR: THE SACRED TREE 



As a K^^'agulh historian, an elder, and descendant in a family of culturally 
active people, Daisy Sewid-Smith is a trained orator. She will be explaining and 
interpreting the performance of the K^agulh Dancers of the sacred Red-Cedar 
Bark Ceremonial Dance, in which the origins of her people, and their ancient 
association with the western red-cedar tree {Thuja plicata), are re-enacted in a 
special series of dances. The significance of the different motions and sequences 
of the dance, and of the masks and costumes being used, will be explained, and 
the roles of the different dancers interpreted. Daisy Sewid-Smith is joined by 
members of her extended family from different corners of the K^agulh nation 
who have rights and privileges and knowledge to participate in, and demonstrate 
aspects of, the Red-Cedar Bark Ceremony; Chief Adam Dick, Kim Recalma- 
Clutesi, Chris Cook III, and George Shaughnessy. 



Jan TIMBROOK, John R. JOHNSON, Department of Anthropology 
bara Museum of Natural History, 2559 Puesta del Sol Road, Santa B 
93105, and Demorest DAVENPORT, Department of Biological Scienc 
sity of California, Santa Barbara, CA 93106 
MYSTERY OF THE "LITTLE MONSTERS" (POSTER) 



In his 1929 book. Prehistoric Man of the Santa Barbara Coast, David Banks 
Rogers reported that "peculiar marine growths, like effigies" had been discovered 



Channel 



inferred 



talismans 



// 



talogued them under the name "little monsters." For 65 years they lay uniden- 
"ied in the collections of the Santa Barbara Museum of Natural History their 
unal source a mystery. This paper reports on our research into the origin of the 
ittle monsters" and discusses their significance to the native Chumash people of 
e Charmel Islands. 



262 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



MoUie S. TOLL, Museum of New Mexico, Office of Archaelogical Studies Box 
2087, Santa Fe, NM 87504 

BOTANICAL INDICATORS OF EARLY PREHISTORIC LIFE IN CHACO 
CANYON AND THE TOTAH, NORTHWEST NEW MEXICO 



some 



' mterestmg details m the emerging picture of economic 
Mexico. Perhaps the most salient asnprt nf wilH nl^r 



from 



Some 



nonriverine areas of the central San Juan basin, and sites in the San Juan and La 

Plata river valleys, suggest differing approaches to coping with population 
pressure. 

Farming was a vital part of Basketmaker/early Pueblo economic life in 
Chaco, as shown by some of the largest corn recovered from Chaco small sites, 
and bean and squash seed morphometries consistent with specimens from later 
periods. Row number patterns give evidence that early Chaco farmers may have 
been dealing with a different genetic strain. 

Both construction and firewood show earlv utilization of conifer species from 



some 



Chaco shows considerable pressure on local resources, with local conifers at their 
lowest levels for fuel. From this period, as building progresses rapidly and popu- 
lation levels also presumably increase, there is compelling evidence that Chaco 
beams came mcreasingly from mountain forests outside the San Juan Basin. The 
shrub component of fuelwood decreases in quantitv and diversitv over time. 



im 



may 



WAGNER, Department 



Columbia. 
SEQUENCES 



SOUTH 



moderately 



midcontinent 



domesticated sum 



time we 



^„ t ' ^"''^' ""''^ iecuru rne cultivation or encouragement of plants 

such as maygrass, erect knotweed, little barley, sumac, and maypops. 

fnrr^F''^'1^ f °^ ^^"""^'^^ ^"^^*^^*^ ^^^t ^^^^ Sequence wis far from uni- 

Z^ZT\ T? ^"""^ ^o^theast. A lack of concerted recovery efforts, the 

ce^^Pd nn"" '" '^' ''^^'^'"'' '"^ P°°^^y distributed contract reports, and per- 
^Z^i P°°' preservation have hindered the development of a nlant utihzation 



from 



summarize 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 263 



Steven A. WEBER, Department of Anthropology, Franklin and Marshall 
Lancaster, PA 17604 

IS Chenopodium album A MILLET? A QUESTION OF CLASSIFIC 

(POSTER) 



In modern botanical classification schemes, Chenopodium is not placed in such 
popular seed grain categories as millets, even though it shares many physical 
features. Ethnoarchaeological and palaeobotanical data from South Asia suggest 
that such formal categories may not be the best guide to the choices and practices 
of prehistoric peoples. 



Elizabeth S. WING, Florida Museum of Natural History, Gainesville, FL 

32611-2035 

LAND CRABS IN CARIBBEAN PREHISTORY 



The remains of land crabs, in the family Gecarcinidae, are abundant in early 
ceramic age sites in the Caribbean but are rare in later ceramic period sites. This 
faunal change through time was first described by Rainey in 1940 and noted 
many times subsequently. The cause for this change is still debated. Sequences of 
faunal data from the Maisabel site in northern Puerto Rico, reported by deFrance 
in 1988, the Tutu site on St. Thomas in the Virgin Islands, and the Hope Estate site 
on St. Martin in the Lesser Antilles provide evidence for this faunal change. These 
data support overexploitation by early ceramic age people as one of the causes for 
the decline in use of land crabs. Other factors will be discussed. 



Sandy WYLLIE-ECHEVERRIA, Research Analyst, School of Marine Affairs, Uni- 
versity of Washington, Seattle, WA 98195, and Eugene S. HUNN, Department of 
Anthropology University of Washington, Seattle, WA 98195. 
TRADITIONAL SEAGRASS USE (POSTER) 



Two genera of seagrasses {Zostera spp. and Phyllospadix spp.) grow in the 
coastal waters of the Northeast Pacific (30o N. Lat. to 60o N. Lat.). Phyllospadix 
spp. grows on the rocky, wind swept coasts, while Zostera spp. is commonly found 
in the soft-bottoms of estuaries and coastal lagoons. Both genera were used for 
food, technology, and, to a limited extent, medicine by coastal native groups. 
Seagrasses also provide shelter and substrate for other human food (e.g.. Pacific 
herring, Clupea harengus pallasi, and Dungeness crab. Cancer magister). In addition, 
these plants are grazed by the green turtle, Chelonia mydas, once an important 
food resource for the Seri in the coastal deserts of Sonora, Mexico. 

The interaction between people, prey, and seagrass has been described by 
ethnobotanists at several locations. There are, however, locations where use might 
be expected and, even though other marine flora growing within the "seagrass 
zone" are used, no seagrass use is reported. We present a catalogue of reported 
seagrass use in the Northeast Pacific and discuss the implications of the resulting 
pattern. 



264 



ABSTRACTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Melinda A, ZEDER, Laboratory of Archaeobiology, Smithsonian Institution, 
MRC 112, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, Wash- 
ington, DC 20560 

POST-NEOLITHIC SUBSISTENCE IN NORTHERN MESOPOTAMIA FROM 
6000 TO 2500 B.C. 



Recent studies have demonstrated a far greater diversity in the pathways to 
food production world-wide than predicted by traditional views of Neolithic 
Revolution. It is not surprising, then, that archaeologists are also finding that the 
times after the NeoUthic Revolution do not conform to earlier conceptions that 
saw agriculture as either a technological blessing or an environmental blight that 
locked people into an economy based solely on domestic resources. A fine- 
grained study of subsistence from several communities in the Khabur Drainage of 
Northern Mesopotamia, dating from the eighth to the fourth millennia B.C., has 
revealed a remarkable degree of flexibility in post-Neohthic subsistence econ- 
omies. This is especially the case in marginal areas where both domestic and wild 
resources were exploited in unique and individualized ways. Only in the third 
milleimium with development of urbanism are the eclectic subsistence strategies 
formerly practiced in this fragile environment replaced by a more "conventional" 
agro-pastoral economy based solely on domestic plants and animals. This study 
has immediate implications for our understanding of the economic and ecological 
impact of the origin and intensification of agriculture in the land of the first 
farmers and earliest kings. 



/. Ethnobiol. 14(2):265-272 



Winter 1994 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 



COMMENTS and RESPONSES to articles; OPINIONS; REQUESTS FOR 
INFORMATION; and notes on COURSES AND DEGREES IN ETHNOBIOL- 
OGY, PAST AND FUTURE MEETINGS, FOUNDATIONS AND GRANTS, and 
PROJECTS, PROGRAMS, AND NETWORKS may be submitted to the News 
and Comments editor. Because the Journal is pubUshed only twice a year, dated 
items must be received at least six months in advance of the event. 



OPINIONS 



submit articles of less than 500 words that comment 



the applied aspects of ethnobiological research or other issues of concern to 



Com 



ments 



of the author(s) and do not necessarily reflect the policy of the Society of Eth- 



Journal of 



POSTMODERNISM 



J. Martin, People and Plants Initiative, Division of Ecological Sciences, Man 



FRANCE 



UNESCO 



With the publication of Higher Superstition: The Academic Left and its Quarrels 
'■ Science, Paul Gross and Norman Levitt have called scientists to arms against 



The authors sum up the d 
(Gross and Levitt 1994:72): 



academics of postmodern 



foes? 



Contrasted to the Enlightenment ideal of a unified epistemology that 
discovers the foundational truths of physical and biological phenomena 
and unites them with an accurate understanding of humanity in its psy- 
chological, social, political, and aesthetic aspects, postmodern skepticism 
rejects the possibility of enduring universal knowledge in any area. It 
holds that all knowledge is local, or "situated," the product of interaction 
of a social class, rigidly circumscribed by its interests and prejudices, with 
the historical conditions of its existence. 

Leaving readers to judge for themselves the merits or weaknesses of the Gi 
Levitt arguments, I would like to pose a question that was on my mind 
this provocative book: Are ethnoecology and postmodernism friends 



we might consider that they are natural allies, because in ; 
)ear to have a similar agenda. Various ethnoecologist 



266 NEWS AND COMMENTS Vol. U, No. 2 



combine empirical and interpretati 
r example, considers that economic 



have overemphasized the empirical side of folk knowledge, excluding symbolic 
approaches that could give a broader picture of how people perceive and manage 
their natural surroundings. Authors such as Alcorn (1984) have adopted with 



some of the postmodernist 



such as 



describing "scripts" of behavior. There is a basic 



lympathy — though not unqualified acceptance 

views of other peoples' ecological knowledge are in 



Western 



uct of our own cultural orientation (are "cultural constructions" as postmodern 



may 



similarities 



postmodernism and a politicized form of ethnoecology (some- 

idvocacv" approach) seek fundamental 



times referred to as ;5n "ar»nliprl" r*r " 



applied" or 
economic 



m 



least some elements of monolithic Western science— the putative villain of the 
arms race, environmental catastrophes, and cultural domination— and to embrace 
other ways of exploring the natural and social landscape. 

Advocates of both ethnoecology and postmodernism have an expressed 



m 



academia 



ogy For postmodernists, this is expressed as an interest in valorizing perspectives 



ethnic minorities, feminist 



and validating the traditional ecological knowledge of a broad range of local 
peoples living in close contact with nature. Both academic trends are interested in 
puttmg back together the pieces of a "humpty-dumpty" science, splintered into 
myriad specializations and reductionistic approaches. This often includes an 
expressed desire to integrate perspectives from various academic disciplines, and 
letting this multidisciplinary approach lead the way to achieve a hoHstic science. 
If there is so much common ground between these approaches, then why do we 
hnd no love lost between their adherents? I cite just two examples. Bernard Ortiz de 
Montellano a991a, 1991b, 1992a, 1992b), author of Aztec Medicine, Nutrition, and 
Health and other works on Mexican ethnobotany and ethnopharmacology has been 
questionmg— from a solid empirical base— the assertions of Afrocentric scholars 
on issues ranging from creationism, the contribution of sub-Saharan Africans to 
ancient Egyptian culture, and African presence in the Americas before Columbus. 
M I H h ^''^^''^ ^^'^^' ^^^^^' 1993)-a geographer at the University of 



ethnoecolog 



among 



empirical methods 



modernist 



some arrows from 



"read the historical landscape" and "deconstruct 



his 



comparat 



kIvZ TnH .'"'' '^^ researcher rather than the object of his study (the 

Kayapo Indians, m this racp^ ^ ^ 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 267 



Why then, this often stride 
dilemma lies in two fundamental 

modern doctrinp. Firjsf pfhnnprn 



postmodernism harbors an extreme 



on cultural relativity (Bernard 1984; Sperber 1985). Ethnoecologists are con- 
vinced of the reality of nature, that the natural world is really out there, waiting 
to be discovered by empirical observation and experimentation. Postmodernists 
assert that reality— even the reality of the natural world— is a cultural con- 
struction. 

Second, ethnoecologists have adopted (and adapted) a specific set of methods 
for exploring the environment from the natural sciences, and have borrowed a set 
of methods from the empirical approach in anthropology (particularly ethno- 
science) to describe the various ways in which local peoples perceive, classify 



employed. 



i manage the natural world (Martin 1994). Postmodernists 
empirical methods from both the natural and social sciences, 
1 research results so derived are de facto artifacts of the mel 



postmodernist 



comparison 



and practical cross-fertilization between science and traditional knowledge; 
postmodernists on analyzing or ''deconstructing" the writings of academics 
and the history of science while applauding (but not participating) in the laud- 



m 



knowledge. Ethnoecologists, sure of their ability to understand science and 
traditional knowledge as two reflections of the same reality, are rolling up their 
sleeves to work on community development and conservation initiatives. Post- 
modernists observe the scene, passing judgment on the pohtical correctness of 
the actions. 

This caricature allows us to put in perspective some current debates carried 
on in the halls of academia and in scholarly journals. Posey has studied the 
traditional ecological knowledge in collaboration with the Kayapo and in associa- 
tion with many natural scientists, seeking to apply the results to Amazonian 
conservation and to promote the right of indigenous peoples to maintain the 
lifestyle they choose. Parker, who may be in sympathy with the goals of under- 
standing the Kayapo's perception of the natural world and defending their right 
to defend their cultural legacy, has elected to dedicate his time to analyzing 
Darrell Posey. 

Although most scientists have been obUvious to the sticks and stones of 
the postmodernists (Gross and Levitt 1992:234-237), it behooves ethnoecologists 
to listen to their words closely. Adherents of the two approaches, because they do 
have some common objectives and often co-inhabit university departments, are 
living in the same neighborhood of the academic world. As many anthropological 
studies and current world events prove, closest neighbors often become the bit- 
terest of enemies. We can only hope that our goal of documenting and promoting 
diverse ways of classifying, utilizing, and managing the natural world is not 
derailed by senseless skirmishes on academic turf. 



268 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 



Vol. 14, No. 2 



LITERATURE CITED 



ALCORN, JANIS B. 1984. Huastec Mayan 

Ethnobotany. University of Texas 

Press, Austin. 
BERNARD, H. RUSSELL. 1984. Research 

Methods in Cultural Anthropology. 

Sage Publications, Newbury Park, 

CA. 

GROSS, PAUL R. and NORMAN LEVITT, 



Amazonia: A reappraisal of the apete. 
American Anthropologist 94:406-428. 
— . 1993. Fact and fiction in Ama- 



1994 



Quarrels with Sci- 



The John Hopkin 



Press, Baltimore, MD, 

MARTIN, GARY J. 1994. Ethnobotany 
Chapman and Hall, London. 

ORTIZ DE MONTELLANO, BERNARD. 
1991a. Afrocentric creationism. Cre- 
ation/Evolution 29:1-8. 

1991b. Multicultural pseudo- 



science: Spreading illiteracy among 
minorities: Part I. Skeptical Inquirer 
16:46-50. 



— . 1992a. Aztec Medicine, Nutrition, 
and Health. Rutgers University Press, 
New Brunswick, NJ. 

1992b. Multicultural pseudo 



science: Spreading illiteracy among 



minorities 
16:46-50. 



PARKER, EUGENE. 1992. Forest islands 
and Kayapo resource management in 



zonia: The case of the apete. American 
Anthropologist 95:715-723. 
POSEY, DARRELL A. 1985. Indigenous 
management of tropical forest ecosys- 
tems: The case of the Kayapo Indians 
of the Brazilian Amazon. Agroforestry 

Systems 3:139-158. 

. 1988. Kayapo Indian natural 

resource management. Pp. 89-90 in 
People of the Tropical Rainforest. J. S. 
Denslow and Christine Padoch (Edi- 
tors). University of California Press, 

- Berkeley. 
. 1992. A reply to Parker. American 

Anthropologist 94:441-443. 

SPERBER, DAN. 1985. On Anthropologi- 
cal Knowledge. Cambridge Studies in 
Social Anthropology 54, Cambridge 
University Press, Cambridge. 

TOLEDO, VICTOR M. 1991. El Juego de la 
Supervivencia: Un Manual para la 
Investigacion Etnoecologica en Latin- 
oamerica. Consorcio Latinoameri- 
cano sobre Agroecologia y Desarrollo, 

Berkeley, CA. 
. 1992. What is ethnoecology? 



Origins, scope, and implications of a 
rising discipline. Etnoecologica 1:5. 



PROJECTS, PROGRAMS, AND NETWORKS 
The Network for Analytical and Bio-Assay Services in Africa 

The Network for Analytical and Bio -Assay Services in Afric 
formed in 1992 bv fivp Afrir:^r^ ^aTnr^T.^f^^;^^ i. u i..*.- 



services on a free-of-charge basis to chemists 



Chemical Sciences in 



Development (lOCD), with funds provided by UNESCO. Among the participat- 
mg mstitutions are the Department of Chemistry at Addis Ababa University 
(which provides measurements of Fourier-transformed Nuclear Magnetic Reso- 



spectra, Fourier-transformed 



partment of Chemistry 



locust-antifeedent and m 



(Mass Spectrometry, 



Chromatography /Mass Spectrometry, and bibliograph 
tut Malgache de Recherches AppUquees (antimalarial assay). The NABSA coor- 
dinator encourages directors of other African laboratories to join the Network 
and offer additional services. More information is available from the NABSA 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 269 



ETHIOPIA 



following address: Dr. Berhanu M. A 
University; Department of Chemistry 



THE PLANT RESOURCES HANDBOOK 



During the first two years of the WWF/ UNESCO/ Kew People and Plants 
Initiative, field coordinators have collected a large amount of information on 
programs, projects, foundations, professional societies, journals, newsletters, and 
individuals linked in some way to the broad subject of ethnobotany, biodiversity 
conservation, and community development. At the same time, they have been 
receiving a growing number of requests for information on these subjects. As a 
way of disseminating information and responding to these requests. People and 
Plants will produce a Plant Resources Handbook that can later be transferred to a 
computerized network and updated on a regular basis. 

As a companion volume to the People and Plants conservation manuals 
published by Chapman and Hall, the handbook will be a valuable aid to park 
managers, foresters, cultural promoters, members of nongovernmental organiza- 
tions, and other people interested in ethnobotany. In addition to giving general 
advice to readers^ it will provide specific answers to many of the practical ques- 
tions posed by participants in basic or applied research projects. 

The handbook will be divided into a number of modules that provide easy 
access to the subjects about which colleagues around the world request informa- 
tion. These include: Foundations and grant-writing; Literature and other media 
(including new and landmark books, journals and newsletters; videos and other 
innovative modes of conmiunication); Professional societies and congresses (e.g.. 
International Society of Ethnobiology, Society for Ethnobiology); Projects and 
programs (e.g., selected research initiatives carried out by individuals or institu- 
tions that highlight an innovative approach); Research themes (such as joint for- 
estry management or the harvesting of nonwood forest products); and other 
topics that will be specifically defined in the course of editing the handbook. 

Preliminary versions of selected modules will be sent to the network of col- 
leagues that is being developed as part of the People and Plants initiative. They 
will be invited to comment on the style and contents and will be encouraged to 
send additional information that could appear in subsequent modules which will 
be issued for review throughout 1995. The final editing of all modules will be 
finished by January 1996, allowing the completed handbook to be distributed 
during early 1996. Transfer to a computerized network and updating of informa- 
tion on a continual basis will take place if resources permit. 

If you wish to contribute to the Plant Resources Handbook, please send to the 
editors a description of your own activities as well as any pamphlets, publica- 
tions, posters, popular articles, project reports, or other materials that illustrate 
the work you are carrying out. All information received will be kept in permanent 
files at UNESCO or the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew, for future reference. 

For more information write or fax: 



270 NEWS AND COMMENTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Gary J. Martin 
Editor 



Vinciane de Bohan 
Assistant Editor 



Plant Resources Handbook 
People and Plants Initiative 
Division of Ecological Sciences 
Man and the Biosphere Program, UNESCO 

Z Place de Fontenoy; 75352 Paris 

CEDEX 07 SP - FRANCE 

Fax 33.1.40659897 



BOOK REVIEWERS NEEDED 



The following nev^ titles have been received for review in the Journal ofEthno- 
biology: 

Com and Culture in the Prehistoric New World. Sissel Johannessen and 



$58 



Westview 



9 « 



The Cultural Relations of Classification: An Analysis of Nuaulu Animal 



Seram. Roy Ellen. New York: Cambridge 



(hardcover). ISBN 0-521-43114-X. 



$64 



Maria 



World 



($35 



Wild Plants of Sub-Saharan Africa. Charles R. Peters. Eileen M 
Drumn\ond. Kew Richmond 



Pp. 239. (15 £) (softcover). ISBN 947643 51 6. 



1992. 



History 



l_ J _/ — ^^ ^"^ ^^ ** ^ • ^^ ^fc. ^_-f ^vv. V4 JL ^ j^ J A ■ ■ M nil 

ISBN 1-56836-016-9. [in the office] 



($22 



The 



to Medicinal Plants. Steven M. Goodman and Abdul Ghafoor. 
Field Museum of Natural History Fieldiana, Botany New Sei 
Pp.v; 84. (Price?) (paperbound). ISSN 0015-0746. [in the office] 

Ethnobotany of the California Indians, Volume 1: A Bibliogr 
Beatrice M. Beclc. Pp. 165. Volume 2: Aboriginal Uses of Califoi 
TTQr /% ^ ^^ ^- ^*"^^- PP- 210. Champaign, Illinois: Koeltz 
^mlylZ^V^^^^^ ^°' ^^'^ "°^""^^^^ (softcover). is: 



Books 



The Iron Age Community 
opment in Central Tyrrhe 

New York: Cambridge Un 



Maria Bietti Sestieri. Cambrid 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 271 



Life Cycles. Reflections of an Evolutionary Biologist. John Tyler Bonner. Prince- 
ton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1993. Pp. 209. ($19.95) (hardcover). 
ISBN 0-691-03319-6. [in the office] 

Lok Swasthya Farampara Samvardhan Samithi Monograph Series on Tradi- 
tional Medicine, (prices include shipping and handling). (Note: To be reviewed 
as a set): 

Monograph 1. Local Health Traditions: an Introduction. 1989 ($10.00); 

Monograph 2. Ayurvedic Principles of Food and Nutrition, Fart 1. 1990. ($10.00); 

Monograph 3. Mother and Child Care in Traditional Medicine, Part L 1990. 
($8.00); 

Monograph 4. Mother and Child Care in Traditional Medicine, Fart XL 1990. 
($8.00); 

Monograph 5. Marma Chikitsa in Traditional Medicine. 1991. ($8.00); 

Monograph 6. Ayurvedic Principles of Food and Nutrition, Fart II. 1991. ($12.00); 

Monograph 8. Bheshaja Kalpana Pharmacology in Traditional Medicine. 1991. 

($8.00); 

Monograph 9. Vrkshayurveda: An Introduction to Indian Plant Science. 1993. 

($12.00); 

Monograph 10. Plant Propagation Techniques in Vrkshayurveda. 1993. ($12.00); 

Monograph 11. 1993. Nomenclature and Taxonomy in Vrkshayurveda. 1994. 
($10.00). All volumes available from Lok Swasthya Farampara Samvardhan 
Samithi. c/o Centre for Indian Knowledge Systems. No. 2, 25th East Street, 
Thiruvanmiyur, Madras-600 041; Phone: 415909. No ISBN numbers. 

Myths and Tales of the White Mountain Apache. Grenville Goodwin. Tucson: 



xxix; 223. $16 



1451-8. 



Shamanism: Substance and Function of a Religious Metapho 



Michael 



$57.50 



Paleonutrition: The Diet and Health of Prehistoric Americans. Kristin D. Sobolik 
(Editor). Carbondale, IHinois: Southern Illinois University, Center for Archae- 
ological Investigations. Occasional Paper No. 22, 1994. Pp. xv; 321. ISBN 0- 
88104-078-9. 

Pastoralists at the Periphery: Herders in a Capitalist Worid. Claudia Chang and 
Harold A. Koster (Editors). Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1994. Pp. xvi; 262. 
$45.00 (clothbound) ISBN 0-8165-1430-5. 

Phytolith Systematics: Emerging Issues. George Rapp, Jr. and Susan C. 
Mulholland (Editors). New York: Plenum Press, 1992. Pp xxiv; 350. $4950 (hard- 
cover). ISBN 0-036-44208-6. 



272 NEWS AND COMMENTS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Polynesian Herbal Medicine. W. Arthur Whistler. Lawai, Kauai, Hawaii: Na- 
tional Tropical Botanical Garden, 1992. Pp. x; 238. ISBN 0-915809-16-8. 

Pottery from Spanish Shipwrecks, 1500-1800. Mitchell W. Marken. Gainesville, 
Horida: University Press of Florida, 1994. Pp. xvi; 280. $39.95 (clothbound). ISBN 
0-8130-1268-6. (ToU free order number: 1-800-226-3822). 

Progress in Old World Palaeoethnobotany. A retrospective view on the occasion 
of 20 years of the International Work Group for Palaeoethnobotany. Willem van 
Zeist, Krystyna Wasylikowa and Karl-Ernst Behre (Editors). Rotterdam, Nether- 
lands and Brookfield, Vermont: A. A. Belkema, 1991. Pp. ix; 350. $60.00 (hard- 
cover). ISBN 90-6191-881-2. 

Smallholders, Householders. Robert McC. Netting. Stanford, California: Stan- 
ford University Press, 1993. Pp. xxi; 389. $49.50 (hardcover), $16.95 (paperback). 
ISBN 0-8047-2061-4 (hardcover), 0-8047-2102-5 (paperback). 

Soils in Archaeology: Landscape Evolution and Human Occupation. Vance T. 
Holliday (Editor). Smithsonian Institution Press, 1992. Pp. xiii; 254. $39.95 (hard- 
cover). ISBN 1-56098-111-3. 

Weaving the Threads of Life: The Khita Gyn-Eco Logical Healing Cult Among 
the Yaka. Rene Devisch. Chicago, Illinois: The University of Chicago Press, 1993. 
Pp. x; 323. (paperbound). ISBN 0-226-14326-7. 



ou would like to review any of these books and would be able to have your 
completed within four months after receiving the book, please write to: 

Nancy J. Turner 



ook Review Editor for the Journal of 
Environmental Studies Program, P.O 

University of Victoria 

Victoria, British Columbia 

CANADA V8W 2Y2 

phone: (604) 721-6124; 

FAX (604) 721-7212 

e-mail: njturner@S01.uvic.c 



/. Ethnobiol 14(2):273-282 



Winter 1994 



BOOK REVIEWS 



Alkaloids: Chemical and Biological Prospectives. S. William Pelletier (Editor). 
New York: Springer- Verlag, 1992. Pp. xvi; 365. 

This volume, number 8 in a series dedicated to that biologically most impor- 
tant series of secondary organic compounds, the alkaloids, has much of interest 
for ethnobiological research in curare, food of insect herbivores, synthesis of the 
medicinally interesting yohimbine alkaloids, and the loline group of pyrrotizidine 
alkaloids of interest as insect deterrents and cattle toxins in certain grasses in- 
fected with endophytic fungi. 

Of very special ethnobotanic interest is chapter 1, an extraordinarily complete 
150-page discussion of curares with a bibliography of 564 items, by the late 
authority on arrow poisons. Dr. Norman J. Bisset. It is divided into (1) Introduc- 
tion; (2) Ethnographic Background; (3) Botany; (4) Chemistry; (5) Pharmacology; 
(6) Development of Modern Muscle Relaxants, and (7) Conclusion. It is the most 
up-to-date, whole-length and authoritative summary of what is now known from 
an interdisciplinary point of view that has ever been published. Arrow poisons of 
South and Central America, central Africa, and western Malaysia are considered. 
It should be available to speciaHsts in many fields tangentiaUy interested in any 
aspect of arrow poisons, but most certainly to ethnobotanists, botanists, chemists. 



pharmacologists, and anthropologists. 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 



ihuasca Analogues, Pangaean Entheogens. Jonathan Ott. Kennewick, Wash- 
ington: Natural Products Co., 1994. Pp. iii; 128. $30.00 (hardcover), $15.0C 
(paperback). ISBN 0-9614234-4-7 (hardcover), 0-9614234-5-5 (paperback). 
(Available from: Jonathan Ott Books, Box 1251, Occidental, California 95465.) 

Jonathan Ott is one of the most knowledgeable scientists in various aspects of 



numerous parts of Amazonia 



cinogen 



»ook which will un- 
in a variety of disci- 



mmediately struck with three impressions 



treatment 



The main oart of thp book is divided into four 



tory-type Exordium: The Amazonian Amrta and the Entheogenic Reformation. The 
chapters cover a wide range of interestmg material in a diverse disciplines: (1) Na- 
tural History of Ayahuasca— a Pan-Amazonian Entheogen; (2) Pharmacognosy of 



274 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Ayahuasca Plants and Potions; (3) Ayahuasca Analogues with Psychonautic 
Reports; (4) From Pan- Amazonian to Pan-Gaean Entheogen. There follow ten 
pages of highly useful notes and the Bibliography of 383 items. The complete, eight- 
page index provides easy access to the interdisciplinary information in this volume, 
much of which is difficult to find even in many of our large libraries. 

This first edition of Ayahuasca Analogues consists of 5,000 copies, and it is this re- 
viewer's opinion that it will soon be unavailable in view of the inexpensive price of 
this most useful publication that will appeal to such an interdisciplinary audience. 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 



tid Farming in the Eastern Woodlands. C. Margaret Scarry i 
Museum of Natural History Ripley P. Bullen Series. Gainesville 
ss of Horida, 1993. Pp. xiv; 366. $49.95 (hardcover). ISBN 0-813C 



This book is a collection of 14 essays that grew out of two separate symposia 
concerning paleoethnobotany in 1988, one organized by Scarry and the other by 
Dorma Ruhl. The book focuses on prehistoric plant food procurement and produc- 
tion in the eastern Woodlands of North America. While pollen records are touched 
on and two papers focus on interpretation of ancient wood, the majority of this 
book deals with food macroremains: seeds, nutshell, and other plant parts. After an 
introductory essay by the editor, the book is divided into three sections. In the first, 
articles by R. Yarnell, J. Chapman and R Watson, G. Fritz, S. Johannessen, and 
Scarry provide an introduction to the major issues and a chronological sweep 
through the region from the Middle Archaic to the Mississippian (5000 B.C. to ca. 
1500 A.D.). In the second, articles by D. Decker-Walters, S. Dunavan, and L. New- 
some showcase new approaches m paleoethnobotany including the potential of 
plant genetics, wood anatomy and museum collections research. The third section 
offers regional case studies by D. Wymer (Middle to Late Woodland in Ohio), 
Scarry (Moundville), Joharmessen (American Bottom, focusing on food production 
and preparation), N. Lopinot and W. Woods (American Bottom, focusing on wood 
resources), E King (Oneota), and Ruhl (postcontact Atlantic Coast). 

The 10,000 year long prehistoric record of the eastern woodlands includes the 
dramatic transition between at least three successive nrphistoric food oroduction 



were two " 



agricultural revolutions:" the first, the cultivation 
aiiu uuiiiebucauon or native plants such as squash, chenopodium, knotweed, and 
sunflower; and the second, the introduction of maize and tobacco from Mexico 



While 



primary focus 



griculture on cultural and environmental systems. (A third transformation 



introduction 



domestication and relative importance of the crops in 



these agricultural complexes was an aknost complete m 
of the last 30 years described in this book. 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 275 



These papers are significant contributions to the culture history of the region 
and are general contributions to the study of agricultural systems in a social and 
political context. The painstaking analysis reported here has allowed the authors 
to document the selection of native plants as cultigens; the emergence of garden 
and field systems, storage facilities, and dining customs; and the adoption of, and 
then local heavy dependence on, an exotic crop, maize. Most important, they 
provide counter-examples to easy generalizations about the abiUties of native 
agriculture systems to support complex societies, and the use of population- 
pressure models to explain the spread of maize cultivation. One striking pattern is 
the stability of food production systems over periods of considerable settlement 
and social chanees. rieht ud until the time that maize begins to dominate most of 



ems. Any mistaken impression of an 'American 



// 



many millennia of mani 



environments 



may 



richer possibilities than are realized here. First, archaeological context (the loca- 
tion, function, or association of remains in relation to others) is seldom mentioned 
while reporting or interpreting finds of plant remains. Archaeologists providing 
sample material are responsible for providing this information, but analysts must 
also make the best use of it. Second, the nutritional implications of agricultural 
innovation are sometimes dismissed or ignored, whereas they must have been 
just as important or more important as some of the social changes that were 
taking place at the same time (the replacement of hickory nuts by maize as a 
staple, for example). Third, the technological implications of tilling, harvesting. 



seldom mentioned. The wood and bone mi 



ments used in some 



implements and ceramic 



remains came 



sideration now that the economic systems of the southeast have been documented 
(the paper by Sissel Johannessen is an exemplary study of this type). Archaeolo- 
gists and biological anthropologists should be attracted to the rich data base 

which these aui-hnrs ran nrovidp. 



become 



determinations 



maize (ca. 100 B.C. from the Holding site, the work of Riley and Walz) have given 
a new "basement" date for the introduction of maize to the Mississippi/Ohio 

of this collected volume is that similar (or identical) ma- 
Dlaces. including a figure that appears twice. Neverthe- 



minor "elitch" 



much 



com 



nomenclature and terminology here will 



works 



M. Moore 



Department of Behavioral Science 

Bentley College 

Waltham, Massachusetts 02154-47 



276 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 2 



Health and the Rise of Civilization. Mark Nathan Cohen. New Haven, Connecti- 
cut and London, United Kingdom: Yale University Press, 1989. $35.00 (cloth- 
bound), $13.00 (paperbound). Pp. x; 285. ISBN 0-300-04006-7 (clothbound), 
0-300-05023-2 (paperbound). 



Readers of Mark Nathan Cohen's Health and the Rise of Civilization risk getting 
lost, as I did, foraging in the notes. Those who do will be rewarded by detail rich 
enough to fill several additional volumes; in the present one they comprise nearly 



m 



promised 



Preface: "a broad overview of the impact of cultural evolution on human health.' 
The book begins by examining how our perceptions of "primitive" and "civi- 
lized" societies conflict with ideas about progress and development. Cohen then 
examines the relationship between health and the evolution of human societies 
by examining changes in human behavior and their effects on health (Chapter 1), 
the changing patterns of human behavior in increasingly large-scale societies 
(Chapter 2), and the epidemiological and nutritional consequences of the shift in 
human social structure from nomadic foraging groups to large sedentary popula- 
tions (Chapters 4, 5, and 6). He draws largely on examples from contemporary 
himter-gatherer societies. Finally, Cohen presents evidence from archaeological 
excavations of human skeletons that, on the one hand, supports the belief that 
prehistoric hunter-gatherer societies were burdened by disease and hunger, and 
that they often adopted violent social measures to maintain small populations. On 
the other hand, Cohen's analysis suggests that "civilization," "progress," and 
"development" have produced far fewer benefits to all but the 

members of human society in health, nutrition, and life exp 
suppose. 



most 



mquiry 



combines models and examples from many 



em 



and demography and ethnography— in an engaging analysis that challenges 
common assumptions about health and social development. This book will be of 
interest not only to researchers in these fields, but also to those involved in health 
and development poUcy and programs. 

In addition to the extensive notes, the book is indexed and has a comprehen- 
sive bibliography. 



Danna J. Lea man 
Department of Biology 
University of Ottawa 
Ottawa, Ontario KIN 6N5 
Canada 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 277 



al Dentistry. Herbal Dental Remedies from Ancient Times to the Pres( 
>ay. Joseph G. Carter and William J. Carter. Chapel Hill: The University 
[orth Carolina, 1990. Pp. 77 (typescript). $1795 (softcover). ISBN 0-930989-0 
Dentistry. Cultural Evolution of Folk Remedies for Toothache. Joseph 



WilUam J 



$1795 (softcover). ISBN 



Information addressing herbal dentistry is rarely a prominent theme 
medical and ethnobotanical studies. Dental information is usually buried 



menagerie 



com 



volume 



pharmacological 



two-part Appendix, a glossary, and a bibliography The information is arranged 
so that one can approach the book with a question regarding cultural uses of 
plants. Unfortunately, this arrangement makes it difficult if one is searching for 
the use of a specific plant. The first section concentrates on the pharmacological 
aspects of herbal plant use pertinent to herbal dentistry The authors assume 
some prior knowledge of pharmacology and plant taxonomy. The section is bro- 



foUows 



remedies and ma 



remedies are discussed. Although the book is 77 pages in 



two 



taxonomic Hsting of plants by family. Each entry provides scientific and common 



pharmacological 



geographic plant uses. This 



American 



Mexico 



America; Middle America 



America; Ancient Greece and Rome; Modern Sicily; Germany and Austria; East- 
ern Europe; France; Great Britain; General Europe; Russia; Egypt and the Middle 
East; Southern Asia; Africa; Western Indian Ocean; East Asia and Japan; Western 

Pacific; and Oceania and Australia. 

The booklet contains an array of useful ethnobotanical information but is also 
teeming with brief historic summaries of folk dental use that beg for longer 
discussions; the companion publication by the same authors, Yolk Dentistry: Cul- 
tural Evolution of Folk Remedies for Toothache meets this need. For an additional 
$1795 this 104-page booklet is an iUuminating complement to Herbal Dentistry. 

Herbal Dentistry requires an index to enhance the search for specific informa- 
tion and the tables should be printed so that they do no blend vdth the general text. 
Mmor problems aside, both books would be handy additions to the Ubrary of 
anyone interested in ethnobotany ethnopharmacology and historic folk-remedies. 

Enrique Salmon 
Arizona State University 
Department of Anthropology 
Tempe, Arizona 85287 



278 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 2 



L'Ethnobotanique Montagnaise de Mingan. Daniel Clement. Quebec: Departe- 
ment d'anthropologie, Faculte des Sciences sociales, Universite Laval, Collec- 
tion Nordicana no. 53, 1990. $10.00 Can. Pp. 108. ISBN 2-920197-53-3 (paper- 



bound). 



Clement 



''ethno- 



science/' which stresses the role language plays in the way a culture interprets 



demonstrates 



examining 



must 



im 



migrates into a new area, or if culture contact results in the introduction of new 
concepts, people will invariably interpret the novel ideas in their pre-existing 
modes of thought. Over a longer period, however, the language and the thought 
processes must adjust to accomodate the new ideas, especially if they prove 
essential to the well-being of the community. Thus language and the natural and 



environment can each affect the other. Over-em 



mcom 



The people studied are the Montagnaise of the Mingan region of northeastern 
Quebec. They are hunter-gatherers of the coastal boreal forest. The book thor- 
oughly investigates their system of plant classification as well as their methods of 
identification and utilization of plants. The book is worthwhile both in adding to 



known 



ethnobiology 



Joseph E. Laferriere 
Herbarium, 113 Shantz Bldg. 
University of Arizona 
Tucson AZ 85721 USA 



Environmental Knowledge. Martha 



tor). Ottawa, Ontario: International Development Research Centre, 1992. 



$14 



Columbia 



camp situated alone the MacKenzie 



workshop which was held in J 



environmental knowledge through community 



intended 



knowledge. Throughout the preamble 
sightful recommendations are provid 
■wide, for indigenous communities an 
le workshop and the book were a joint 



methods 



Development 



amal 



management 



a 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 279 



result of these efforts and is an honest appraisal of the cultural and political 
realities embedded in traditional knowledge research. 

In a brief preamble, editor Martha Johnson reviews the history of traditional 
environmental knowledge (TEK) research and, in basic point form, gives a com- 
parison of the values, principles, and paradigms of TEK and Western science. 
Readers will not only find Johnson's evaluation of the difficulties inherent in 
integrating TEK and scientific knowledge refreshingly concise, but they will 
appreciate her candid summary of the conditions necessary for a successful blend 
of the two. 

The first case study describes and evaluates a one-year pilot project which 
took place during 1989-1991, in the Denendeh community of Fort Good Hope. 
The project's purpose was to develop a participatory action research methodol- 



document 



Martha John so 



Robert Rutten, demonstrate a good comprehension of the components of Dene 
TEK and clearly recognize the number of variables involved in gathering infor- 
mation. Step-by-step, the reader is led through the community-based research 
process and is brought, not only to the reahzation of the necessity for a flexible 
and innovative research approach, but to the conclusion that, for successful docu- 
mentation, the initiative must come from the local people themselves. 

The second case study, written by Miriam McDonald Fleming, provides a 
report on the Belcher Island Adaptive Reindeer Management Project in Canada's 
North. This paper describes the methods employed for documenting and using 
TEK within a cooperative management context. The author relays Inuit percep- 
tions of the arctic environment to emphasize the need for arctic wildlife manage- 

a broader ecological perspective. She demonstrates that an 
enhancement of arctic ecological knowledge can ultimately be achieved by the 
recognition and incorporation of the values, beliefs and practices of the Inuit 
communities into management strategies. 

The Marovo Lagoon Project, initiated by the Marovo community of Western 
Province in the Solomon Islands, is the third case study discussed in Lore. This 
paper, written by Graham Baines and Edvara Hviding, describes the research 
reciprocity which occurs within the context of information exchange rather than 
formal interviewing. While investigators apply their expertise to the project, they 
simultaneously take a hands-on approach in learning traditional knowledge, 
which in turn promotes feedback from local informants. In their conclusion, the 
authors provide a helpful description of the investigators' obligatory research 



ment to assume 



// 



communitv and government. These include mterim 



written and verbal reports, seminars, workshops 
i academic articles arisine from information eainec 



m 



Rhiarmon Barker and Nigel Cross describe how traditional knowledge regarding 
past agricultural practices, conservation techniques, and ecological change are 
imperative for the success of development projects. Here the authors provide a 



m 



interview problems 



information. In a frank discussion of the constraints involved in docu 



280 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 2 



meriting indigenous knowledge, the authors uniquely prompt 



overcome 



The two final papers in Lore, written 



Sanit 



Wongprasert^ and Prasert Trakansupakon, examine 



Mountain People's Culture and Development 



Programme (MPCDE). The first paper examines traditional environmental 
knowledge and its adaptation to social change. The second describes efforts to 
document and apply the traditional environmental knowledge of the hiehlanders 



The 



id to projects involving animal hi 
management/ nutrition, medicine 



With 



investigative advances. 



draw 



Judith D. Mitchell 
Environmental Studies Program 

University of Victoria 

Victoria, B.C. 

V8W 2Y2 



Pharmacotheon. Entheogenic Drugs, their Plant Sources, and History. Jonathan 
Ott. Kennewick, Washington: Natural Products Co., 1993. Pp. 639. $70.00 
(hardcover), $40.00 (softcover) plus $4.00 shipping and handling. ISBN 
0-9614234-2-0 (hardcover), 0-9614234-3-9 (softcover) (Distributed by agAc- 
cess, 603 Fourth Street, Davis, California 95616). 



bound into one— an ultimately quite i 
sources of a number of important "ent: 
popularist treatment of North American 
defines the author's own neoloeisms (i 



books 



// 



(psychoactive) drugs, and a 



his use of terms 



Proemium 



medical, economic 



o "' — -^^w^^iic, KJI.I a^^iciiLim., cLoiogicai, meaicai, econoiiuc, an*-* 

practical grounds. However, this reveals little if anything about the nature of 
entheogenic drugs, their plant sources, or their history 



The greater 



history and modern 



■ach 



natural chemicals. Part 1: Beta-phenethylamines, concentrates primarily on plant 
sources of mescaUne, while Part 2: Indole derivatives, discusses sources of LSD 
and DMT, the alkaloids of the Amazonian shamans' ayahuasca, and fungal metab- 
olites of religious unportance in Mesoamerica. Part 3: Isoxazole derivatives, 
finally considers the active chemicals of the fungus Amanita muscaria and related 
species. Each chapter begins with an account of the psychoactive effects of the 
plants as described by westerners such as Albert Hoffman and Aldous Huxley 



Winter 1994 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 281 



This is followed by some comments on the chemistry and natural history of the 
organisms concerned, and finally a discussion of the past and present use of the 
plants, though much of this concerns their role in nonindigenous cultures. 

Further important drug types are discussed in Appendix A of Part 4: Appen- 
dices, Bibliography, Index, Acknowledgements. Appendix A: "Sundry" visionary 
compounds, includes sections on the tropane alkaloids, nicotine and tetra- 
hydrocannabinols, while Appendix B: Putative entheogenic species, consists of 
three annotated lists of "probable," "possible," and "doubtful" plant (and 
animal) sources. Appendix C: Index of entheogen chemistry and pharmac 
presents chemical information on 50 psychoactive compounds, and is follov 
indices and bibliographic details. 

While there is undoubtablv a great deal of useful information within thi 



some 



makes 



not least since the 



much of the book is rather difficult to read, which 



bibliographi 



number 



material — subheadings within the text are not always 



aims. rerhaDs more 



emulov anv method 



of subcategorization or cross-referencing — a significant feature when trying to 
navigate through a text of this size. 

Without doubt, one of the most useful features of the book is its bibliography, 
which is both extensive and up-to-date, and with over 2,440 sources cited, can 
direct the patient reader to a vast wealth of primary information on the botany, 
chemistry, pharmacology, and ethnology of many biologically active plant chemicals. 



Cath Cotton 
Biological Sciences 
Whiteland's College 
Roehampton Institute, West Hill 
London SW15 3SN 
United Kingdom 



Natural Rubben Biology, Cultivation, and Technology. M. R. Sethuraj and N. M. 
Mathew (Editors). Developments m Crop Science 23. Amsterdam, The Nether- 
lands: Elsevier. $231.00 (Dfl. 370.00). Pp. xii; 610. 



1 ever increasing interest in research on sources of natural 
nd World War when the British and Dutch plantations in 
verrun and occupied by the Japanese and the world's major 
commodity was interrupted. It was in this period that the 



this 



Numerous excellent books 



indication of how dependent the world 



This new 



from 



282 



BOOK REVIEWS Vol. 14, No. 2 



its coverage and will long hold a place on the shelves of a wide variety of 



many 



commerce 



The editors correctly state: "We 



history. 



may 



// 



kave admirably fulfilled their aim. 

is impossible to single out several of the 38 contributed chapters as the most 
nding. Each of the chapters is a monograph in itself and has a bibliography 
major publications of pertinent articles and books. Together, they comprise 



most com 



amount 



expert contributions must have been extraordinary. The two editors are to be 
congratulated for putting together such a complete interdisciplinary series of 
outstanding contributions. And Elsevier deserves great credit in publishing this 
book, one of the finest in its series "Developments in Crop Science," 

This book is available in the United States and Canada from Elsevier Science 
Publishing Co., Inc., P.O. Box 882, Madison Square Station, New York, N.Y. 10159; 
and from RO. Box 1991, 1000 BZ Amsterdam. The Netherlands. 



Richard Evans Schultes 

Botanical Museum of Harvard University 

Cambridge, Massachusetts 02138 



NOTICE TO AUTHORS 



Journal of 



Volume 10, Number 2 (Winter 1990). Many authors will be able to prepa 



manuscripts by consulting recent issues of the Journal 
of the "Guidelines for Authors" please consult the issui 
which it was first published or write to the Editor requesting 



Journal 



must submit two copies of their manuscript plus the original 
ginal figures. Papers not submitted in the correct format will be reti 
author. Submit manuscripts written in the English language to: 

DEBORAH M. PEARSALL, Editor 

Journal of Ethnobiology 
American Archaeology Division 

107 Swallow Hall 

University of Missouri 

Columbia, Missouri 65211 USA 

FAX: 314-884-5450 



Submit manuscripts written in the Spanish language to: 

ALEJANDRO DE AVILA B, Associate Editor 

Journal of Ethnobiology 

Department of Anthropology 

University of California 

Berkeley CA 94720 

NEWS AND COMMENTS 

Individuals with information for the "News and Comments" section of the 
Journal should submit all appropriate material to Gary J. Martin, 94 Blvd. 
Flandrin, 75116, Paris, France. FAX: 33/1/45533001. 



BOOK REVIEWS 

We welcome suggestions on books to review or actual reviews from reader- 
ship of the Journal. Please send suggestions, comments, or reviews to one of the 
Journal's book review editors (see inside front cover). 



SUBSCRIPTIONS 



Journal of Ethnobiology should be addressed 



Meilleur, Missouri Botanical Garden, Center for Plant Conservation, PO. 
Box 299, St. Louis, MO 63166. Subscription rates are $60.00, institutional; 
$25.00 individual subscribers from Latin America; $25.00 student subscribers; 
3-00 regular individual subscribers except for Latin America; Joint member 
^pouse; one copy of journal), add $10.00; Postage: $8.00 (outside of U.S.A., 
-anada, and Mexico). Write checks payable to Journal of Ethnobiology . Defective 
>r lost copies will be replaced if written request is received within one year. For 
nformation on back issues, contact Cecil Brown, Department of Anthropol- 
>gy Northern lUinois University, DeKalb, XL 60115; (815) 753-0246. 




CONTENTS 



EDITOR'S VIEW iii 



THE WELLS OF SPANISH FLORIDA: USING TAPHONOMY 
TO IDENTIFY SITE HISTORY 

Elizabeth J. Reitz 141 



PALM ETHNOECOLOGY IN THE SARIFIQUI REGION OF 
COSTA RICA 

E/fline Joyal 161 



AFRICA'S BAOBAB TREE: WHY MONKEY NAMES? 

John Rashford 173 



WET'SUWET'EN ETHNOBOTANY: TRADITIONAL PLANT USES 

Leslie M. Johnson Gottesfeld • 185 

TRADITIONAL ARROWROOT PRODUCTION AND 
UTILIZATION IN THE MARSHALL ISLANDS 

Dirk H. R. Spennemann 211 



RECENT DOCTORAL DISSERTATIONS OF INTEREST 
TO ETHNOBIOLOGISTS XII 

Joseph E. Laferriere and Terence E. Hays 235 

ABSTRACTS OF PRESENTATIONS ... . . 240 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 265 

BOOK REVIEWS 184, 234, 273, 274, 276, 277, 278, 280, 281 



Journal and Society Organization 

EDITOR: Deborah M. Pearsall, American Archaeology Division, 107 Swallow Hall, Univer- 
sity of Missouri, Columbia, MO 65211. 

ASSOCIATE EDITOR (Spanish): Alejandro de Avila B., Department of Anthropology, 
University of CaUfornia, Berkeley, CA 94720. 

NEWS & COMMENTS EDITOR: Gary J. Martin, 94 Blvd. Flandrin, 75116, Paris, France. 
FAX: 33/1/45533001. 

BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Carlos E.A. Coimbra, Jr., Escola Nacional de Saude PubUca- 
FIOCRUZ, Fundacao Oswaldo Cruz, Nucleo de Doencas Endemicas, Rua Leopoldo 
Bulhoes-Manguinhos, 21.041 Rio de Janeiro-RJ-BRASIL. 

BOOK REVIEW EDITOR: Nancy J. Turner, Environmental Studies Program, PC. Box 1700, 
University of Victoria, Victoria, B.C. CANADA V8W 2Y2. 

PRESIDENT: Catherine S. Fowler, Department of Anthropology, University of Nevada, 
Reno, Nevada 89557 

PRESIDENT-ELECT: Nancy J. Turner. 

SECRETARY/TREASURER: Brien A. MeUleur, Missouri Botanical Garden, Center for 
Plant Conservation, PC. Box 299, St. Louis, MO 63166. 

CONFERENCE COORDINATOR: Jan Tmibrook, Department of Anthropology, Santa Bar- 
bara Museum of Natural History, 2559 Puesta Del Sol Road, Santa Barbara, CA 93105. 

BOARD OF TRUSTEES 

KAREN R. ADAMS, Crow Canyon Archaeological Center, Cortez, CO, USA. 

SUZANNE K. FISH, Arizona State Museum, Tucson, AZ, USA. 

TIMOTHY JOHNS, Macdonald College of McGiU University CANADA. 

Ex officio: Past Presidents Steven A. Weber, Amadeo M. Rea, EHzabeth S. Wing, Paul 
Minnis, and Cecil Brown; Permanent board member Steven D. Emslie; The Editor, 
President, President Elect, Secretary/Treasurer, and Conference Coordinator. 



EDITORIAL BOARD 



KAREN R. ADAMS 



ANDERSON 



BRENT BERLIN, University of Georgia, USA; ethnobiological classification, medical 
H. SORAYYA CARR, El Cerrito, CA, USA; zooarchaeology. 
GAYLE J. FRITZ, Washington University, St. Louis, USA; paleoethnobotany. 
DAVID R. HARRIS, University College, London, ENGLAND; ethnoecology, si 
terns, archaeobotany. 

TIMOTHY JOHNS, McGiU University, CANADA; chemical ecology, ethnobotar 
HARRIET V. KUHNLEIN, McGUl Universitv. CANADA; ethnonutrition . humi 



« . ■ 



classification 



DesarroUo Etnico. Oaxaca, MEXICO 



DARRELL A- POSEY, Oxford Centre for the Environment, Ethics, and Society, Oxford 
University, ENGLAND; natural resource management, ethnoecology, ethnoentomology , 
tropical cultural ecology. 

AMADEO M. REA, San Diego Natural History Museum, USA; cultural ecology, zooarchae- 
ology, ethnotaxonomics. 

ELIZABETH J. RBITZ, University of Georgia, USA; zooarchaeology. 

MOLLIE S. TOLL, University of New Mexico, USA; prehistoric and historic ethnobotany. 

Feature editors Carios E.A. Coimbra and Nancy J. Turner (see above). 

Journal of Ethnobiology is published semi-annually. Manuscripts for pubUcation, information for the "News and 
Comments and book review sections should be sent to the appropriate editor on the inside back cover of this issue. 



^Society of Ethnobiology 

ISSN 0278-0771 



f« 



Journal of 
Ethnobiology 



VOLUME 15, NUMBER 1 



SUMMER 1995 



3 



CONTENTS 



EDITOR'S VIEW 



1 



WHY IS TAXONOMY UTILITARIAN? Daniel Clement 1 



ETHNOZOOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION AND CLASSIFICATORY 
LANGUAGE AMONG THE NAGE OF EASTERN INDONESIA 

Gregory Forth 45 



BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY AND COMMUNITY LORE 
IN NORTHEASTERN THAILAND 

Lyndon Wester and Sekson Yongvanit 



71 



"GHOST'S EARS" (Exobasidium sp. affin. vaccinni) AND 
FOOL'S HUCKLEBERRIES {Menziesia fermginea Smith): 
A UNIQUE REPORT OF MYCOPHAGY ON THE CENTRAL AND 
NORTH COASTS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 

Brian D. Compton 

SOME NOTES ON ETHNOGRAPHIC SUBSISTENCE SYSTEMS 
IN MOJAVEAN ENVIRONMENTS IN THE GREAT BASIN 

Catherine S. Fowler ^ 



89 



PREHISTORIC CERAMIC AGE ADAPTATION TO VARYING 
DIVERSITY OF ANIMAL RESOURCES ALONG THE 
WEST INDIAN ARCHIPELAGO 

Elizabeth S. Wing and Stephen R. Wing 



119 



NEWS AND COMMENTS 149 



BOOK REVIEWS 

The Ethnobotany of Southern Balochistan, Pakistan, with Particular Reference 
to Medicinal Plants, by Steven M. Goodman and Abdul Ghafoor 

Nancy J. Turner '" 

Edible Wild Plants of Sub-Saharan Africa: An Annotated Checklist, by 

Charles R. Peters, Eileen M. O'Brien, and Robert B. Drummond 

Nina L. Etkin ^^ 

The Nature of Shamanism: Substance and Function of a Religious Metaphor, 

by Michael Ripinsky-Naxon 

Daniel W. Gade "^^^ 

Advances in New Crops; New Crops, edited by Jules Janick and 

James E. Simon 

Richard Evans Schultes ^^'^ 

Footprints of the Forest: Ka'apor Ethnobotany— The Historical Ecology of Plant 

Utilization by an Amazonian People, by WiUiam Balee 

Darrell A. Posey ^^^ 



CONTENTS Vol. 15, No. 1 



In the Society of Nature: A Native Ecology in Amazonia, by Philippe Descola 

Darrell A. Posey 155 

El Juego de la Super vivencia: Un Manual Para la Investigacion Etnoecologica 
en Latinoamerica, by Victor M. Toledo 

Gary J. Martin 157 

Life Cycles: Reflections of an Evolutionary Biologist, by John Tyler Bonner 

Willard Van Asdall 158 

Native American Cultural Resource Studies at Yucca Mountain, Nevada, 
by Richard Stoffle, David Halmo, John Olmsted, and Michael Evans 

Cath Cotton 159 




With this issue I end my tenure as editor of the Journal of Ethnobiology. It was 
an enjoyable four years, but when the opportunity to take a year's research leave 
came up, well . . . I'm sure you all imderstand. 

The most satisfying aspect of doing a job Uke this one is interacting with all 
the fine researchers who work in our field. The high quality of the submissions 
I've had the opportunity to read is an indicator of the strength of ethnobiology 
today. My thanks to all the authors who sent their work here. I'd also like to thank 
one last time the members of the Editorial Board, our many volunteer reviewers, 
the Associate Editors, the officers of the Society, our typesetter and printer— 
everyone who helped bring the Journal together twice a year. 



It is my pleasure to introduce the new editor, Eugene Hunn. 



DMP 



Dear Journal of Ethnobiology reader, 

I look forward to this opportunity to serve you as the next editor of the Journal 
of Ethnobiology. I will attend closely to the examples set by my predecessors, Willard 
Van Asdall and Deborah Pearsall, whose efforts over the past fifteen years have 
helped establish ethnobiology as an essential anthropological and ecological per- 
spective. I have no revolutionary redirection in mind. Rather, I see my first task as 
maintaining the present standard of quality and relevance of the articles we pubUsh 
and keeping strictly to the schedule of publication. I plan to centralize journal 
production at the University of Washington, a change of convenience that I hope 
may save both time and money I will retain the traditional format while investigat- 
ing the advisability of a somewhat more eye-catching cover. ' 

Once I get up to speed 1 plan to pursue aggressively "keynote" articles that 
will give a high profile to the Journal and that will at the same time capture the full 
range and impact of contemporary ethnobiological research. Ethnobiology has 
become almost a household word during the past decade, yet I sense the Journal 
has not fully capitalized on that popular interest. We can and should be leading 
the pack. We can and should be the place to turn for the most challenging and 
current research findings and theoretical insights with respect to the critical inter- 
section of the lives of humans, animals, and plants. 1 welcome your advice on how 
we might gain our rightful place at the center of the ethnobiological vortex. 



Meanwhile, keep those articles coming 



Gene Himn 



I 



/• 



Slimmer 



WHY IS TAXONOMY UTILITARIAN? 



DANIEL CLEMENT 

Canadian Ethnology Service 

Canadian Museum of Civilization 

Hull, Quebec 
Canada }8X 4H2 

ABSTRACT. — Cognitive and utilitarian explanations of taxonomy have often 
been opposed in ethnobiological studies. In this paper, data from Montagnais and 
Cree taxonomies show a relation between taxonomic structure and uses of plants 
and animals. This relation operates through partons (parts of the entities that are 
classified). Traditional societies are not the only ones to show such taxonomic 
features. Linnean taxonomy was also based on a very specific historical context in 
which there were direct relations between utility and taxonomic development. On 
the other hand, the relation between taxonomy and utilization through parts of 
the entities classified can further help us to tmderstand taxonomic anomaUes or 
why an entity can be classified in more than one category. 

RESUMEN.— En los estudios etnobiologicos se contraponen a menudo las explica- 
ciones cognitivas y utilitarias de la taxonomia. En este articulo, los datos prove- 
nientes de las taxonomias Montagnais y Cree muestran una relacion entre la estnic- 
tura taxonomica y los usos de plantas y animales. Esta relacion opera a travfe de los 
partbnes (partes de las entidades que son clasificadas). Las sociedades tradicionales 
no son las unicas que muestran tales caracteristicas taxonomicas. La taxonomia 
lineana estuvo basada tambi^n en un contexto historico muy especifico en el que 
habia relaciones directas entre la utilidad y el desarrollo taxon6mico. Por otro lado, 
la relacion entre taxonomia y utilizacion, a traves de las partes de las entidades 
clasificadas, puede ayudamos a comprender mejor las anomalias taxonomicas, o 
por que una entidad puede ser dasificada en mas de ima categoria. 



RESUME 



opposees dans les etudes ethnobiologiq 



taxonomique 



des donnees provenant des Montagnais et des Cris demontrent qu'il existe une 
relation etroite entre la structure taxonomique et Tutilisation des plantes et des 
animaux. Cette relation opere a partir de partons (ou parties des entites qui sont 
classees). Les societes dites traditionnelles ne sont pas les seules h montrer un tel 
fonctionnement taxonomique. La taxonomie Unneenne tire egalement son origine 
d'un contexte historique specifique ou des relations entre Tutilisation et le d^ve- 
loppement taxonomique peuvent etre mises en evidence. D'un autre c6te, la rela- 
tion entre la taxonomie, TutiHsation et la partonomie peut nous aider a mieux 
comprendre les anomalies taxonomiques ou pourquoi une entite peut etre classee 



lis 



INTRODUCTION 

Cognitive and utilitarian explanations of taxonomy have often been opposed 
in ethnobiological studies. While the advocates of the first position believe that 



2 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



Dse of classification is purely intellectual, geared by a compulsion to p 
I chaotic world (Tyler 1969:6), or by simple curiosity (Berlin 1992:290), t 
> of the second argue that people classify entities most likely becau 
them (Diamond 1966), and that classification as cultural knowledge 



m 



episode of a much larger debate in anthropology between inteUectualism and 
materialism. One is not surprised to see supporters of the cognitive interpretation 
in ethnobiology rely on Levi-Strauss's statement about the intellectual need for 
human beings to classify without any practical purpose (Berlin 1992:8) and the 
supporters of the utilitarian approach evoke evolutionary theory (Hunn 1982:844), 
or even oppose Malinowski to Levi-Strauss in their initial statement in an attempt 



folk classification studies (Mor 



pragmatics has been ignored 



On the other hand, certain authors — mostly advocates of the utilitarian 
approach — have tried to move ethnobiological studies out of the impasse created 
by these two drastic positions. New interpretations have been suggested. Posey 
(1984:123), for example, has proposed to distinguish between "process of classifica- 
tion and purpose for classification," relating the former to cognitive phenomena 
and the latter to a utilitarian or adaptionist approach. In the end, however, Posey 
argues for a utilitarian basis of taxonomy in the broadest sense (practical and 
symbolic), not resolving the issue of knowledge per se as an explanation for the 
existence of taxonomy Hays (1982), Hunn (1982), and Morris (1984) have also pro- 
posed solutions. These solutions have some elements in common. They suggest that 
taxonomy be viewed in relation to numerous factors, such as "utilitarian, ecological, 
and cultural concerns" (Morris 1984:58), "biological discontinuities in nature, 
chance historical events, 'utilitarian' himian concerns, human cultural concerns in a 
broader sense, mtellectual curiosity, and constraints deriving from the nature of 
human perception and cognition" (Hays 1982:93), or that it might be better 
analysed through a study that would combine "cognitive, linguistic, ecological, and 
evolutionary theory to define a dynamic ethnoecology" (Hunn 1982:844). Two of 
these authors also share the belief that taxonomy is constituted of what Hunn 
(1982:830) calls a "natural taxononuc core" that serves a general purpose, "artificial 
peripheral taxa" serving a special purpose, and what Morris (1984:57) defines as 
prototypical taxa, around which the Chewa classification he studies focuses. The 
general and special purpose of Hunn are both utilitarian, since the first one is 
concerned with acting upon entities and the second one with "collectively repre- 
sentlingl a nonresource" (Hunn 1982:835) which is, in other words, a negative 
utility. As regards prototypicality Randall (1976;1987; Randall and Hunn 1984) has 
elaborated original methods to determine the focal range of higher categories in the 
taxonomy and, in doing so, has insisted on a contextual approach in studying 
classification. Moreover, his approach has generated evidence that classification 
involves functional attributes besides only perceptual ones. 

In this paper, the two approaches in classification studies, the intellectual and 
the utilitarian, will be taken into account, using certain concepts of Hunn (1982), 
Morris (1984), and Brown (1976), mainly, in an attempt to show in what ways 
texonomy is utilitarian and in what ways it is not. With Montagnais and Cree 
data, I will show how taxonomy is based on prototypical taxa and how periph- 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 3 



eral taxa are related to these taxa, having been included in the taxonomy most 
likely over time. Prototypical taxa are the core of the taxon6my and include the 
main categories of the taxonomy. They are based on uses of the entities that are 
classified. Other taxa that are peripheral are defined negatively (as nonresource) 
and can even form categories of their own in the taxonomic structure. The basis of 
the taxonomy, through the core taxa, is utilitarian, but the final purpose of the 
classification is also intellectual, since peripheral taxa or categories respond to the 
need for human beings to include in their world view most of the entities with 
which they interact, whether directly through use, negatively through non-use, or 
out of simple curiosity. Furthermore, I will demonstrate how the relation between 
taxonomic structure and uses of plants and animals operates through partons. 
The term parton is borrowed from Brown (1976:401), although in the present 
article its definition involves slightly different attributes. A parton will still be 
considered as a part (botanical, anatomical) of an entity that is classified, but the 
inclusive aspect or hierarchical ("part of") relationship implied in Brown's usage 
of the word will not be taken into account. In the context of my study, a parton is 
meant strictly as a useful part of a plant or an animal since it appeared as such in 
the discourse and practices of my informants as well as through the analysis of 
the same discourse and practices. In fact, the activity of partons underlies classi- 
fication and accounts for it. The same activity also helps us to understand anoma- 
lies or why an entity is classified in more than one category. 

Traditional societies are not the only ones to show such taxonomic features. 
Linnean taxonomy was also based on a very specific historical context in which 
there w^re direct relations between utility and taxonomic development. Since 
Linnaeus, taxonomy has evolved to include all entities in such a manner that its 
utilitarian basis is now not so easily perceptible as it was at the time this world- 
wide taxonomy was created. The same evolution could probably apply to tradi- 
tional societies. 

The conclusion reached in this paper, which is based on the analysis of 
empirical data, appears as a new development in the area of the study of intellec- 
tual and utilitarian aspects of classification. It shows clearly how the relation 
between utilitarian factors and perceptual ones operates in the higher inclusive 
categories. Certainly, as Berlin (1992:181-190) has pointed out, these categories 
(i.e., life-forms) are striking perceptually and "appear to be based on a small 
number of biological characters" (emphasis added). But they have also evolved 
from (or originated from) uses of the parts of the entities classified in these 
categories. In fact, what Berlin denies (utilitarian prominence over a cognitive 
basis) and what Hunn and Randall consider on the same level (i.e., cognitive and 
utilitarian factors) are shown here to be aspects of the same process but on two 
separate levels, with the utiUtarian factors in the end forming the basis for the 
actual operation of classification. 



CONTEXT OF STUDY 



The data come from three different studies conducted among the Montagnais 
and Cree peoples, two Native groups from the Eastern Subarctic. Montagnais and 
Cree are part of the Algonquian language family. A first study was conducted in 



4 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



1981 in Mingan, on the north shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence in Quebec, Canada. 
During the summer, 269 specimens of plants were collected by the Montagnais and 
myself and deposited at the Department of Botany at Laval University in Quebec 
for identification. For every specimen, different questions were asked during col- 
lection or on the same day to four different informants (two men and two women) 
between 65 and 74 years of age. The questions were asked in Montagnais and 
translated through an interpreter, and included such aspects as the name of the 
plant, its etymology, its gender (animate or inanimate^), its classification, the 
semantic features of the categories, the plant's utilization, and its relation to ani- 
mals. Identification of the specimens by professional Western botanists yielded 200 
species: 165 vascular plants of 600 estimated by botanists in the area, 16 mosses and 
hepaticae of an estimated 150, 15 Uchens out of 100, 3 mushrooms out of 1,000 and 1 
alga out of 100. Attention in collecting was given mostly to the plants that my 
informants as well as other members of the commimity named and used, that is, 
the plants were selected for study mostly by the Montagnais themselves, in an 
attempt to cover and represent the major areas (bush, marsh, muskeg, mountain, 
coast, and so on) traditionally occupied by these people. This explains why the 
biggest proportion consists of vascular plants, reflecting the latter 's importance in a 
society traditionally oriented towards hunting and fishing more than gathering. 
The sample is deemed satisfactory: from 1981 to today, no other new plant has been 
named or is said to be used by the members of this community, although research is 
still being conducted on the relations between these people and their environment. 
The study revealed 137 ethnobotanical lexemes organized in 119 terminal taxa and 
18 higher categories that will be discussed below^. 

A second study was conducted between 1982 and 1988, also among the Mon- 
tagnais people. In 1982-1983, information on 172 animal species was collected 
from eight Montagnais elders (between 59 and 78 years old) from two commu- 
nities, Mingan and Natashquan. These animals had been selected by my inter- 
preters as the less ambiguous ones from Bouchard's (1973) study of Montagnais 



many synonyms 



taxonomy is comprised of 229 terms, of which 



Starting with Montagnais zoological nomenclature, 



were asked on different aspects of the knowledge of these animals, including 
anatomy, behavior (sounds, senses, and locomotion), ecology (habitat and food, 
relations between animals, and seasonal phenomena), reproduction, and tradi- 
tional identification, nomenclature, and taxonomy. In 1988, a complementary 
study of the identification, nomenclature, and classification asDects was done in 



attempt to grasp the whole system 



mostly in 



color— were presented to two of the eight elders approached in 1982-1983. These 
illustrations covered the majority of species present in the area traditionaUy occu- 
pied by the Montagnais (for a discussion of these taxa and all the sources used to 
identify them, see Clement 1995, chapter 7). For each illustration, several ques- 
tions on nomenclature, synonymy reproductive habits, and classification were 
asked. The study yielded 227 lexemes (excluding synonyms and other lexemes 
referrmg to distinctions based on age, sex, and so on). Out of these, 212 referred to 
termmal taxa and 15 to larger categories*. 

Finally, the Cree data was gathered in 1990. The studvs was done in Chisasibi, 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 5 



on the east coast of James Bay in Quebec. It focused on fish species and ichtyologi- 
cal knowledge, but I also gathered information on the complete ethnozoological 
taxonomy. Three main informants (56, 57, and 66 years old) and their family 
participated in the study, which yielded data on Cree fish nomenclature, taxon- 
omy, anatomical knowledge, ecology (habitat, food, migrations), reproduction, 
fish diseases, and utilizations. The study was conducted both with color illustra- 
tions of species and real specimens. I first established a list of fish in Cree territory 
utilizing Scott and Grossman (1973) and Morin and Dodson (1986). 



MONTAGNAIS BOTAMCAL TAXONOMY 



Botanical partonomy. — The Montagnais people believe in an order in the creation 
of their universe. Informants usually agree that earth came first, the animals 
second, and human beings third. This corresponds to three native categories : 
ashtshi^ (earth), aueshishat (animals), and innu (human being). When ques- 
tioned further, the Montagnais place the bulk of the botanical entities known to 
them right after the category earth, even though some of the plants, like mosses 
and lichens, are labelled ashtshi (earth). The category between earth and animals is 
unlabelled but generally referred to as ashtshit nte kdnitautshiht or kdni- 
tautshiki, literally "in the earth, the ones that grow.*' This category forms a 



continuum 



of "algae" (shashapina) , which 
since thev "live like animals 



same Dlace.'' 



my informants, the key element to distinguish 



said "to ffrow * ' — ' " 



m 



ire considered as "earth" from 

elements comprised in the first 



cannot move bv themselves. Further on, the main element that distin 



guishes 



// 



grow in the earth" ) from 



form the "earth" itself) is ushkatidpi (root). 

le former are said to possess such an organ. Roots are also believed 



be the main mode of reproduction for these entities, which is the case for certain 
important plants in the environment. In fact, in some places, propagation by 
means of layers is the only means of reproduction for trees such as black spruce 
(Hosie 1975:72). Ushkatidpi means etymologically "the filiform leg." There are 
other botanical partons that denote this anthropomorphic view of plants, such as 
udukandkandtuk", the "backbone of the wood," which is the heart of the tree; 
pitshu-atshuk^, balsam fir gum, which comes from atshuk^ (sperm or snot); and 
minapdkuna, the "hairy covering," which covers several kinds of old-man's 
beard. For each of these partons, there is a story related to its human nature: for 
example, the "heart of the tree" is said to be called upon by the shaman to obey 
him (Speck 1977:200); the "gum" is believed to have originated from human testes 
thrown in a balsam fir (Savard 1979:35); and the old-man's beard is said to come 
from the hair of the father and mother of a young hero called Tshakapesh 
( Lefebvre 1974). 

Montagnais botanical knowledge comprises many other partons. Some are 
general Uke mishtuk" (wood), mtn (fruit), niptsh (leaf), uapukun (flower), and 
udndtsheshk" (bark); others are very specific such as tshishtdpdkuanat (branches 



6 



CLEMENT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



TABLE L — Principal Montagnais partons. 



Partons 



Definitions 



tnin 
(fruit) 



a part originating from a plant as the "product of the flower" according to 



iriformant 



"growing 



known in Western 



mishtuh* 
(wood) 



ductive body of a seed plant 
internal part originating fro 



corrunon word for trunk 



nipish 

(leaf) 



wood, trunk, and as a category for trees 

■ 

a part that comes from a plant and grows on a stem; according to one 
informant, the word can be used to designate a sepal of a flower; no word 
for needles of conifers was recorded; some plants are said to be nipish 
only due to their lack of a prominent stem 

uandtsheshk** general term for the part originating from a stem and a root and which 

constitutes its cover; two layers are distinguished, the outer and the inner; 
in one case (white birch), the outer layer (udshkuai) is named differently 
from the iimer layer (uandtsheshk") 



(bark) 



uapukun 

(flower) 

ushkdtiapt 

(root) 



group 



because of the prominence 
1, an underground part orig: 



also other parts which are considered in Western botany to belong to the 
stem (i.e. crown of plants; stem base of trees); the word is used for a 
category of plants marked by the prominence of this part; specific terms 
(e.e. uatavL conifer root) are also used 



of conifers), utikuana (branches of deciduous trees), and atamusat (willow cat- 
kin); and most of these partons play a role in the development of the taxonomy. 
Table 1 gives the Montagnais features associated with the principal partons 
noted above. Montagnais informants consider the relation between these different 
botanical parts and the plants as one of origin {utshipanu, "it comes from"). Brown 



// 



does not mention this possibility while discussing the kinds 



part of" relationship explicit in different languages 



"part of 



or 



possessive ("x belongs to y") relations. When viewed through Montagnais eyes, aU 
botanical parts that could have caused logical difficulties in their interpretation 
(e.g., can wood be considered a part of a tree in the same sense as a leaf is?) 
disappear. All "parts" originate from (i.e., they are not seen as part of or possessed by 
a plant) a plant, be they wood, berries, roots, or flowers. Moreover, as I will 
demonstrate below, this relation also implies the fact that these parts originate from 
plants as useful or useless products and is thus functional in essence. 

Botanical taxonomy.— As noted above, plants are classified either in the category 
ashtshtt nte kdmtdutshtht, or kanitautshiki, Uterally "in the earth, the ones that 
grow" or in the category ashtshi (earth). The first category includes tnishtukuat 
(trees), shakaua (shrubs), atishia (smaU shrubs), tnashkushua (herbaceous plants). 



Stunmer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



7 



K 



mishtukuat 

('trees') 



> 



H 



> 



FIG. 1. ^Mishtukuat, 'trees' 



ashtshtuashishk' 

(ground hemlock) 
innasht fbalsam f 



:hUshue ashtshiuashishk' 
real ground hemlock') 



(eastern white cedar) 



minaikf (wh 
uatshinakan (tamarack) 
ushkatukf (black spruce 



(jack 



uashkuai 



birch) 



mitush (poplar) 



mashkuminanakashi 

(showy mountain ash) 




uashkuai (white birch) 
innikuai (*real white birch') 
nipi-uashkuai (* white birch 
of the water') 
mU&sh (trembling aspen) 
mashUmitush (balsam poplar) 



^t- 



and a few unaffiliated taxa. Ashtshi (earth) comprises mosses, lichens, and even 
types of mud, a fact that argues in favor of a continuum in this category also. 

In Montagnais, tnishtuk" has two meanings: "wood" when used with inani- 
mate gender, and "tree" when animate. Taxa belonging to the category tree are 
said (a) to possess a trimk, (b) to have a large diameter, and (c) to grow relatively 
high. Trees (Fig. 1) are first classified as evergreens and deciduous. These two 
categories are usually covert, though some informants name the second uash- 
kuai, which is the prototype of this category (white birch). The reahty of these 
covert categories is further attested by specific nomenclature for branches of 
conifers and deciduous trees (see above), as well as a name (cikopi) for evergreens 
in Atikamekw, a closely related Algonquian language. Only one taxon (ground 
hemlock) classified in the category trees by my four informants, two men and two 
women^, does not correspond to either the botanical^ or Montagnais definition of 
a tree: in fact, ground hemlock is a shrub, and as such has many stems. Infor- 
mants say that "real ground hemlock" (tshttshue ashtshiuashishk") grows with 
balsam fir; they also name the branches of the plant the same way they name the 
branches of all conifers. Ground hemlock hence seems to have become a tree more 
by association with other trees (e.g., through having the same kind of branches) 
than by virtue of its own features, since contrary to the Montagnais definition of a 
tree, ground hemlock has many stems, the diameter of each stem is small, and it is 
not tall. Only one taxon appearing in Fig. 1 was classified differently by women 
and men: mashkuminanakashi, showy mountam ash, which was classified by the 
former as a tree because of its great height but by the latter as a shrub (see Fig. 2). 
The case is similar to that of uapineu-mitshima, willow, which is generally classi- 
fied as a shrub but sometimes, with hesitation, said to also be a tree because it can 
grow very high. These two taxa are denoted in Montagnais by inanimate lexemes. 
In Montagnais, all the other trees, including the ground hemlock, are denoted by 
animate lexemes. At first glance, the reasons why these two taxa, showy moun- 
tain ash — which is a tree botanically — and willow— which can be a tree botani- 



8 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



' apuemin&nakashi (pin cherry) 
fl/iihipe/ii«A:"(glandular birch) 
tO&min&nakashi (Bartram's shadbush) 
atAshpi (speckled alder) 
innUshtminAnakashi (fetid currant) 

shakaua ('shrubs') 1 kamatshak&shU shakau (wild holly) 

mashkuminanakashi (showy mountain ash) 
mtkuilpemuk' (red-osier dogwood) 
mishtukusha (red-berried elder) 
muskumin&nakashi (edible cranberry-tree) 
tshttshue shakau (green alder) 
udpineu-mitshima (willow) 



FIG. 1.— Shakaua, 'shrubs'. 



cally depending on the species — are classified in more than one category are not 
too clear. It seems as if informants were hesitating between different features 
(height of the plant, animate gender, one or multiple stems) to classify them. The 
real reasons for this multiple classification will appear as my analysis develops. 

Most of the taxa included in the category shakaua (Fig. 2) are botanically 
shrubs, that is, multiple -stemmed and woody plants. There are four exceptions to 
this rule: willow, which can be a tree but is classified with the shrubs because of 
similar height; showy mountain ash, which is a tree but is considered sometimes 
as a shakau; and speckled alder and pin cherry, which are small trees but consid- 
ered as shakaua because they are too high to be in the next category, atishia 
(small shrubs). For three of the last four cases, relative height appears to be a 
fundamental feature of differentiation. Besides this trait, informants also charac- 
terized shakaua as having (a) large stems, (b) larger leaves than atishia, and (c) a 
double bark (one inside and one outside). In fact, to understand the apparent 
process of classification, one must view all the main categories as a continuum 
mostly defined by features of the stem (height and diameter) and the leaves 
(width). On the other hand, women and men only classified one other plant in 
this category besides showy mountain ash and willow differently: innttsht- 
minanakasht, fetid ciurant, which was a shakau for the former and an atishi for 
the latter. Again, the reason given by the women was that the plant is "high." 

Fifteen of the 21 terminal taxa considered as atishia (Fig. 3) are botanically 
small shrubs, that is, small woody plants with several stems. The six others have 
woody stumps (raspberry, cloudberry), a woody part as the base (bunch-berry), 
strong rhizomes (beach pea, strawberry), which informants possibly associate 
with wood, or dense trunks (club-moss), perhaps also associated with wood, and 
therefore related to the atishi. Three taxa out of these sbc ambiguous ones have 
been classified differently by women and men: bunch-berry, a herbaceous plant 
classified as atishihy the women and mashkushu (herbaceous plant) by the men; 
strawberry, another herbaceous plant considered similarly (atishi by women and 
mashkushu by men); and club-moss, primitive vascular plants categorized as 
atishi by men but as kinds of ushkatiapi (root) by women (Fig. 5). Other general 
features of the category atishia include (a) relative height (approximately 60 cm), 
(b) regular diameter of the stem, and (c) presence of smaU fruits (a feature 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



9 



atishia 

Csmall shrubs') 



an&shkanimin&nakashi (raspberry) 
ashtshimin&nakasht (black crowberry) 
atikumin&nakashi (beaiberry) 
atitshiminanakasht (beach pea) 
ikuta (Labrador tea) 
innimin&nakashi (blueberry) 
k&kakanudshkuak atisht fsweet eale) 



kaupemukua (*prickly or hairy 
wooden plants') 



mashtshekumindnakashi (small cranberry) 
matshikzsha (possibly leather leaf) 
nishtshimin&nakashi (bog bilberry) 
nitshukuminanakashi (sour-top blueberry) 

p&shitshindkuana (club-moss) 
pUshildsha (possibly swamp laurel) 
shakuteummdnakashi (cloudberry) 
shashakumin&nakashi (bunch-berry) 
uiskatshiminanakashi (mountain cranberry) 
uishatshipukua (sheq) laurel) 
utaimin&nakashi (strawberry) 



kakuminanakashi 
(swamp currant) 

shApumindnakasht 
(hairy gooseberry) 

mnitshiminanakashi 
|_(fetid currant) 



FIG. 3- — Atishia, 'small shrubs'. 



deduced from the fact that this category alone comprises 15 taxa out of 23 denoted 
by lexemes that are formed by a morpheme referring to small fruits). Finally, 
other taxa in the category are also classified differently by women and men: small 
cranberry, a tiny shrub, which is atisht for women but mashkushu (herbaceous 
plant) for men, probably because of its small height; mountain cranberry, consid- 
ered by men only as a minakashidshk'* (fruit plant) without any affiliation to the 
main categories; and innitshiminanakasht, fetid ciirrant, discussed above, which 
is considered a shakdu (shrub) by women but, because of a special feature, as a 
kdupemuk^ (prickly or hairy wooden plant) and atisht (small shrub) by men. 

Montagnais classification of mashkushua, herbaceous plants, is the most com- 
plex of their botanical taxonomy Botanically, these plants are characterized by 
soft stems (absence of woody tissue) or even absence of stem. In the latter case, 
another part of the plant develops so much (for example, the leaves) that it 
becomes the main feature of the categorization (for example, the plant becomes a 
nipish, literally "leaf'). Fig. 4 presents all the plants classified m one of the three 
main categories of nonwoody plants: mashkushua, herbaceous plants, which are 
characterized by (1) their relative height (they can be as high as an atishiX 
(2) their softness (not hard like wood), (3) their long leaves, and (4) their color, 
green; nipisha, leaves, characterized mainly by their leaves; and uapukuna, flowers, 
which have big flowers compared with other plants. Certain plants m Fig. 4 were 
classified differently by men and women. Three cases have aheady been men- 
tioned (mashtshekuminanakashl small cranberry, utaimin&nakashi, strawberry. 



10 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



and shdshakuminanakashi, bunch-berry). Besides these, there is also pineumi- 
nanakasht, snowberry, which is a kind of leaf for the women but without any 
category for the men; and ushpuakantssat, sporophytes of mosses, which were 
classified by the women as a kind of earth instead of a kind of herbaceous plant as 
they were by the men. While the first of these cases is difficult to interpret, the 
second shows how classification operates through partons and subjective reason- 
ing: ushpuakantssat look hke soft stems and can thus be classified as herbaceous 
plants; on the other hand, they are part of mosses, which from the Montagnais 
point of view are kinds of earth. A last comment can be made on Fig. 4. The 
complexity of the classification of these plants can best be evaluated when one 
looks at the many categories in which a particular plant can be placed. This again 
has to do with the part of the plant looked at when it is classified. For example, 
my informants classified a plant named uishakatshakuat, fern, as a mashkusHu 
(herbaceous plant) while its fronds were not completely developed; later in the 
season, a fully developed specimen of the same species was classified as a ntpish 
(leaf). The complexity of this type of categorization is shown in Fig. 4 by the 
multiple use of categories at different levels of the taxonomy 

The Montagnais botanical category ashtshit nte kdnttautshiht or kdni- 
tdutshiki (in the earth, the ones that grow) also includes ambiguous taxa. Accord- 
ing to Berlin (1976:387), these taxa can be defined as those: 

I . . . ] which encompass a group of organisms, most of which are highly 
polymorphic usually in stem habit. In some contexts of identification, a 
specimen which is said to be a member of a particular generic may be 
classified as a member of one life form; in others, a different specimen of 
the same generic class may be regarded as a member of another life form, 
or placed in no life form at all. 

Tshishtapdkuanat (branches of conifers) and ushkdtidpia (roots) are examples of 
such taxa. They include plants that can be classified m one of the main categories 
discussed above (for example, ashtshiudshtshk", ground hemlock, which is a kind 
of mishtuk^, tree) and at the same time are said to be part of these categories which 
include plants not classified elsewhere (for example, ashtshiudshtshk** is also part 
of the category tshishtapdkuanat, branches of conifers, which includes other 
unaffiliated taxa such as kdkdtshimindnakashi, common juniper). Fig. 5 illustrates 
this classification. Here again there are differences between women's and men's 
classifications. For example, pdshitshindkuana is an atishi for the men because of 
its woody part and a kind of root for the women because of its crawling stems. 
Fig. 5 also includes unaffiliated taxa classified as such only by the women (pine- 
umindnakasht, classified by men as leaves) or knovm onlv to women (amtshikdta) . 



category, ashtshi (earth), in which 



Montagnais 



and mosses, as well as kinds of mud and rotten wood. One of the main charac- 
teristics of these taxa is that they do not grow into the earth, but are the earth 
themselves, which grows. While this appHes to mosses and Hchens, it is not the 
case for kinds of mud or kinds of rotten wood, which informants seem to include 
m this category because earth is also constituted of elements that do not neces- 
sarily grow. In fact, this entire geovegetal category can be seen as a continuum of 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



11 



mashkushua- 

('herbaceous 
plants') 



nipisha - 
('leaves') 



udpukuna 
(^flowers') 



atishia 
CsmaU 
shrubs') 



u&pukuna 

('flowers') 



nipisha — 

(* leaves') 



' anukutshauminanakashi (dwarf red blackberry) 

kaianakashkati mashkushua ('large heibs') 

kaiapishdshiti mashkushua ('small herbs') 

k&kak&nuapekaJd mashkushua ('long and filifomi herbs') 

kamanitanishipiu&shiti mashkushua (cotton-grass) 

kanutamashkuashiti mashkushua ('small hard rounded herbs') 

kdtakuashiti mashkushua ('small short heibs') 

mashtshekuminanakasht (small cranberry) 

mttishat (fleld sorrel) 

nishtshimitshima ('food of the goose') 

&shpuakanissat (*&poTophytcs of mosses') 

utaiminanakashi (strawberry) 
^utshashku-mitshima ('food of the muskrat') 

amuapukun ('colored flower') 

kaminauashiti u&pukuna (neodioecious antennaria) 

kauapdshiti uapukuna ('small white flowers') 

kaudpishtukuaniashiti uapukuna ('small white-head flowers') 
,kautshauashUi uapukuna ('small yellow flowers') 

amu-nipisha (sea rocket) 
_nishtshikata (bristly sarsaparilla; American great bumet) 
' pashpashtshu-nipisha (twin-flower) 

shashakumin&nakashi (bunch-berry) 



tshishiteu-nipisha ('leaves 
that warm up') 



kauapishtukuaniashiti 
tshishiteu-nipisha 
(yarrow) 

katdpapbuonSnapuka' 
shiti nipisha 
(American mint) 



uSpush'Ushkatiapia (wild sarsaparilla) 
_uishakatshakuat (fem) 



atapukuat (yellow clintonia) 



tshUshue atapukuat 
(' real yellow clintonia') 



k&neupemakdht (red clover) 
matshi-nipisha (common hemp^ 
pineumindnakashi (snowberry) 



-£uipUakashkua ('hollow stem plants') 



tshitshue uipita- 
kashk" (cow parsnip) 



nqpisha [ uishakashkamuk' (goldthread) 

('leaves') 



FIG. 4. — Mashkushua, 'herbaceous plants'. 



entities that is denoted in the lexemes of the taxa themselves. From those lexemes 
composed of ashtshi (earth), such as ashashtshu (mud), to those formed with 
'Shkamuk^ (ground, surface) as in the names for mosses and lichens, to rotten 
wood again marked by morphemes such as ashtshi, one can see a stratified vision 
of the earth's crust. This was also pointed out by two of my informants: 



12 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



tshishtapakuanai 

('branches of 
conifers') 



innashtapakuan ('balsam fir branch') 

(...) 

ashtshiuashishk' (ground hemlock) \tshUshue ashtshiuashishk" 

real ground hemlock') 

kakdtshimindnakashi (common juniper) 
pishkuashishk' (witches' -broom) 




ushkatiSpta 

('roots') 



pashitshinakuana (club-moss) 
uatapia ('spruce roots') 
(...) 



pineumin&nakasht (snowberry) 



anitshikdta (pitcher-plant) 



FIG. 5. — ^Ambiguous and unaffiliated taxa (abridged). 



At the beginning, there is always sand. After the earth grows on it. After, 
it's udpitsheuashkamuk" (reindeer moss). That's the last one, there is 
nothing after. Nitautshin ashtshi, the earth grows. ( Barthelemie Lafon- 
taine and Michel Astamajo, Mingan, 18.06.1981) 

According to the Montagnais, sand and stone do not belong to the category 
ashtshi (earth). While it is not my purpose to describe this entire domain, it can 
still be said that botanical entities classified as such can be considered as proto- 
typical as the other elements inasmuch as we recognize that the morpheme 
i-shkamuk'* 'ground, surface') composing all the lexemes of these taxa (mosses 
and lichens) refers to the name of the category itself (ashtshi). 

Fig. 6 illustrates the classification of taxa included in ashtshi. The figure 
includes only one taxon (ushpudkanissat) that my two groups of informants 
classified differently. This was dealt with in the preceding section. Finally, Mon- 
tagnais botanical taxonomy comprises a few taxa that could be affiliated with the 
category ashtshi inasmuch as these taxa do not have any roots, which is a feature 
of all the taxa classified as earth. Fig. 7 shows these taxa, about which I recorded 
no divergence on classification by women and men. The figure illustrates the 
importance of partons as means of classification (for example, rhizomes, cones, 
and tumor), a feature that is consistent with the use of other parts such as leaves, 
flowers, and roots, as classifiers of taxa in other sections of the taxonomy. 

Use of^ plants.~The Montagnais use plants mostly for technical, medical, and 
nutritional purposes. There are a few ritual uses of plants, but considering their 
limited importance (only five species), these uses will not be taken into account in 
the following analysis. 

Use of plants for technical purposes includes construction of objects such as 
canoes, snowshoes, sleds, permanent or temporary shelters, instruments such as 
rattles and drums, utensils, games, and many articles traditionally used on a 
daily basis in the bush, such as dyes, diapers, and an equivalent of toilet paper. 
All of these elements are generally made out of either mishtukuat (trees) or 
ashtshi (earth), and it is with the help of these two notions that I will present the 



Slimmer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



13 



< 



ashtshi 

('earth') 



* 1 



) 



-ashashtshu ('mud') 



ashtatshipek' (* green 
-microscopic algae') 



ashashtshu ('dark 
uapdtunishtsh ('w 



" ashdishiuashkamul^ 

('plant growing in the mud') 



) 



mashtshekuashkamuh^ 

(sphagnum) 



pin&shteshkamulif 
('kind of liverwort') 



anik-ashtshi (iong sphagnum') 

kamikuat mashtsheku&shkamuk' 
('red sphagnum') 

kashikashkamakashit mashtsheku- 
ashkamuk' {' smd}\ dense sphagnum') 

kashipekushkamakai mashtsheku- 
ashkamuf ('green sphagnum') 
kamsh&uashkamakdshit mashtsheku- 
ashkamuk^ ('yellow sphagnum') 



uapitsheuashkam ut^ 
(reindeer moss) 



k&iapishashit u&pUsheu&shkamuk^ 
('small and delicate reindeer moss^) 

kahMnu^pekak mpitsheuashkamuk' 



L 



Ashpuakanissat 
('sporophytes of mosses') 



('long and filiform reindeer moss') 
kakauashU uSpitsheudshkamuf 
LCkind of Uchen') 



r 



[pashkuatshitukr 
('rotten wood') 



innashtshi ('dark rotten w 
kapminau-ashtsM 
('yellowish rotten wood') 
kashk&tshutul^ 
('small cubical rotten wi 



•:i:i 



') 



i:i:i 



') 



uapushutuV ('white rotten w 



•:i:i 



') 



FIG. e.~Ashtshi, 'earth'. 



anik-apakuai ('cortical foliose lichen') 
kap^utepishiti (puffball) 



mmapakuna — 

(old-man's beard) 

pishku&katinan ('woody tumor on trees') 

shashapina (algae) 

uakuanapishk' (rock tripe) 

uashkatamui 

('iliizome') 

u&shkuetui 



rk&shipekuti mmapakuna (green old-man's beard') 
\^kaumipati minap&kuna ('black old-man's beard') 




('cone and mushroom') 



nammdshtshiu'ushkatiapi ('water arum's rhizome') 
u&shkatamui ('pond-lily's rhizome') 
anukutshash-nekdutu ('big mushroom') 
pushuan (conk of Fomes spp.) 



FIG. 7— Unaffiliated and ambiguous taxa related to ashtshi (abridged). 



14 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



u 



technical uses of plants. In Montagnais, the word mishtuk" has two meanings, as 
noted earlier: when animate it signifies a "tree/' but when inanimate it refers to a 
part of the tree, the "wood." The free form of the notion wood is tnishtuk", as in 
mishtuku-emikuan, "wooden spoon." The bound forms are more numerous, and 
it is through their analysis that one can discover the links between taxonomy 
(mishtukuat, trees) and partonomy, or uses through a parton imishtuk", wood). 
The main bound form for wood is -dshk". This morpheme is generally found in 
those words that refer to most of the objects (or parts of objects) constructed with 
ligneous species, mainly from wood {mishtuk", inanimate) and therefore from 
trees {mishtuk", animate). A partial list of these objects would include toboggans 
(utapan ashk") made out of tamarack, white spruce, white birch, and black 
spruce; one kind of sled (utatshinakan ashk ") made out of the same species; bows 
(ak dshk") , which were traditionally made out of black spruce or tamarack; frames 
of snowshoes (asham ashk") made out of white birch, tamarack, and black spruce; 
salmon spears (anitui ashk") fabricated mainly with black spruce, white spruce, 
or balsam fir; axe handles jushtdshku ashk") made mainly with showy mountain 
ash; and tent stakes (tshi tdshk dtshikana), which can be made out of black spruce, 
white spruce, white birch, trembling aspen, speckled alder, green alder, or even 
dry balsam fir. Other bound forms for wood are -tshk", which also has the 
meaning of branch, -pemuk"*, which refers also to the leafy nature of woody 
plants, and -tuk", which also conveys the notion of dry or useful. Except for -tuk 
these bound forms are not used as frequently as -dshk" in lexemes denoting 
objects made out of ligneous material. Nevertheless, the notion of wood estab- 
lishes a link between taxonomy and uses of plants. It is also a notion that defines 
many categories in the taxonomy: wood is a key element to differentiate mish- 
tukuat (trees), shakdua (shrubs) and atishia (small shrubs) from mashkushua 
(herbaceous plants); and it is finally a notion that appears in two subdivisions of 
the taxonomy jkdu pemuku a, "hairy wooden plants," and uipita kdshku a, "hollow 
stem plants") and in a nontaxonomic category used to group fruit plants (min- 
akashidshkua). Woody plants other than mishtukuat (trees) are used by the 
Montagnais for technical purposes, but these are very few m number: only two 
shakdua, "shrubs," as pelt dryers; branches of two other shakdua, as a means to 
whip the dew off trees while walkmg in the bush; one atishi, "small shrub," for 
tanning hides; and one mashkushu, "herbaceous plant," to construct an animal 
call. In the last case, the plant is the only one among herbaceous plants to be 
named by a word formed of a morpheme referring to wood (uipitak dshk**) . This 
is consistent with the relation between technical purposes and the woody nature 
of the plants used, even if this plant constitutes an anomaly (it is classified with 
herbaceous plants that are normally nonwoody plants). 

The only other plants that are used technically as much as mishtukuat (trees) 
are those included in the main category ashtshi (earth). One of the divisions of 
ashtshi is even named with a morpheme referring to wood (-tuk«, dry wood, 
useful wood), linking the main category ashtsht to mishtukuat, from which comes 
mtshtuk" (wood). Mishtuk" dries up to give different kinds of dry wood (for 
example, inndshtshituk", dry balsam fir, and udshkuaituht, dry white birch) or 
rotten wood (pashkuatshituJ^), as recorded in Fig. 6. The latter category, rotten 
■wood, comprises elements mostly used as diapers or to smoke hides. As was the 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 15 



case for mishtuk", ashtshi appears in both free and bound forms. The main bound 
form is -shkamuh*, "ground, surface," which appears in many words referring to 
plants (for example, aU the mashtshekud shkamuk" , sphagnum) used as diapers, 

toilet paper, and filling material in log cabins. 

Medical use of plants operates in a similar manner as that described for techni- 
cal use. The main notion of wood, governing the development of one general 
category of plants (tnishtukuat, trees) used for technical purposes, is echoed here 
by many notions (for example, bark and leaves) linked to either'nomenclature or 
taxonomy of medicinal plants. Description of these parts of plants and their uses 
will first reveal the most apparent relations between uses and classification. 

The bark (uandtsheshk'*) of 14 species is used as medication. AU these species 
are ligneous^ hence classified as mtshtukuat (trees), shakdua (shrubs), and atishta 
(small shrubs). Moreover, in most cases, it is the "internal" bark (phloem) that 
serves to prepare the medication. Branches of 11 species are also used. In Montag- 
nais, branch can take many forms: a free form for branch of conifer {tshishtdpdkuan, 
which is the name of a category; see Fig. 5); a free form for branch of deciduous tree 
(uUkuan); and a bound form, -tshk", which concerns both evergreen and decid- 
uous trees and which is found in lexemes denoting plants specifically used as 
medication (for example, tshitshue ashtshiuds hishk» , "real ground hemlock"). 
Medicinal branches come from the same categories as medicinal barks, that is, trees 
and shrubs. The leaves (nipisha) of ten species are also prepared for medical pur- 
poses. In Montagnais, the notion of leaf appears mainly in the free form nipisha. 
This free form is a main category m the taxonomy (Fig. 4); it is again present in such 
lexemes as tshishiteu-nipisha, "leaves that warm up," a class of specifically medici- 
nal plants, or in other lexemes such as pdshpdshtshu-nipisha (twin-flower), which 
is used for chest ilbiess. Taxonomically these leaves are found mostly among the 
ntashkushua (herbaceous plants), but there are a few cases reported in ligneous 
plants. In ten cases, the plants used as medication are so small that no parts can be 
differentiated as to usefulness. These plants are found all over the taxonomy In five 
other cases, one atishi (small shrub) and four ntashkushua (herbaceous plants), it is 
the root (ushkdtidpi) that is used as medication. For my female informants, roots 
form a category per se (Fig. 5). The notion also appears mainly in a free form in 
such lexemes as udpush- ushkdtidpia , wild sarsaparilla. Finally there are some 
other parts of plants that serve a medical purpose, but much less frequently These 
parts still show a relation either with nomenclature or taxonomy: for example, four 
kinds of cones (udshkuetui, which is again the name of a category; see Fig. 7); four 
kmds of gum (pitshu includes all the different sorts of gum); two kind of berries, 
minakashidshkua (from min-, "berry") bemg the name of a general category con- 
taining all fruit plants; and two kinds of wood. 

In Montagnais there are very few words for medications; it is mostly the 
names of the plants that act as the names of the medications. Therefore, compared 
with the technical uses of plants, where one can find in the names of the objects 
constructed a relation with the parton wood and the category mishtuk" (tree), the 
relation operates a little differently in the medical domain. Here it is in the actual 
lexemes of the plants, used mstead of names for the medications, that one can 
find a Unk with partonomy and taxonomy There are many examples to illu- 
strate this kind of relation, which has to do with the "doctrine of signatures." A 



16 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



few can be found in Clement 1990. I will cite only three here. In Montagnais 
the same morpheme, utshatsh- (uishak-) is used in a description of throat ill- 
ness (n uishatsh iku ukutakan) and in three of the plants used to treat the illness 
(uishatsh iminanakasht, uishak ashkamuk^, and uishatsh ipukua) . The treatment 
of fever shows similar relations: three of the plants used can be classified as 
tshishiteu-nipisha, "leaves that warm up/' and the sjnnptons of fever are qualified 
in Montagnais as tshishinauashu, a word derived from tshishin, "it is cold," 
describing a state exactly opposite to the one impUed in the names of the plants 
used. Finally among the plants used to treat skin diseases, seven out of ten refer 
explicitly or implicitly to the color red (for example, mikuapemuk'*, red-osier dog- 
wood, from mtku", "'red/' atushpi, speckled alder, whose bark yields a red liquid 
when boiled), which can be used to define most symptoms of these diseases. 

Considering only the number of taxa, use of plants as food comes in third 
position after their medical (41 taxa) and technical (34 taxa) uses. Only 25 species 
were traditionally — and in some cases still are^consumed by the Montagnais, of 
which 19 are mtnakashiashkua, fruit plants. The others were mostly plants eaten 
in case of famine (for example, all kinds of reindeer moss). The word min- 



between 



three morphemes, two of which 



// 



berry") and taxonomy i-ashku refers to wood 



hence to a category of ligneous plants). Furthermore, the third morpheme, 
-akashi-, "fruit plant," associates the latter two notions (plant conveys here the 
notion of woody), and with the first morpheme (tntn-) is found in all the lexemes 
denoting a fruit plant (for example, mashkutnind nakashi , atuminanakasht 

). These plants, as noted before, are mostlv clasj 



akashiashkua 



(small shrubs). This category contains no less than 15 kinds 



Structure of relations. —To summarize Montagnais botanical knowledge, the fun- 
damental structure of the relations between these people and their plants com- 
prises two main aspects that can explain the taxonomy These aspects are plant 
morphology (partons) and utiHzation. I will detail how this structure operates 
below, then demonstrate its manifestations in taxonomy In fact, it is as if taxon- 
omy was but an effect on the language level of a deeper core constituted by a 
complex utihtarian relation between a people and a domain of its environment. 
The Montagnais classify plants in two major categories on the basis of the 
presence or absence of a smele oart Hip " 
"grow in the earth" 



: of a smgle part, the "root": plants that possess this organ 
(ashtshtt nte kanitautshiht or kanitautshiki) and plants that 
do not have any "roots" are considered "earth" (ashtsht) itselfio. The first of these 
two large categories is further divided in two on the basis of the presence or 
absence of an internal part, the "wood": mishtukuat (trees), shakaua (shrubs), 
and ahshta (smaU shrubs) are aU ligneous, while mashkushua (herbaceous 
plants) by definition are not. The technical uses of plants by the Montagnais are 
relate! to the formation or existence of the two main categories: "wood" and its 
uses for technical purposes are present in most of the divisions of the first major 
category and technical uses were also reported as the main uses of the plants 
comprised m the second mam category. Why then are there some categories that 
defme themselves in a positive way and others in a negative way? This state of 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 17 



affairs is not peculiar to the Montagnais. The origin of some of the categories in 
our own botanical system shows the same development: 

Study of de Jusieu's classification illuminates a peculiar problem which 
must have intrigued many students of Angiosperm classification. There 
are, broadly, two kinds of families, which one might call the 'definable' 
and the 'indefinable', well illustrated by the UmbeUiferae and the Rosaceae, 
both 'old' families in the sense that the concept roughly representating 
the modern family is visible in eighteenth-century works. A remark by de 
Jussieu in his introduction to the Rosaceae is worth quoting: 'Tournefort 
gave the name Rosaceae to all those plants with regular polypetalous 
flowers which were not UmbeUiferae nor Cruciferae, nor resembled Lilies 
nor Dianthi in their flowers'. In other words, a certain length of the chain 
of linked genera is conveniently dealt with, leaving as a mid-point link 
the type genus Rosa. 

Why is the rose chosen? The answer is dear. This was happenmg in 
seventeenth-century Europe, where for centuries previously art and hter- 
ature had been full of certain symbolic flowers. How could any other 
choice have been made? The 'indefinable' families, then, are associative; 
the type genus is an important European plant; and the shape of the 
family is a product of this thought-process. Furthermore, the more pow- 
erful the symbol in medieval writmg, the earlier the 'recognition' and the 
larger the family; thus Rosaceae and Liliaceae in contrast with (say) Hom- 
amelidaceae and Amoryllidaceae. (Walters 1961:77-78) 

These remarks by a botanist on the negative reasons presiding over the creation of 
a family of plants are most interesting for the present demonstration. The devel- 
opment of a very complex Montagnais category, the mashkushua (herbaceous 



Why 



could therefore have originated negatively and, in fact, this 

were defined by my informants 
has this category of plants become as important as mishtukuat, "trees," for exam- 
ple? Again, Walters (1961:76-77) offers an answer to this question when he talks 
about the relation between the uses and importance of a category: 

Had there been few Umbelliferous plants in Europe, and had they been of 
no importance for their edible, medicinal or poisonous properties, Umbella 
might well have been a genus, or at most a few genera, of the Araliaceae. 

Indeed, it is the great number of taxa and, in a way, the medical uses of the plants 
classified as mashkushua, that played a role in the formation of this important 
category 11. 

pursue my reasoning, "wood" as a central notion in the three categories 
shrubs," and "small shrubs" becomes a key feature in only one of these, 
the mishtukuat, "trees". It is m fact among "trees" that the use of wood for technical 
purposes is the most developed. The notion of "fruit, berry" is at the origin of 
another class of plants: the atishia, "small shrubs." hi reahty, it is m this category 
that most of the mtnakashtashkua (fruit plants) are found, which on the one hand 
form the essential part of food plants for the Montagnais, and on the other contains. 




/f // 



18 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



as a lexeme, an explicit reference to the woody nature of these plants (-ashku, 
"wood"). There remains a final category of plants, shakdua (shrubs), for which 
there seems to be no a priori relation between uses and the taxonomic existence of 
the class. When the analysis is pushed a little further, one notices that the majority 
of the shakaua have in common a bark that is used as medication (eight out of 
twelve taxa) and in most of these cases, it is the "internal" bark that is used. My 
informants had also stated that a secondary feature of this class was a double bark. 
This feature becomes a key one when considered in Ught of the fundamental 
structure behind the morphological taxonomy. For nonligneous species, the medi- 
cal uses of certain parts also seem to govern the formation of the class: nine out of 13 
plants are used as medications. These 13 plants are the only ones used in this class. 
Compared with other classes, mashkushua (herbaceous plants) comprises a high 
number of residual plants (i.e., plants that are not used): 17 out of 30 taxa compared 
with 28 plants not used out of 119 in the whole taxonomy. The essence of the 
mashkushua could therefore be a residual class, which would account for its com- 
plexity and its structure not being as clear as the other classes. 

Once the main classes were formed in the development of this botanical 
taxonomy, one could have found common elements in one class (for example, 
height of plants, size of stem) that would seem to have been factors in the incor- 
poration of other plants that appear now as residuals compared with the proto- 
types defined by the use of a special part. This would explain the general appear- 
ance of the taxonomy. Again, this state of affairs is not pecuUar to the Montagnais. 
The existence and development of classes in the Linnean taxonomy follow the 
same pattern. Walters (1961:81) talks about the reasons behind the development of 
particular classes of plants: 



think 



kinds of situation, which might be exem 



large genera Carex and Euphorbia. Carex, the largest European genus 
according to Nyman (1878) with 163 species, has by recent estimates well 
over 1000 species in the world. In the Species Plantarum the total of known 
species of Carex was twenty-nine! Carex, in fact, represents relative tax- 
onomic ignorance at the time of Liimaeus. This fact becomes more evi- 
dent when we contrast the generic size and number of the Gramineae with 
that of the Cyperaceae. In each case the inconspicuous wind-pollinated 
flowers present similar difficulties of interpretation; yet the economic 
importance of the grasses in Europe had ensured that by the time of 
Linnaeus forty-sbc genera were named and described, as against five of 
the present-day Cyperaceae. 

To understand this citation, one should know that Carex are part of the family 
Cyperaceae, and as they were not used during the time of Linnaeus, they were 
practicaUy ignored in the taxonomy; the opposite is true for the Gramineae: 
because of their economic importance, the Gramineae were much more developed. 

Montagnais taxonomy revised. —Table 2 illustrates the relations between partonomy 
uses, and taxonomic importance. In each main category of the taxonomy, there 
are certam uses of plants that are more quantitatively developed than others. The 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



19 



TABLE 2. — Partonomy, uses and taxonomy. 



Partons 



(wood) 

udndtheshk^ 

(bark) 



Uses 



Number of Taxa 



mtn 



technical 8 mishtukuat 

1 shakau/mishtuk^ 

medical 5 mishtukuat 

1 mishtuk" /shakdu; 

1 shakdu/ mishtuk" 
6 shakdua 

food 1 shakdu/mishtuk*' 



Categories 



MISHTUK^ 

(useful wood) 

SHAKAU 
(double bark) 



atishI 



(fruit) 



mpish 

(leaf) 



ushkdtidpi 
(root) 



2 shakdua 

1 shakdu l atishi 

8 atishia 

1 atishi/ nipish 

1 atishi/ mashkushu 

1 atishi/ minakashidshk'* 

1 mashkushu 

1 nipts/i /unaffiliated 

medical 1 nipish/ atishi 

1 atishi; 1 nipish 



udpukun 

(flower) 

tshishtdpdkuan 

(branch of conifer) 

utikuan 
(branch of 

deciduous) 

--shkamuk^ 

(ground, surface) 



3 nipisha/m ashkushua 
1 nipish/ atishi/ mashkushu 

medical 1 atishi 

1 atishi/ushkdtidpi 

1 nipish/ udpukun/ mashkushu 

1 nipish/ mashkushu 

1 nipish/ atishi 

1 udpukun/mashkushu 

not used 5 udpukuna/ mashkushua 

1 udpukun/ nipish/ mashkushu 



(fruit plant) 



MPISHA 

(medical leaves) 



UAPUIOCVA 

(flowers) 



medical 7 mishtukuat/tshishtdpakuanat TSHISHTAPAKUANAT 



1 tshishtdpdkuan 



(medicinal branches) 



medical 1 atishi 



technical 6 ashtshi 



ASHTSHI 

(earth) 



pashkudtshituk" 
(rotlon wood) 

udshkuetui 
(cone, mushroom) 

pitshu 

(gum) 



technical 3 ashtshi 



medical 4 mishtukuat 



medical 4 mishtukuat 



UASHKUETUIA 

(medical cones) 

PITSHU 

(medical gum) 



20 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



relation between the number of taxa used for a particular purpose and the cate- 
gory to which these taxa belong is constant in every main category. It corresponds 
also to what was found as being the structure of the Montagnais's relations with 
their plants. In each category, there is therefore a core constituted of what one 
could call prototypes. The reaUty of these cores is further attested by the fact that 
taxonomic anomaUes^^ can be explained by their presence. For example, there 
were two taxa, mashkuminanakasht, showy mountain ash, and uapineu-mi- 
tshima, willow, about which my informants were hesitant: the first one was 
classified most of the time as a mishtuk" (tree) and sometimes as a shakdu 
(shrub); the second sometimes as a tree, but more often as a shrub. These two 
cases are very interesting and can help us to understand in what ways taxonomy 
is utilitarian and in what ways it is not. This explanation follows. 

The core of the class shakdua (shrubs) is constituted of six taxa named, 
classified as shakdu, and known for their medicinal internal bark by one or both 
groups of informants. These plants are the following: atushpi, speckled alder; 
atutnindnakashi, Bartram's shadbush; tshttshue shakdu, green alder; apuetnin- 
dnakashi, pin cherry; mtkudpemuk", red-osier dogwood; and kdmatshakdshit 
shakdu, wild holly. Two anomalies, mashkumindnakashi, showy mountain ash, 
and udpineu-mitshima, willow, could also be considered part of the core since 
their bark is used as medication, but they will be dealt with later in more detail. 
The other four plants (see Fig. 2) left in the shakdua have the following uses: 
mUshumindnakashi, edible cranberry-tree, and innitshimindnakasht, fetid cur- 
rant, are fruit plants that are eaten; atikupetnuk", glandular birch, is not used; and 
mishtukusha, red-berried elder, has a stem which is used to prepare a medication 
for headaches. All four of these species have multiple stems, a feature that defines 
the class morphologically. Hence, the general process operates like this: medicinal 
double bark defines the prototypes of the class shakdua^^ (shrubs). The majority 
of the prototypes also have the common feature of multiple stems; this secondary 
feature, as opposed to secondary features that will emerge in the formation of 
other classes, helps to classify the residual plants that do not conform to the 
prototypes but still possess this secondary feature. The last four plants mentioned 
would constitute such residual plants in the taxonomy. 

The two anomahes still have to be explained. Mashkumindnakashi, showy 
mountain ash, possesses a medicinal bark and therefore is considered sometimes 
as a shakdu. However, mashkumindnakashi is the only plant among the shakdua 
to also possess wood that is used for a technical purpose: ushtdshkudshk** (axe 
handle), which is composed of the morpheme -dshk", "wood." This taxon can 
therefore be considered also as a mishtuk'* (tree) since the prototypes of this 
category have in common wood, which is used for technical purposes. Further- 
more, mashkumindnakashi is the only lexeme among the mishtukuat (trees) to be 
marked by the manimate gender, a fact that argues in favor of its classification as a 
shakdu rather than a mishtuk", all the shakdua being inanimate and the mish- 
tukuat animate. Similar reasons explain the taxonomic ambiguity of udpineu- 
mitshima, willow. Willow is iised only as medication and has no technical purpose. 
The niain medical use is made of its bark as medication; the plant is therefore 
classified more often as a shakdu than is mashkumindnakashi, showy mountain 
ash, which also has wood used for a technical purpose. Udpineumitshima is also 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 21 



inanimate, which leaves no doubt as to its taxonomic category. However, the same 
plant is sometimes classified as a mishtuk}*, "tree/' This time, the apparent fea- 
tures (height of trees compared with shrubs, one stem instead of multiple stems) 
affect the taxonomic choice of the informants. They hesitate and sometimes con- 
sidered the plant as a mishtuk" (tree). 

Other cases of anomalies could be cited to support this interpretation. For 
example, three plants (shdshdkuminanakashh utaiminanakashi, and mashtsheku- 
minanakashi) were systematically considered atishia (small shrubs) by women 
and mashkushua (herbaceous plants) by men. All these plants are fruit plants, and 
in Montagnais society, it is the role of the women to pick berries (there is even a 
proverb saying that if a man picks berries, he will only have girls as progeny). The 
plants are therefore classified by women as atishia, whose fundamental feature is 
edible berries. On the other hand, in Montagnais society men are the ones responsi- 
ble for the transformation of wood into objects. Consequently they have considered 
these three plants as unusable and have classified them according to their most 
apparent features. The first two are nonligneous plants and the third grows very 
near to the ground, hence their classification as mashkushua (herbaceous plants), 
which comprise herbs, small plants, and many residuals. 

The relation between partonomy and taxonomy just presented in Montagnais 
botanical thought can also be found in other world views. Feit (1978:105) has 
reported the existence of the same relation among the Cree of Waswanipi in the 
province of Quebec. The Cree are of the same linguistic family as the Montagnais: 

The diversity and types of upper level classifications that have been 
discovered indicate that there often are cross-links to other classificatory 
structures — including technological utilization, dietary status, economic 



firewood' [...]. 



:e [ . . . ]. For example, the term for tree 
may serve as well as a resource category, as 



When one also learns that the English word wood is related to the old Irish word 
fid, which means tree, and that the English word tree is related to the Sanskrit 
dam, which means wood, the conclusion is evident: in ethnoscientific terms 
establishing a clear link between taxonomy and partonomy, a taxon can be a kind 
of simply because its wood is a part of^"^. The following section expands this 
generalization to Montagnais zoological taxonomy, rendering the conclusions 
attained even more convincing. 



MONTAGNAIS ZOOLOGICAL TAXONOMY 



Relation between taxonomy and utilization: a hypothesis.— Study of Montagnais zoo- 
logical taxonomy was initiated by Bouchard (1973) and Bouchard and Mailhot 
(1973). Six main categories were eUcited: aueshishat, missipat, pineshishat, mani- 
tushat, and shdtshimeuat. The translation of these terms by Bouchard and MaO- 
hot, as well as some translations found in dictionaries from the seventeenth 
century to today, are recorded in Table 3. In spite of the fact that some of these 
translations are not accurate (for example, the category namesh includes aquatic 
animals other than fish, such as sea mammals, lobster, shrimp, crab, and all 



22 



CLEMENT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



TABLE 3. — Main Montagnais zoological categories. 



aueshish 



natnesh tnissip 



Fabvre (1970) animal. 



[1695] 



Laure (1988) 
[1726] 



Bouchard 
and 

Mailhot 
(1973) 

Mailhot 
and Lescop 
(1977) 



McNulty 
and Basile 
(1981) 



terrestrial 
beast 



animal in 

general, 

beast 



animal, 

four-legged 

animal 



animal, 

four-legged 

animal 



fish 



fish 



fish 



fish 



wild or do- fish 

mestic 

animal 



kind of 
bird, big 
duck 



duck, 

wild 

fowl 

{irini- 

chichip) 

water- 
fowl 



moyak 
(eider) 



water- 
fowl 



small 
bird 



bird 



bird 



bird 



feathered small 



bird 



pineshtsh manitush 



small bugs, 

worms 

(manitS- 

chicW 



^The symbol 8 signifies the ancient recording of the /u/ sound. 



(mani- 
tuchich) 



animal with 

maleficent 

power 



maleficent 

animal 

{manitushiss 

insect, bug) 

insect, rep- 
tile, malefi- 
cent animal 



shatshimeu 



mosquito, 
gnat, midge 
(sakitneSy 



insect, worm mosquito. 



gnat, midge 



insect 



insect 



mosquito, 
biting insect 



shellfish), these translations of Montagnais zoological categories can suggest 
which apparent features define them: mainly morphological (four-legged, feath- 
ered, small, big); habitat (land, water); and miscellaneous (wild, tame, biting, 
maleficent power). During my own fieldwork on the identification, nomenclature, 
and classification of 567 taxa, Montagnais informants gave many reasons why an 
animal was classified in one or another of these main categories. These features, 
whether mentioned for only one or many taxa, appear in Table 4. The table shows 
a number of paradigms that operate in the apparent choices informants make 
when assigning a particular category to a taxon. These paradigms include those 
used by certain authors as compiled in Table 3, but also largely exceed them. 
Taxonomic classification seems therefore to be a very complex operation, and any 
attempt to grasp it in simple terms is unlilcely to succeed. 

However, there are indications that simple keys exist for interpreting this 
complex and detailed system. These indications come from the analysis just pre- 
sented on the relation between taxonomy and partonomy in Montagnais botani- 
cal knowledge. They also originate m Feit's (1978:214) observation of the relation 
his own Cree informants estabUshed between the ordering of their animals and 
their use as food: 

Among the explanations given there were a number that referred to what 
the 'animals' being rated themselves ate. It wUl be remembered that what 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 23 



and where an 'animal' eats were the predominant criteria for the group- 
ing made in the picture sortings, and that a secondary criterion, quality 
of the 'animal' as food for humans, suggested a link between the ordering 
of the domain 'animals' and the domain 'food'. 



A relation between food and biological classification has also been found in 
Navaho, as Feit (1978:105) reports from a study by Perchonock and Werner: 
"Perchonock and Werner, using a card-sorting method of elicitation, found with 
Navaho that taxonomies of food terms intersect extensively with folk biological 
classifications." This quotation follows Feit's statement about the relation be- 
tween tree and wood that I referred to earlier If uses and taxonomy are related, one 
can expect to discover these relations everywhere and not in a single domain. The 
Montagnais zoological system shows such a relation. Among the features given 
by my informants to explain why a taxon was classified in a given category (Table 
4), there is one that corresponds to the one revealed by Feit and Perchonock and 
Werner. This feature is based on the utilization of animals, and revolves around 
the central theme of edibility and inedibility. There are also two partons involved, 
uiash (meat) and namesh (flesh), which are used to differentiate types of meat, 
from aueshish or namesh. My presentation of Montagnais zoological taxonomy 
will follow this lead, and I will attempt to explain certain anomaUes in this 
taxonomy (for example, amishk", beaver, is classified as aueshish but also some- 
times as namesh, with fish). The explanation of these anomaUes can further 
vahdate my interpretation of the relation between the taxonomy, the partonomy, 
and the uses of the biological entities. 



)/ relations. — According to my 



term in Montag 



ered in scientific terms the animal kingdom. Bouchard and Mailhot (1973) suggest 
that the term aueshish, in the general sense of "animal", covers the entire zoologi- 
cal domain, including reptiles, amphibians, and invertebrates. In the words of one 
of my informants, this is an impossibihty: "Enuk" (spider and ant), kuakuapishish 
(butterfly), sheuekdtshu (dragonfly, damselfly), umdtshashkuk (frog), and shdt- 
shimeu (diptera) are not aueshish. Aueshish is namesh, missip, pineshish, maikan 
(wolf), all that" (Jerome Napish, Mingan, 13.12.1988). Furthermore, another infor- 
mant explains why all these animals cannot be classified together m one labelled 
categoryis; "We can't name all that: the insects, the shells, and the rabbit together. 
We must rather name the groups separately: eshat (shellfish), manitushat, pine- 
uat (partridges), . . . Because, when we say aueshishat, we think immediately of 
those animals that are edible" (Abraham Mestokosho, Mingan, 01.12.1988). These 
statements seem to imply the existence of two domains in Montagnais zoological 
taxonomy: edible animals and inedible animals, corresponding respectively to 
aueshishat and manitushat. In a critique of Bouchard and Mailhot 's study, Brunei 
(1975) pointed out that the taxa belonging to the category manitushat should be 
considered as unaffiliated taxa and not as a main category, since the feature 
defining these taxa was not morphological but associated with maleficent power, 
which is not a taxonomic criterion. While Brunei is surely right in his criticism 
regarding taxonomic criteria, my data strongly supports the fact that the taxa 



24 



CLEMENT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



TABLE 4.— Features of Montagnais zoological categories. 



ANAT./ 



fur; internal 



MORPH. morpholo- 
gy; size; 

quadruped 



HABITAT 
-general 



-shelter 
LOCO- 



burrow 
walks; 



MOTION doesn't fly 



FOOD 

HABITS 

RELA- 
TIONS 
BE- 
TWEEN 
SPECIES 



generalist 



fish 



lives with 
other 

aueshishat; 
independent 



lives with 

other 

nameshat 



NGSC. 
HABITS 

UTILIZA- uiash 
TION 



namesh; 

eaten on 
Fridays 



MISC. 



A ueshIsh namesh MISSIP 



size; 

feathers; 

big 

feathers 



earth; forest water; sea; water 

can't get 
out of the 
water 



flies 



fish; 
shell 

lives 
with 

other 



social; 
migrating 

uiash 



PINE' 
SHISH 



size 



tree 



nest 



generalist 



lives with 
other pine- 
shishat; 



MANI- 
TUSH 



small; ge- 
neral mor- 
phology 



no wmgs, 
like a 
worm, a 
serpent 



water; 
amphibious 



crawls 



leaf; toad; 
meat; skin 

lives with 
other tna- 
nitushat} 



missipat doesn't Uve nocturnal 



with 
missipat 



uiash 
not eaten 



inedible 



ugly; rare; 
animal of 
the devil; 
bites; 
stings; can 

kiD; 
causes 
pain; etc. 



SHAT- 
SHIMEU 



wmgs 



flies 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 25 



same taxonomic 



my informants classified these 



tushat included, but were not limited to, maleficent 



mor 



amphibious), and locomotion (crawls), all biological criteria that are pertinent 
taxonomy. Second, 32 out of 38 terminal taxa (Fig. 8) classified as manitushc 
my own study are invertebrates, the other 6 being reptiles and amphibians, 
category manitushat is therefore relatively homogeneous and can be oppose^ 



mor 



from reptiles and am 
;is. My informants st 



never examined the anatomy of the reptiles and amphibians in their environment 
and accordingly no bones were named among the amphibians, and only a nam< 
for the jaws was elicited for reptiles. This fact could imply that reptiles anc 
amphibians are associated with invertebrates because, in the minds of my infor 
mants, these animals seem to have no bones, whereas all other animals wen 



sun 



m 



therefore the more pertinent in that it is supported by another underlying fea- 
ture — the edibility or inedibility of the species: 

When we say manitush, it is only to indicate to be careful not to eat it. 
(Jerome Napish, Mingan, 12.12.1988) 

or, in religious terms: 

Those are all the animals of the Devil. Our Lord, he has created all the 
animals of the forest. The Devil, he was jealous and he started making his 
own animals. He made anik (American toad), which is not a beauty, 
umatshashkiik (mink frog), also not beautiful, and sMshaku- anuku- 
tshash (eastern chipmunk). That one, he looks like the fur animals, but he 
is not good to eat. What God made is all good. But the Devil, he has 
always tried to play tricks. We can't eat that, the serpents and the toads. 
(Abraham Mestokosho, Mingan, 30.11.1988) 

The case of shdshdku-anukutshdsh, eastern chipmunk, illustrates how the tax- 
onomy operates. Shdshdku-anukutshdsh constitutes a taxonomic anomaly since 
the taxon was classified as aueshish and manitush. The main reason given for its 
classification as an aueshish was the. fur of the animal, a secondary or apparent 
feature of this class. On the other hand, the reasons given for classification of the 
same taxon as a manitush were that the animal's fur was striped, it was rare in the 
region, it Uved with reptiles, it had nocturnal habits or a certain general appearance, 
and fmaUy as noted in the citation above, because it was not good to eat. The last 
reason fits perfectly with the proposed interpretation, and since it fundamentally 
defines the manitushat, it could well be the main reason for its categorization as 
such. The same explanation can also support the fact that other animals are classi- 
fied as manitushat and in another category. This is the case with mukamtshu, 
American bittern, which is not eaten and which is classified with the other water- 
fowl (missipat), besides being a manitush; and with ndndshpdtinishtsheshu, star- 
nosed mole, which is not eaten and is said to be an aueshish as well as a manitush^^. 



manU&shat 



('inedible animals') 



enuk" 

(* spider and ant') 



ktaip&shkuaitshet 



annelid) 



shatshimeu 

('diptera') 






umiUshashkUk 

('frog') 



enuk!^ — 

(*spider') 



ak&kuai 

rieech'l 



('ectoparasite') 



Utsheu 

Cfly') 



( 



) 






atshinepuK' (common garter snake) 
antk (American toad) 
um&tshaskk&k (mink frog) 
teteu (northern leopard frog or green 
ushttshin&utsh ('kind of salamander' 
utshtshkaitt&V (*kind of salamander 
epuk^ (unidentified) 
{Z uetemtkuanishu ('aquatic beetle') 
^uetaputeshu ('aquatic beetle') 
iZnekuteshu ('sheathed insect') 




uteshkan-manit&sh 
■Cpikush (snow flea) 



eras 



C kuMudpishish 
■Cat&utsMshk^ (i 
*C ukashatshima 





tshinushess (imidentified) 

k&utntshU (unidentified) 

ishueshkdshu ('water flea') 

k&patshii&u^ enuk' ('kmd of spider') 

^k&kakAnukdtet enuk' ('kind of spider') 

Zai&nishkwenuk' ('ant') 

ak&kuai ('leech') 
ptshkueun-akdkuai (unidentified) 

min&mushlsh ('hairy caterpillar') 

tK" (head and body lice) 

mtshuk' (dog louse) 

p&puk" (bed bug) 

sheuek&tshu ('dragonfly, damselfly') 

k&pim&shtshU (unidentified) 

k&kak&nuk&tet sMishbneu ('mosquito') 




sMtshimeu 




shAtshimess 




Louse 



I 



I 



ntUshimdeshu (unidentified) 

Etmu ('bee, wasp, bumblebee 
tshtshtdueshu ('deer fly') 



T-r^missAk' 



FIG. 8.—Manitushat (inedible animals 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 27 



Once a division is made between edible and inedible animals, called, respec- 
tively, aueshtshat and manitushat, another division can be seen between aue- 
shishat (edible animals) that possess uiash (meat) and those that have namesh 
(flesh). That this division exists can be proven in many ways. Firsts Bouchard and 
Mailhot (1973:63) report the same division between uiash and namesh, "the latter 
being used to designate, it seems, the flesh of the animals that, from the Monta- 
gnais point of view, the Church permits everybody to eat on Fridays." Second, 
during my own fieldwork, I asked two of my informants to distinguish system- 
atically those animals that had uiash from those that had namesh. Of course, no 
manitush was said to possess either uiash or namesh. Only mammals and birds 
were said to possess uiash, while namesh was attributed to all fish, shellfish, 
lobster, crab, shrimp, and the like. On the other hand, the category aueshtshat, 
discussed above, includes all mannmals and birds known to the Montagnais, except 
the cetaceans. The nameshat (Fig. 9), as a taxonomic category, comprises all fish, 
cetaceans, shellfish, lobster, crab, shrimp, and the like. Namesh has therefore two 
meanings: it can refer to the "flesh" of a certain category of animal as opposed to 
the "meat" (uiash) of another category, and it is also used to label the category itself 
(aquatic animals). Generally speaking, the Montagnais also consider namesh (flesh) 
to be a characteristic of the nameshat, and uiash (meat) to be one of the aueshtshat. 
There is only one exception to this rule: the cetaceans. While these aquatic animals 
are classified as nameshat (aquatic animals), they are the only ones in this category 
to be said to possess uiash (meat) instead of namesh (flesh). This case is anomalous 
in terms of the criterion of flesh, but it can be explained. Cetaceans have never been 
very important in Montagnais culture; the anthropologist Speck (1977:78) even 
believed that the absence of cetaceans in Montagnais legends could indicate that 
the Montagnais had arrived only recently on the shore of the Gulf of St. Lawrence 
and the Atlantic Ocean. Cetaceans could therefore have been incorporated in the 
taxonomy only recently, and it is their most apparent features, their aquatic habits 
and fish-Uke form, that would have motivated their classification as nameshat 
(aquatic animals), on the basis that all the taxa in this category show such second- 
ary features. Had cetaceans been eaten, most likely their uiash (meat) would have 
served to classify them as aueshtshat as well, or as aueshtshat only. 

There are other taxonomic cases even more anomalous. The aueshtshat 
proper (Fig. 10) comprises all the quadrupeds known to the Montagnais, but a 
few of them that show semi-aquatic habits are sometimes also classified as name- 
shat (aquatic animals). One informant made the following statement about these 
animals, which is quite similar to the religious reason given by Bouchard and 
Mailhot for the Montagnais differentiation between uiash and namesh: 

To know if it is namesh, one would say formerly that the nameshat were 



We 



that could be eaten on Fridays. We were hence allowed to eal 
" beaver is uiash but it resembles namesh, like crab and shrimps 
' also seal, otter ... but muskrat, I don't know. Finally we ate all the 
kinds of namesh like shellfish, cod, etc. (Abraham Mestokosho. 



Mingan, 30.11. 
While there seems 



traditional. EXiring my 



mishtameW 

('cetacean and big fish*) 



Ctrout') 



( 



) 



nameshat 

('animals with namesh^) 




papak^tshu 

('halibut, flounder, ray*) 



( 



) 



( 



) 



('shellfish') 




FIG. 9. 



(animals with nantesh or aquatic animals) 



udpmek' (white whale) 

kuekiUUsh$ss (Atlantic white-sided dolphin) 
k^kAnupdsheu (killer whale) 

LMkuApaiMshkanamekuei mishtamek' ('ror 
Mutshtmtk' (possibly spiny dogfish) 
aiamU'Uan&shut (possibly Greenland shark) 

C n€meu (Atlantic sturgeon) 



usMshameV 



U. uAnAn (landlocked salmon) 

miUamgkf (speckled trout) 
shUshdshut (possibly arctic 
Mkamess Qake trout) 
atshOcAshamekush (possibl; 

attkamek^ (lake whitefish) 

mthUtshai (longnose suckei 
mdmaJcAtsheu (common sue 

kAuatuUshtsh (rainbow smi 

tshittusheu (pike) 
k&uAplshtshU (unidentified) 

minal (burbot) 
tshtshtdshku^n-namesh ('st 

upimishut (American eel) 

naiiiudpishishUMan (possi 

tdmdMi (Atlantic tomcod) 
ptipokMshu (Atlantic halibi 
^pHu-papaldUfshu (smooth i 
makan&sh (herrinc) 













CI kAshkanamek' (capelin) 
CZ uanUshut (cod) 

Tshttshttud-Pien-namesh (haddock) 
makanut (Atlantic mackerel) 
memtkutshm (lumpfish) 
matsh-ushtukMn ('sculping 

puepuetsh^iUUam" ('squid*) 
asMtsheu (American lobster) 
pimitOteu ('crab*) 
Wapish&pftshishUhh ('shrimp*) 
aitkuHpU (common rock barnacle; etc.) 
akanesMutttsht (purple starfish) 

kAudi (green sea urchin) 

k&tshlshlpanishU (common sand-dollar) 
tshintHshkananish (tortoise shell limpet; little puncturellt 
ptmindshkatuieshUh (whelk; periwinkle; etc.) 
kAkushkeu-esh (blue mussel) 
ushtkApishieU'tsh (Island cockle; northern dwarf cockle; 

misht-esh (Greenland cockle; Stimpson's surf clam; etc.) 
ClP^^^hesh (giant scallop) 

mUkunUin'esh (common razor cltm) 
mdnaisMn (long-neck clam; short clam; etc.) 

ushAshameku-esh (Eastem-River pearl mussel) 

Utsh&shku-esh fNewfoundUnd flniitAA 











Apukushtsh 

(*mouse') 



( 



) 



aueshtshdi — 

('quadrupeds') 



( 



) 



anukuisMsh 

('squirrer) 



nitshuif 

Cotter') 



Itshuk' 

Csear) 



maikan — 

(•wolf) 

m&isheshu 

Cfox') 



pishu - 

Clynx') 

mashk*' 

('bear') 



uhpush - 

(* rabbit') 



art*" — 

('deer') 



r- 




nAnHshpAtinishtsheshu (star-nosed mole) 
^Jshtnishiui'^pukushish (*shrew') 
at&mpekU'6pukushtsh ('aquatic mouse') 

kuAkuMpukushtsh (bat) 
k&m&mishitu&tsheshit Apukushtsh (deer mc 
kdtshinu&shkuanuteshit ('jumping mouse') 
misht-Apukushtsh (Norway rat) 
anukutshAsh (American red squirrel) 
sh&sh&ku-anukiUsh&sh (eastern chipmunk) 
dpAu-anukiUsh&sh (northern flying squirrel 
amishk^ (American beaver) 
nUshukf (river otter) 
uenitshukumishiteu (unidentified) 
utshdshkf* (muskrat) 
innAtshuk^ (harbour seal) 
unnu-tUshuV (grey seal) 
u&pishtut (bearded seal) 

pupun-dtshuk* (harp seal) 
tshishUshkateu-AtshuV (ringed seal) 

ueuepitshu (walrus) 
atshik&sh (American mink) 
maikan (wolf) 
shttaikan (unidentified) 

mAtsheshu (red fox) 
uAp&tsheshu (arctic fox) 
uApisht&n (American marten) 




iZ utshek (fisher) 



ermine 




pishu (lynx) 



(possibly 




mashk* (American black bear) 
uApashk' (polar bear) 
utnashtf" fwoodchuck) 



C shakAk^ (striped skunk) 
u&push (snowshoe hare) 




misht&push (arctic hare) 
Jt^Jf (American porcupine) 
kueku/Usheu (wolverine) 
attk^ (caribou) 

uAshtsheshu (white-tailed deer) 
mUsh (moose) 



FIG. 10. — Aueshishat, 'quadrupeds'. 



30 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



the division whUe studying anatomy, independently of taxonomy. There also exists 
in the traditional Montagnais religious system another division that parallels the 
one between uiash and natnesh. The Montagnais believed — and many still do — in 
masters who govern from the spirit world the destiny of the species under their 
leadership. In this system, there is a general master, Papakashtshtshk'*, who is said 
to control land animals in general, and another one, Mishtinak", who has jurisdic- 
tion over aquatic animals. This distinction is thus quite similar to that made 
between aueshishat (quadrupeds and birds) and nameshat (aquatic animals), since 
the first master controls only species that possess uidsh (meat) and the second 
mostly species that have natnesh (flesh). The only exceptions are again cetaceans 
and semi-aquatic mammals (beaver, seal, and the like); the former are always, and 
the latter sometimes, classified as nameshat (aquatic animals). Since the anomalous 
cases (cetaceans and semi-aquatic animals) are found both in the taxonomic and 
the religious systems, one suspects this is a very old state of affairs. Another reason 
given below will definitely prove the antiquity of the system. 

After the differentiation between animals with uiash and animals with 
namesh, there exists a final minor division in the taxonomy based on edibility: 
between those animals with uiash that are not consumed, pineshishat (small 
birds); and those that are, aweshishat proper (quadrupeds), missipat (waterfowl), 
pineuat, (partridges), and an unlabelled category comprising all the birds of prey. 
On this taxonomic level, I have not found any other differences made between the 
categories on the basis of type of food or use as a food. It seems here that, as one 
advances lower and lower in the taxonomy, its operation is based more and more 



m. 



m 



behavioral characters become the main features of classification (for example, 
quadrupeds, birds of prey, waterfowl). A sunilar pattern emerged in the analysis 
of the Montagnais botanical system, in which residuals appeared more often in 
the lowest level of the taxonomy. 

Fig. 11 summarizes the main features and categories of the zoological taxon- 
omy of the Montagnais. I will not discuss the missipat (waterfowl), birds of prey, 
pineuat (partridges), and pineshishat (small birds) any further; all the taxa com- 
prised in these categories are presented in Clement (1995). Similarly other lower 
categories appearing in the different zoological figures (i.e., enuk», "spider and 
ant," mishtamek", "cetacean and big fish," apukushish "mouse,") will not be 
examined in more detail since the purpose here is to present an overview of the 
way the major inclusive categories operate. On the other hand, the category 
shatshimeu, referred to at the beginning of this section, appears in Fig. 8. One of 
my informants classified it as a subdivision of the manitushat (invertebrates. 



am 



demonstration 



The Cree case: further corroboration.— My fieldwork among the Cree of Chisasibi in 
1990 yielded a zoological taxonomic structure quite similar to the one just presented 
for the Montagnais. The Ciee are part of the same linguistic family as the Montag- 
nais, and it is not surprismg to fmd similar systems. WhUe one might say that my 
study could have been biased by the earher findmgs on the Montagnais taxonomy, 
there is at least one exceHent argument against this: my study among the Cree has 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



31 



( 



) 



aueshishat 

('edible animals') 



aueshishat 

('animals with uiash') 



aueshishat 
('quadrupeds') 



missipat 
(•waterfowr) 



(birds of prey) 



pineuat 

(•partridges') 



pineshishat 
('small birds') 



nameshat 

('animals with namesK') 



manitiishai 
('inedible animals') 



FIG. 11.— Schema of Montagnais zoological taxonomy. 

permitted me to discover an unexpected corroboration of my hypothesis, which 
might not have been revealed without adopting the premise of the existence of a 
taxonomic structure based on utilization as food. T present this corroboration below. 
The Chisasibi Cree schematic zoological taxonomy presented in Fig. 12 is even 
more basic than the Montagnais one (Fig. 11). It could include other categories— 
for example, Feit (1978:180-181) points out that the Cree from Waswanipi, distin- 
guish between large birds and smaU 



iveness is not my purpose 



My study was limited, and here I simply wish to highlight how the zoo 
taxonomy operates. Thus, th< 



with 



worked 



As 



lo not have a single term to designate anunals as a whole, or fauna as 
flora. Feit (1978:180-181) has also observed this: only the most edu- 
among his informants used azvesiisucM'^ at this level. 
Montagnais zoological taxonomy, a distinction is made between 



nimals) 



became evident when 



My informants invariably told me 



it. 



' For my informants, minichuushuch comprised most invertebrates, amphib- 
ians, and reptiles, that is, all animals "that we don't eat." On the other hand, 
uuhkaanch was used specifically for fur-bearing animals as well as, at least for 
one informant, aU animals that were not minichuushuch. The edible anrnials^s 
were further divided into two major categories: uuhkaanch and nimaastch. The 
category nimaasich was equivalent to the Montagnais nameshat it included aU 
aquatic species whether whales, fish, or shellfish, except for marme mammals 
with "fur," such as seals, and semi-aquatic animals like the beaver or muskrat. 
One feature associated with these categories was the use of a specific term to 
designate the flesh of the aquatic animals, a feature absent in the Montagnais 
system, where one finds a case of homonymy: namesh is at the same tune a parton 



32 



CLEMENT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



( 



) 



uuhkaanch 

('edible animals') 



uuhkaanch 

('animals with wiyaas') 



uuhkaanch 

('fur animals') 



piyaasuuch 
('game birds' or 
'waterfowl' only) 



etc 



• nimaasich 

('animals with uhkuwaau') 



minichuushuch 

('inedible animals') 



FIG. 12. — Schema of Cree zoological taxonomy. 



(flesh) and a name of a category (aquatic animals). This most unexpected term 
(uhkuwaau) was but a confirmation of my hypothesis. Fishing is at present much 
more important in Cree communities than it is among the Montagnais. In such 
conditions, the Cree seem to have retained a word to distinguish the flesh 
(uhkuwaau) of fish from the meat (always wiyaas) of mammals and birds. The 

eared from the Montagnais language, but the system 



through time 



CONCLUSION 



While the limited scope of this papfer did not permit me to examine the Mon- 
tagnais zoological system thoroughly (the relations between prototypes and resid- 
uals were not discussed in detail as they were with the botanical data), both zoo- 
logical and botanical systems show the same pattern. A clear relation exists 
between taxa, utilization, and partons. Furthermore, there dre operating principles 
goveriung the same relation. In the formation of main categories in any taxonomy 
the union of prototypical taxa leads to a definition of the principal feature of the 
category. This defirution is based on the use of a part of the taxa: in the botanical 
system, it corresponds mainly to the technical use of wood, the medical use of 
internal bark, and the use of berries as food, which lead respectively to the creation of 
mishtukuat, shakaua, and atishia. In the zoological system, it correspond 
edibility of anunals, and more specifically, to the presence of either meat oi 
animals and aquatic species, which accounts for the formation of the categories 
aueshishat and nameshat. Simultaneously counterparts of these definitions appear 
in the taxonomy leading abo to the formation of main categories that, functionally 
are designed to assemble the residual elements in the environment: in the botanical 
system, the mashkushua, and in the zoological system, the maniiushat. 

Once formed around prototypical taxa, each category appears to have certain 
striking common elements, hi turn, these elements by themselves or interacting 
with the hmdamental features help to incorporate other leftovers and to account 
for the diversity present in nature. This last activity can help us to understand 



flesh 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 33 



taxonomic anomalies. In the botanical system, mishtukuat, shakdua, atishia, and 
mashkushua correspond visibly to trees, shrubs, small shrubs, and herbaceous plants. 
Interaction between the first two categories, for example, can account for the fact 
that two plants, ntashkumindnakasht, showy mountain ash, and udpineu-mtt- 
shitna, willow, are classified in both of them. In the zoological system, similar 
examples are found: on one level, the relationship between aueshishat and mani- 
tushat, which correspond to edible and inedible animals on the one hand and to 
quadrupeds and invertebrates, reptiles, and amphibians on the other, explains why a 
taxon such as shdshdku-anukutshdsh, eastern chipmunk, is classified both as 
quadruped (or even animal with uidsh) and inedible animal On another level, the 



between 



dsh 



(flesh), helps to explain why amishk", beaver, is classified in both categories: it has 
uidsh but also aquatic habits, besides being eaten as a namesh. 

The discovery of these detailed relationships between taxa, utilization, and 
partons is important for ethnobiological studies. Moreover, their existence is sup- 
ported by similar discoveries in Linnean taxonomy In the ongoing debate be- 
tween supporters of the cognitive explanation of taxonomy (Berlin 1992) and 
some of their critics (Hunn 1982; RandaU 1976, 1987; RandaU and Hunn 1984), who 
favor an approach that tries to integrate both cognitive and utilitarian factors in 
the analysis of taxonomy, the approach sustained in this paper can be best evalu- 
ated through its method. It is only through minute analysis of uses of plant and 
anunal products alongside study of the classification of the same plants and 
animals in a taxonomic system which is apparently morphological or behavioral 
that one can discover the relation between cognitive and utihtarian factors. By 
minute analysis, I mean not only reporting or assessing uses but above aU study- 
ing these uses in their context, such as the material used or the Unguistic mani- 
festation of the uses in the nomenclature of the products themselves. Among 
other places, it is there, hidden in that nomenclature, that one can expect to find 
the morphemes that will indicate how the relation between 



through 



lassified. What some 

forms will then prove to be linked 

taxonomy will extend to include other 



domains of interaction between human beings and their environment 



NOTES 



time of this study Randall's methods (e.g., Randall 1987:143) to determine 
I can be considered prototypical taxa) were unknown to me. However, 
U's methods (list of "kinds of" highly inclusive categories asked of a_ ! 



informants and list of good 



mainly throtigh 



data. In this sense, my conclusion and that of Randall (and Randall and Hunn 1984) on the 
majority of higher categories are convergent in certain respects (e.g., importance ot utu- 
itarian factors). 

2ln Algonquian languages, there are two gender classes, which linguists have labelled 
animate and inanimate Animate most often includes "all persons, animals, spurts, and 



34 



CLEMENT Vol. 15, No. 1 



large trees, and some other objects" (Bloomfield 1946:94). The attribution of the animate 
gender can be an indication of cultural importance, since most objects that are animate are 
so because in legends or elsewhere they have the capacity of acting as human beings 
(Vaillancourt 1980:38). 



^The complete study — which was used as partial fulfilment for a master's degree in 
anthropology — has been published (Clement 1990). 

^This study which was presented at Laval University as a doctoral dissertation, will also be 
published (Clement 1995). 

^This study was part of a project concerned with the economic and social-cultural conse- 
quences of exposure of the Cree of Northern Quebec to methyl mercury My report 
(Clement 1992) was prepared imder contract with Castonguay Dandenault, and Asso. Inc. 
for the Cree Board of Health and Social Services of James Bay the supervisor of the study 
on behalf of the James Bay Mercury Committee. 

^For Montagnais, I generally follow the standard orthography as defined by linguists and 
Native people (Drapeau and Mailhot 1989). Seven vowels are used, four long (e, a, t, u) 
and three short (a, i, u). The eight consonants are tn, n, p, t, k, h, tsh and sh. M and k can be 
labialized when they ternunate a word; this is noted with a superscripted u, as in atik"^- 

^hiring fieldwork, I worked with women and men separately, always two by two. This 



.ginal study, taxonomic 



sexual differences in knowledge 



taxonomic classification made by the two men. In this article, because of spatial limitation 
and specific objectives, taxonomies of both men and women appear together in the figures. 



®The botanical definitions of tree, shrub, and herbaceous plants used in this paper are those 
on which the best known flora for this region (Marie-Victorin 1964) is based. A tree is a 
woody plant consisting of a single trunk bare at its base and having branches and leaves. 
A shrub is a ligneous plant with several stems at its base. Herbaceous plants are charac- 
terized by absence of woody tissue (i.e., having soft stems) or even absence of stems. 

^he Montagnais system of classification comprises several types of classification that 
intersect with the taxonomy, which in appearance is based on morphological criteria 
(presence or absence of wood, height, size of diameter of stem, and so on). Minaka-^ 
shiashk^, fruit plant, is an example; fruit plant names with the suffbc -mindnakashi 
i'tninian)-: berry fruit + -akashi: fruit plant) occur in most of the taxonomical categories. 
But there are others that are not discussed in this paper, such as tshishiteu-nipisha (leaves 
that warm upl which includes other plants than the one noted in Fig. 4; classification of 
trees according to the hardness of their wood, and so on (see Clement 1990:43-44). In this 
article I am concentrating only on the explanation of the relation between higher inclusive 
taxonomical categories and fhp imp nf th^ r*;^rfc nf fVio onfUioc Mr^cc^f^or^ in flipcp ratpffories. 



^"This 



vascular 



^^Other authors have tried 



historically. 



the importance of language and the apparent premise of that period that life does not exist, 
only Uving beings exist that can be named and organized. Atran (1990), who also analyses 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 35 



this taxonomy historically, denies that classification is tied to practices or utilitarian factors 
in both Linnean and ethnobiological systems (Atran 1990:20 and 276, note 4; also 1986:152, 
note 3). In the original French version of his book, Atran (1986:152, note 3) disputes Walters' 
(1961) view, although in the English version (Atran 1990) this challenge has been with- 
drawn. To my knowledge, Walters (1961) remains one of the few botanists who has demon- 
strated an evident relation between Linnean taxonomy and utilitarian factors, 

^^Several attempts have been made to explain anomalies in different systems of classifica- 
tion (e.g., Douglas 195^ 1966; Sperber 1975). Most of them conclude that anomalies are 
due to the presence of mixed schemes used to classify natural entities. I propose here a 
more utiUtarian explanation based on the presence in all higher inclusive categories of a 
core of useful prototypes. 

^^Note that one taxon of this class, green alder, is labelled tshitshue shakau, which means 
literally the "real shakau" The fact that a prototype of this category bears the same name 
as the category itself also supports the present interpretation. 



^^Witkowski et al. (1981:8) explain in greater detail the relation between tree and wood in 
English. Their article on the origin of both terms in 66 different languages also supports 
the present interpretation: these authors believe that wood was encoded before tree in the 
world's languages, that "'wood' in the extended sense of 'tree' constituted the principal 
way in which most languages first encoded 'tree'" and that the antiquity of the concept 
'wood' is related to its use as "a raw material." 



The reality of a covert category equivalent to the animal kingdom is, however, easy to 
demonstrate. All the lexemes denoting the taxa of this domain are animate and the 
zoological species have certain elements in common (for example, it is believed that most 
nf fhf^m r-an mr^^ra u^r i-v»Qmc*=.U7*^c i-nmn;:irpr1 ivith thp botanical SDccies- which cannot). 



three animals (eastern chipmimk, 



American 



All three have uiash (meat) and this explains why they are considered on another level 



animals 

manitiishat (inedible animals) because they are not eaten, besides the fact that on a 
morphological/perceptual level they are not beautiful, look like reptUes, or share the 
same habitat. This case is similar to that of the willow. Willow has a medicinal bark that 
constitutes the useful feature of the prototypes of the category shakdu (shrubs), but it is 
sometimes classified also as a mishtuk" (tree) on the basis of secondar>' (i.e., morphologi- 
cal) features of the latter category (i.e., height, single stem). My interpretation is that 
plants and animals are classified, first, on the basis of a main usefulness (or the opposite), 
and second, on the basis of another kind of usefulness or on secondary features (mor- 
phological mainlv hut also ideolorical) that have arisen as common to another category 



prototypes are based on another main usefulness 



^n-he 



MacKenzie 



distinguished 



the vowel {aa, uu, it). The consonants used are /, I, nt, n, p, t, k, w, ch, s and sh. 

i8The informant who helped me most to estabUsh the taxonomic diagram used the term 
uuhkaanch to designate the edible animals, and specificaUy fur-bearing animals. For 
other Cree. uuhkaanch signifies domestic animals and awesiisuch or awaasiisuch is then 



36 



CLEMENT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



iised to mean wild animals (Feit 1978:180-181). But this interchangeability of terms does 
not affect the food basis of the taxonomy. 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

Research on Montagnais botanical and zoological knowledge and Cree ichtyology was 
supported by many grants and contracts. I am grateful to the Donner Canadian Founda- 
tion, the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada, the Centre d'etudes 
nordiques of Laval University, RC.A.C. of Quebec, Castonguay, Dandenault, and Asso. 
Inc., and the James Bay Merciu-y Committee. I am particularly indebted to Paul Charest, 
Gerry E. McNulty and Jean Huot for their helpful guidance through all my academic 
studies, I also thank Michael Ustick for editing this article, Cecil H. Brown for bringing to 
my attention the article on tree terms that he co-authored, Nancy J. Turner and the Confer- 
ence Organizing Committee for allowing me to present part of this paper at the Seven- 
teenth Annual Conference of the Society of Ethnobiology, and finally reviewers of the 
Journal of Ethnobiology for their critical reading of this manuscript. 



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FOUCAULT, MICHEL. 1970. The order of 
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VAILLANCOURT, L.-P 1980. De la cate- 
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WALTERS, S. M. 1961. The shapmg of 



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WITKOWSKI, STANLEY 



BROWN, and PAUL K. CHASE. 
Where do tree terms come from? 
16:1-14. 



38 



CLEMENT 



Vol, 15, No. 1 



APPENDIX 1. Montagnais, English and scientific names of plant species 
mentioned in this paper (in alphabetical order of Montagnais names) 



atnu-nipisha 



dtnuapukun 



antk-apakuai 



antk-ashtshi 

anitshikata 

anukutshauntinanakasht 



anushkaniminanakashi 
apueminanakasht 



ashdtshiuashkatnuk" 



ashtdtshtpek" 
ashtshimindnakashi 



ashtshtudshishk" 



atdpukuat 



atikumindnakasht 



atikupemuk^ 

atitshimindnakasht 

atumindnakasht 



atushpi 



ikuta 



inndsht 



innikuai 



sea rocket 



"colored flower 



// 



''cortical foliose lichen" 



*long sphagnum" 

pitcher-plant 

dwarf red blackberry 



raspberry 
pin cherry 



// 



plant growing in the mud" 



"green microscopic algae 
black crowberry 



// 



ground hemlock 



yellow clintonia 



bearberry 



glandular birch 
beach pea 
Bartram's shadbush 



speckled alder 



Labrador tea 



balsam fir 



"kind of white birch" or "real 
white birch" 



Cakile edentula (Bigel.) 

Hook. 

many species such as; 
Trifolium repens L.; Iris 
versico-lor L.; 



floribundum 



Wimm. & Graebn. 
many species such as: 
Lobaria scrobiculata 
(Scop.) DC.; Parmelia 
squarrosa Hale; 
Hypogytnnia physodes 

(L.) NyL 
Sphagnum spp 
Sarracenia purpurea L. 
Rubus pubescens Raf. 
var pubescens 

Rubus idaeus L. 
Prunus pensylvanica 

Li. 

many species of 
lichens and mosses 
such as: Stereocdlon 
saxatile Magn. 
many species 
Empetrum nigrum L. 
var, purpureum (Raf.) 

DC. 

Taxus canadensis 

Marsh. 

Clintonia borealis (Ait.) 

Raf. 

Arctostaphylos uva-ursi 

(L.) Spreng. 

Betula glandulosa Mx. 
Lathyrus japonicus W. 
Amelanchier 
hartramiana (Tausch) 

Roemer 

Alnus incana (L.) 
Moench var. incana 
Ledum groenlandicum 

Retz. 

Abies balsamea (L.) 

Mm. 

Betula papyrifera 
Marsh, var. cordifolia 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



39 



innimindnakashi 



innitshtmindnakashi 



kdianakdshkati 
mashkushua 



kaiapishdshit 
uapitsheudshkatnuk^ 
kdiapishashiti mashkushua 



kdkakanudpekak 
u&pitsheudshkamuk^ 

kakakdnudpekaki 
mashkushua 



kdkakdnudshkudk atishi 

kdkdtshimindnakasht 

kdkdudshit 

udpitsheudshkamuk^ 
kdkumindnakashi 



kdmdnitanishipiudshiti 
mashkushua 
kdmatshakdshit shakdu 



kdmikudt 
mashtshekudshkamuk'' 
kdminaudshiti udpukuna 

kdneupemakdht 
kdnutamashkudshiti 
mashkushua 



kdptputepishiti 

kdshtkdshkamdkdshit 

mashtshekudshkamuk" 

kdshtpekushkamdkdt 

mashtshekudshkamuk'* 
kdshipekuti minapdkuna 



APPENDIX L (continued) 

blueberry 



fetid currant 



// 



large herbs" 



"small and delicate 
reindeer moss" 
"small herbs" 



"long and filiform 

reindeer moss" 

"long and filiform herbs 



// 



sweet gale 
common jvmiper 
"kind of lichen" 



swamp currant 



cotton-grass 



wild holly 



"red sphagnum" 



neodioecious antennaria 



red clover 

"small hard rounded herbs 



// 



puffball 

*small dense sphagnum 



"green sphagntmi' 



^green old-man's beard" 



Vaccinium 
anguslifolium Ait. 
Ribe$ ghnduhsum 

Grauer. 

many species such as: 

Car ex 

rostrata Stokes; 

Calamagrostis 

canadensis (Michx.) 

Nutt. 

Cladonia uncialis (L,) 

Wigg. 

many species such as: 

Equisetum arvense L.; 

Deschampsia cespitosa 

(L.) Beauv. 

Cladina stellar is (Opiz) 

Brodo 

many species such as: 

Elymus 

arenarius L. var. 

villosus Mey 

Myrica gale L. 

Juniperus communis L. 

Cetraria nivalis (L.) 

Ach. 

Ribes lacuslre (Pers.) 

Poir, 

Eriophorum spp. 



Nemopanthus 
mucronatus (L.) TreL 
Sphagnum spp. 



Antennaria neodioica 
Grenne var. neodioica 
Trifolium pratense L. 
many species such as: 
Elymus arenarius 
L. var. villosus E. 
Meyer; Carex argy- 
rantha Tuck. var. aenea 
(Fern.) Boivin 
Lycoperdon spp. 
Sphagnum spp. 



Sphagnum spp 



Usnea subfloridana 
Stirt. 



40 



CLEMENT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



kdtakuashiti mashkushua 



kauapdshiti uapukuna 



kauaptshtukuamashttt 
tshishiteu-mptsha 

kduapishtukuanidshiti 
uapukuna 



kduinipati minapakuna 



kdutpdpinamdnapukashiti 
nipisha 

kdutshdudshiti udpukuna 



kduishdudshkamdkdshit 
mashtshekudshkamuk^ 
mdshi-tnitdsh 

mashkumindnakashi 



mashtshekumindnakashi 
mdshtshishk 

matshi-niptsha • 

matshikisha 



mikudpemuk" 
tninaik^ 



mishtukusha 



mitishat 
mttush 



mushumindnakashi 
nanamishtshtu-ushkdtidp 



ntpi-uashkuai 



APPENDIX 1. (continued) 



"small short herbs 



// 



"small white flowers" 



yarrow 



"small white-head flowers 



// 



"black old-man's beard 



// 



American mint 



"small yellow flowers 



n 



"yellow sphagnum" 



balsam poplar 
showy mountain ash 



small cranberry 
eastern white cedar 
common hemp-nettle 
possibly leather leaf 



red-osier dogwood 
white spruce 



red-berried elder 



field sorrel 
trembling aspen 



edible cranberry-tree 
"water arum's rhizome 



"white birch of the water" 



many species such as: 
Triglochin maritimum 

many species such as: 
Equisetum sylvaticum 
L.; Cerastium arvense 

Achillea nigrescens (E. 
Mey) Rydb. 
many species such as: 
Cerastium arvense 
L.; Anaphalis 
margaritacea (L.) 
Benth. & Hook. 
Bryoria trichodes 
(Michx.) Brodo & D. 

Hawskw. ssp. 
americana (Mot.) 
Brodo & D. Hawskw. 
Mentha arvensis L. 



many species such as: 
Taraxacum officinale 
Weber; Leontodon 
automnalis L.; 
Ranunculus acris L. 
Sphagnum tenellum 

(Brid.) Brid. 
Populus balsamifera L. 
Sorbus decora (Sarg.) 
Schneider 

Vaccinium oxycoccos L. 
Thuya occidentalis L. 
Galeopsis tetrahit L. 
Chamaedaphne 
calyculata (L.) 

Moench. 

Cornus alba L. var. alba 

Picea glauca (Moench.) 

Voss 

Sambucus puhens 

Michx. 

Rumex acetosella L. 
Populus tremuloides 

Michx. 

Viburnum edule Raf. 

rhizome of Calla 

palustris L. 

Betula papyrifera van 

papyrifera 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



41 



nishtshikata 



nishtshimindnakashi 



nishtshimttshitna 



nitshukumindnakashi 



pdshitshindkuana 

pdshpdshtshu-nipisha 

pindshteshkamuk" 



pineumindnakashl 



pitshikisha 

pushuan 

shakuteumindnakashi 

shdpumindnakashi 

shdshdkumindnakashi 

tshitshue ashtshtudshishk'* 



tshitshue atdpukuat 



tshitshue shakdu 



tshitshue uipitakdshk"* 



udkuandpishk" 



udpineu-tnitshima 

udpush-ushkdtidpta 
udshkatantui 



udshkuai 



udtshindkan 



uishakdshkamuk'' 



uishakdtshdkuat 

uishatshimindnakashi 

uishatshipukua 



APPENDIX 1. (continued) 

bristly sarsaparilla; American Aralia hispida Vent. 



great burnet 



bog bilberry 



// 



food of the goose 



rr 



sour-top blueberry 



club-moss 
twin-flower 
"kind of liverwort" 



snowberry 



possibly swamp laurel 

conk of Forties spp. 

cloudberry 

hairy gooseberry 

bunch-berry 

"ground hemlock associated 

with balsam fir " or 
'real ground hemlock" 



"yellow clintonia propagating 
by means of layers" or 



!_«r 



'real yellow clintonia 

green alder or 

'real shakdu' 

cow parsnip or 

'real hollow stem plant 

rock tripe 



// 



willow 

wild sarsaparilla 
"pond-lily's rhizome" 



white birch 



tamarack 



goldthread 



fern 

moimtain cranberry 

sheep laurel 



Sanguisorha canadensis 

Vaccinium uliginosum 

L. 

many species such as: 

Callitriche hetero-phylla 

Pursh.; Arenaria 

peploides L. 

Vaccinium myrtilloides 
Michx. 

Lycopodium spp. 
Linnaea boreaUs L. 
Ptilium crista-castrensis 

(Hedw.) De Not. 

Gaultheria hispidulu 

(L.) Bigel 

Kalmia polifolia Wang. 



Rubus chamaemorus L. 

Ribes hirtellum Michx. 
Cornus canadensis L. 
Taxus canadensis 
Marsh, associated 

with 

Abies balsamea (L.) 

Mill. 

Clintonia borealis (Ait.) 

Raf. propagating 
by means of layers 
AInus viri (Chaix) DC. 
var. siniuita Regel 
Heracleum lanatum 
(-H. maximum Bart.) 
LasalUa papulosa (Ach.) 

Llano 

Salix spp. 

Aralia nudicaulis L. 

rhizome of Nuphar 

spp. 

Be tula papyrifera 

Marsh, var. cor di folia 

(Regel) Fern. 

Larix laricina (Du Roi) 

K. Koch. 

Coptis groenlandica 

(Deder) Fern. 

Dryopteris spp. 
Vaccinium xntis-idaea L. 
Kalmia angustifolia L. 



42 



CLEMENT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



ushkdtuk" 



APPENDIX 1. (continued) 

black spruce 



ushpudkanissat 



"sporophytes of mosses 



// 



ushtshishk 



jack pine 



utaitnindnakasht 



strawberry 



utshdshku'tnitshima 



u 



food of the miiskrat 



// 



Vicea tnariana (Mill,) 

BSR 

sporophytes of 

mosses such as 

Polytrichum commune 

Hedw. 

Pinus divaricata (Ait.) 

Dumont 

Fragaria virginiana 

Duchesne 

many species such as 
Carex spp.; Eriocaulon 
septangulare With.; 
Eriophorum spp. 



APPENDIX 2. Montagnais, English and scientific names of animal 
mentioned in this paper (in alphabetical order of Montagnais nami 



akaneshdutitshi 
amishk" 

anik 

anukutshdsh 
ashdtsheu 

atdmpeku-dpukushish 

atamu-uanushui 

attkamek^ 

atik^ 

atikudpit 



atshikash 

atshikdshamekush 
atshinepuk** 

inndtshuk^ 
k&k^ 



kdkudpaikdshkanamekuet "rorqual 



purple starfish 
American beaver 
American toad 
American red squirrel 
American lobster 
"aquatic mouse" 
possibly Greenland shark 
lake whitefish 
caribou 

common rock barnacle 
northern coil worm 
common serpula 
American mink 
possibly Cisco 
common garter snake 
head and body lice 
harbour seal 
American porcupine 



Asterias vulgaris 
Castor canadensis 
Bufo americanus 
Tamiasciurus hudsonicus 
Homarus americanus 
many species 
Somniosus microcephalus 
Coregonus clupeaformis 

Rangifer tarandus 
Balanus balanoides 

Spirorbis borealis 
Serpula vermicularis 

Mustela vison 
Coregonus artedii 
Thamnophis sirtalis 
Pediculus humanus 
Phoca vitulina 
Erethizon dorsatum 



// 



mishtamek** 



kakushiteu-esh 

kdmdmishitudtsheshit 
dpukushtsh 

kdshkanamek" 

kdtshinudshkuanuieshit 
dpukushtsh 

kdtshishipanishit 
kdudt 

kduatuieshtsh 
kdutshitnek^ 



humpback whale 
minke whale 
fin whale 
blue mussel 
deer mouse 



Megaptera novaeangliae 
Balaenoptera acutorostrata 

B. physalus 

Mytilus edulis 
Peromyscus maniculatus 



capelin 



Mallotus villosus 



meadow jumping mouse Zapus hudsonius 

woodland jiunping mouse Napaeozapus insignis 
common sand-dollar 
green sea urchin 
rainbow smelt 



possibly spiny dogfish 



Echinarachnius parma 
Strongylocentrotus drobachiensis 

Osmerus mordax 
Squalus acanthias 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



43 



APPENDIX 2. (continued) 



kekanup&sheu 
kudkuatdpukushish 



kuekudtshess 

kuekudtsheu 

kukamess 

maikan 

tnakandsh 
makanui 

mdmakdtsheu 
mashk^ 
mdtatnek^ 
matsh'ushtukudn 



tndtsheshu 
mentikutsheu 
mikudshai 
minai 

misht-dpukushish 
misht-esh 



mishtdpush 
mtshuk^ 

mukumdn-esh 
munaishdn 



mush 

ndndshpdtinishtsheshu 

nataudpishtshindkan 
nemeu 

nitshuk*" 
papakdtishu 



papatshesh 
pdpuk'* 

pepeshdpishtsh 
pikush 

ptmindshkatuieshish 



pimituteu 



pishu 
puepuetshipudtam*" 



killer whale 

"bat" 

little brown bat 

Keen's bat 



Orcinus orca 



Myotis lucifugus 
M. keenii 



Atlantic white-sided dolphin Lagenorhynchus acutus 



wolverine 

lake trout 

wolf 

herring 

Atlantic mackerel 

common sucker 

American black bear 

speckled trout 

"sculpin" 

staghorn sculpin 

red fox 

lumpfish 

longnose sucker 

burbot 

Norway rat 
Greenland cockle 

Stimpson's surf clam 

etc. 

arctic hare 
dog louse 
common razor clam 

long-neck clam 

short clam 

etc. 

moose 
star-nosed mole 

possibly gimnel 
Atlantic sturgeon 
river otter 
"flounder " 
Atlantic halibut 
smooth flounder 
winter flounder 
giant scallop 

bed bug 
possibly bobcat 

snow flea 



periwinkle 



foot 



common northern whelk 



etc. 



"crab" 

common rock crab 

lynx 

"squid" 



Gulo gulo 

Salvelinus namaycush 
Cams lupus 

Clupea harengus harengus 
Scomber scombrus 
Catostomus commersoni 
Ursus amerkanus 
Salvelinus fontinalis 



Gymnocanthus tricuspis 
Vulpes vulpes 
Cydopterus lumpus 
Catostomus catostomus 
Lota lota 

Rattus norvegicus 
Serripes groenlandicus 
Spisula polynyma 



Lepus arcticus 
Trichodectes amis 
Ensis directus 
Mya arenaria 
M. truncata 



Alces alces 
Condylura cristata 
Pholis gunnellus 
Acipenser oxyrhynchus 
Lontra canadensis 



hippoglossus 



Liopsetta putnami 



americanus 



Placopecten magellanicus 
Cimex lectularius 
Lynx rufus 
Achorutes nivicolus 
Littorina obtusata 
Aporrhais occidentalis 
Buccinum undatum 



Cancer irroratus 
Lynx lynx 



44 



CLEMENT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



pupun-atshuk}* 
shakak" 

shashaku-anukutshash 
shikush 



APPENDIX 2. (continued) 

Atlantic long-finned squid Loligo paelei 



harp seal 
striped skunk 
eastern chipmunk 

ermine 



shushdshut 

tatnakat 

teteu 



tshtnishtut-apukushish 



SI 



tshintushkananish 



tshinusheu 
tshishtashkudn-namesh 



possibly arctic char 
Atlantic tomcod 
northern leopard frog 
or green frog 
shrew" 

masked shrew 

arctic shrew 

etc. 

tortoise sheU limpet 

little puncturella 

pike 

"stickleback" 

threespine stickleback 

bloody stickleback 

etc. 

also sandlance 



tshishushkateu-atshuk^ ringed seal 
Tshitshttua-Pien-namesh haddock 



uanan 

uanushui 

uapashk** 

uapatsheshu 

udpishtdn 

udpishtui 

udptnek** 

udpush 

udshtsheshu 

neuepitshu 

utnashk^ 

umdtshashkuk 

unnu'dtshuk** 

updu-anukutshdsh 

updu-papakdttshu 
upimishut 

ushdshamek^ 

ushdshameku-esh 

ushikapishteu-esh 



landlocked salmon 
cod 

polar bear 

arctic fox 
American marten 
bearded seal 
white whale 
snowshoe hare 
white-tailed deer 
walrus 
woodchuck 
mink frog 
grey seal 

northern flying squirrel 
smooth skate 
American eel 
Atlantic salmon 



Phoca groenlandica 
Mephitis mephitis 
Tamias striatus 
Mustek erminea 



possibly also least weasel M. nivalis 



Salvelinus alpinus 
Microgadus tomcod 
Rana pipiens 
R. damitans 



Sorex cinereus 
S. arcticus 



Acmaea testudinalis 
Puncturella noachina 
Esox Indus 
Gasterosteus aculeatus 

Apeltes quadracus 



Ammodytes americanus 

Phoca hispida 
Melanogrammus aeglefinus 

Salmo salar 
Gadus morhua 
Ursus maritimus 
Alopex lagopus 
Maries americana 
Erignathus harbatus 
Delphinapterus leucas 
Lepus americanus 
Odocoileus virginianus 
Odobenus rosmarus 
Marmota monax 
Rana septentrionalis 

Halichoerus grypus 
Glaucomys sabrinus 
Raja senta 
Anguilla rostrata 
Salmo salar 



Eastern-River pearl mussel Margaritifera margaritifi 

Clinocardium ciliatum 



utshashk** 

utshdshku-esh 

utshek 

utsheu 



Island cockle 
northern dwarf cockle 
etc. 
muskrat 

Newfoundland floater 
fisher 

house fly 



Cerastoderma pinnulatum 



Ondatra zibethicus 
Anodonta cataracta 
Martes pennanti 
Musca domestica 



/. Ethnobiol 15(l):45-69 



Summer 1995 



ETHNOZOOLOGICAL CLASSIFICATION AND 
CLASSIFICATORY LANGUAGE AMONG THE NAGE 

OF EASTERN INDONESIA 



GREGORY FORTH 

Department of Anthropology 

University of Alberta 

Edmonton, Alberta 

Canada T6G 2H4 



ABSTRACT. — Categories of natural kinds recognized by the Nage people of the 
eastern Indonesian island of Flores admit both taxonomic and nontaxonomic 
forms of classification. The latter consist of two modes of lexical pairing associ- 
ated respectively with mimdane discourse and the formal idiom of ceremonial 
speech. Within Nage ethnozoological nomenclature, taxonomic relations are most 
thoroughly exemplified by their classification of snakes (nipa). In distinguishing 
taxonomic from other forms of classification, relations of class inclusion are con- 
sidered with regard to ways in which the Nage language might identify some- 
thing as a "kind of" another thing. In this connection, taxonomy (in some contexts 
associated with polysemous nomenclature) is distinguished from "encompass- 
ment/' an implicitly polysemous relationship which pertains to resemblance 
rather than inclusion. The paper thus initiates a discussion of ways in which 
ethnobiological classification articulates with forms of dualistic symbolic classi- 
fication so prevalent in eastern Indonesia, and of how the classification of natural 
kinds compares with the conceptual ordering of other entities, including spiritual 

beings. 



RESUMEN.— Las categorias de clases naturales reconocidas por el pueblo Nage 
de la isla de Flores en Indonesia oriental admiten formas de clasificacion tanto 
taxonomicas como no taxonomicas. Estas ultimas consisten de dos modos de 



discurso mundano 



lenguaj 



taxonomicas son ejemplificadas en forma mas 
ficacion de las viboras {nipa). Al distinguir las formas 
formas de clasificiacion, las relaciones de inclusion de cla 



como una "clase de 



ft 



n a las formas como la lengua Nage puede identificar a algo 
3tra cosa. A este respecto, la taxonomia (asociada en algunos 
contextos con la nomenclatura polisemica) es distinguida del abarcamiento ("en- 
compassment"), una relacion implicitamente polisemica que tiene que ver con la 
semejanza mas que con la inclusion. El trabajo inicia asi ima discusion de las 
maneras en que la clasificaci6n etnobiologica se articula con las formas de 
clasificacion simbolica dualistica, tan comun en Indonesia oriental, y sobre la 
manera en que la clasificacion de clases naturales se compara con el ordenamiento 
conceptual e otras entidades, induyendo los seres espirituales. 



RESUME 



natureUes reconnues 



formes 



46 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



fication: taxonomique et non-taxonomique. Celle-^ consiste en deux formes d'ac- 
couplement lexique, associees respectivement au discours vulgaire et a Tidiome 
formel due langage ceremonial. Dans la nomenclature ethnozoologique, les rela- 
tions taxonomiques sont mieux demontrees avec la classification des serpents 
(nipa). La distinction entre la classification taxonomique et autres formes de clas- 
sification rends possible le concept de classes d'inclusion, d'apr&s lesquelles, dans 
la langue Nage, il est possible d'identifier quelque chose comme etant "une 
espece" de quelque chose d'autre. En etablissant cette relation, la taxomomie 
(dans des contextes associes avec la nomenclature polys^mique) se differencie de 
'groupement ', celui-ci constituant une relation polysemique qui est d'avantage 
liee a la ressemblance qu'a Tinclusion. Cet article engage done une discussion sur 
les formes par lesquelles la classification ethnozoologique s'articule avec des formes 
de classification symbolique dualistes, tres commune dans Tlndonesie, Nous 
faisons egalement la comparaison entre la classification des especes naturelles et 
I'organisation d'autres identites, y compris les gtres spirituels. 

In this paper I describe features of the classification of biological species 
among the Nage of eastern Indonesia. My focus is on their classification of 
snakes. One objective is to demonstrate the existence, in limited areas of Nage 
ethnozoology, of conceptual relations corresponding more closely to the model of 
scientific taxonomy than is usual in folk classification. Another is to discuss ways 
class inclusion is expressed in Nage. Using the Nage case as an illustration, 
suggest that ethnobiologists could benefit from more attention to features of 
language in deciding issues such as whether folk classifications correspond to the 
taxonomic model of scientific biology, and the grounds on which these issues may 
be decided. More specifically, I argue that while relations that constitute a taxon- 
omy may not be directly or unequivocally expressible in local languages, tax- 
onomic order can be discerned in patterns of naming. While taxonomy need not 
be a fully conscious or explicit method of coimecting biological categories, in the 
Nage case neither is it something imposed on the data by the western observer 
(cf , Berlin 1992, addressing critics Gardner 1976, Hunn 1976, EUen 1986 and others). 
At the same time, ethnobiological classification, particularly insofar as it corre- 
sponds to scientific taxonomy, is to be distinguished from other instances of Nage 
classification involving biological categories. Of particular interest here are forms 
of lexical pairing. By comparing ethnobiological classification with other ways in 
which its component categories are connected conceptually and linguistically, I 
initiate a discussion of ways in which the former relates to patterns of dualistic 
symbolic classification so prevalent in eastern Indonesia. 

THE NAGE AND THEIR CLASSIFICATION OF LIVING THINGS 



I 



The Nage are a group of some 50,000 cultivators who speak an Austronesian, 
and more specifically Central-Malayo-Polynesian, language. They reside to the 
north and west of the large, active Ebu Lobo volcano in the central part of the 
eastern Indonesian island of Flores. Nage are an interior people, living mostly 
from dry field horticulture and stock raising supplemented by limited hunting 
and fishing. However, irrigated rice cultivation has been practiced in selected 
areas since the 1930s. While Nage territory includes areas of primary and second- 
ary forest, savannah, and riverine environments, their familiarity with coastal 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 47 



marine biota is limited. Ethnobiological fieldwork has mostly been 



vicmitv or the mam 



village of Bo'a Wae. All indigenous terms given below are from the Bo'a Wae 
dialect. Apart from publications by the author, very little has been published on 
the Nage, and a dictionary or word list of the Nage language has yet to appear 

These notes are offered as an introduction to selected areas of Nage eth- 
nozoology. Not only are my own ethnographic researches still in progress, but a 
specifically ethnobiological study of the region, involving extensive and directed 
interviewing and systematic use of live or preserved specimens, has yet to be 
conducted. Information on zoological kinds derives mostly from investigations of 
local religion, ritual, and cosmology, including especially Nage representations of 
spiritual beings. In identifying species I have relied on opportunistic observation of 
local animals and plants, supplemented by informants' descriptions, data con- 
tained in zoological publications, and ethnobiological studies concerning related 
languages and peoples of western Flores (see Table 1), My knowledge of animal 
kinds was partly gained from open-ended conversations with numerous interlocu- 
tors, and partly from directed questioning of a dozen regular informants ranging in 
age between 30 and 60, All but one were men. Like the great majority of Nage 
nowadays, all informants had some formal education, though only three had more 
than six years of schooling. It was not possible to employ photographs or other 
illustrations in identifying zoological (and particularly herpetological) species 
because none of sufficient quality was available at the time of my fieldwork. 

Despite these limitations, several general features of ethnobiological nomen- 
clature are firmly established. Like most languages, Nage has no word that corre- 
sponds to plant, though there are general terms for tree (lo kaju), grass {ku\ and 
vines ikoha tali or tali kobal^ On the other hand, Nage do have a word compara- 
ble to Endish animal This is ana wa, a term which can be understood to mean 



"children, oeoDle (ana) of the wind 



// 



ponds m 



to the folk sense of English animal (cf. Indonesian binatangl it also resembles the 
scientific sense of the EngHsh word insofar as it includes birds, reptiles, insects, 
and fish as well as mammals. In fact, Nage often specified ana wa as a reference 
to all living things that moved. By either comparison, Nage would appear to be 
unusual in marking this most inclusive of biological taxa— a kingdom or unique 
beginner in Berlin's terminology— since in most languages, animal, like plant, exists 
only as a covert category (Berlm et al. 1973; Berlin 1992:15, 17). 

According to a local interpretation, animals are called ana wa because like the 
wind (wa), their behaviour, in contrast to that of human beings, is unconstrained 
and unpredictable (see Forth 1989:93). In the first instance, the term denotes 
larger, four-legged animals rather than, for example, birds and snakes, and is 
applied more often to domestic mammals than to wild species. In other words, 
large mammals, especially domesticated ones, are the prototype or focus— the 

in the language of fuzzy sets— of the category ana wa. Yet while 



"' • 1 w 



exam 



some Nage expressed reservations about including 
among the ana wa, the general consensus was that creatures other than mammals 
were also correctly placed under this rubric.^ There was complete agreement, 
even among educated Nage, that human beings {kita ata) were not ana wa. Small 
children are regularly spoken of as ana wa, especially with reference to their lack 



48 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



ti 



of knowledge and social skills. As one man put it, children are "like animals 
because they do not (yet) know anything." Further questioning, however, estab- 
lished that this identification of children as "animals" is metaphorical, and that 
Nage do not regard their offspring as ana wa in the same way they regard their 
horses, for example, as belonging to this class. 

The existence of animal as a discrete taxon is further attested by the applica- 
tion of the numeral classifier eko (tail) to all Uving things that would be counted 
as animals even in the extended definition of the English folk category. Thus one 
says emu sa eko, "one mosquito;" pake eko dhua, "two frogs;" goka eko telu, 
three pythons;" feni eko wutu, "four parrots;" and bhada eko lima, "five water 
buffalo." Humans, by contrast, including even the smallest — and least social- 
ized — of children are counted with ga'e, e.g. ana ga'e lima, five children, while 
plants and inanimate objects take separate classifiers. 

The majority of Nage terms for members of the class of animals are terminal 
taxa denoting basic kinds that do not belong to any intervening named category. 
These basic kinds — or folk generics in Berlin's terminology — mostly correspond to 
biological species. The palm civet (hheku) and giant Flores rat (betu, Papagomys 
armandvillei), for example, are ana wa (animals), and nothing more. In a minority 
of instances, below ana wa one encounters named taxa further divided into two 
or more kinds (or varieties). Thus subordinate to metu, "ant, red ant," are metu 
ladhe (a light red ant), metu ma'u (coast ant, a dark red kind), and others, while 
hale, "fUes/' includes hale eno (small fly the common housefly), hale mite (black 
fly a bluebottle), hale ja (horse fly), and hale bhada (buffalo fly). In some 
instances, the superordinate taxon is identically named at the subordinate level. 
Jata, for example, includes jata (occasionally specified as jata ulu bha, white- 
headed jata), the Brahminy kite (Haliastur indus), and jata jawa, designating one 
or more large raptors of the genus Accipiter. Other Nage examples of this wide- 
spread pattern of folk biological nomenclature are discussed below. 

The only named taxa designating a level intermediate between animal and 
basic kinds, and thus corresponding to life-forms (see Brown 1977, 1979), are nipa, 
"snakes," and ika, "fish." The Nage classification thus appears consistent with 
Brown's thesis (1979:792) that if a language contains between one and three life- 
form terms, these will be one, or some combination, of fish, snake, or bird. Nage 
possesses no monolexemic taxa corresponding to bird, mammal, or insect (cf. Brown's 
neologism wug, ibid.:793). Nor is there an equivalent of reptile, since, imlike snakes, 
various kinds of lizards and turtles are each named with folk generics included 
immediately under ana wa (animal). At the same time, the Nage language includes 
numerous expressions comprising two juxtaposed terms denoting basic kinds 
that refer to a more comprehensive group of animals. An example is peti kola. 
This consists of peti, a term applied to several species of Munia (Lonchura) and 
other small passerine birds that are more completely known as ana peti, and kola, 
the name of one or more species of small doves (including Streptopelia and Geo- 
pelia). When thus conjoined, the terms refer not just to doves and Munias but to a 
variety of relatively small birds. (As regards plants, pairing is exemplified by the 
phrase hheto pezi, conjoining the names of two varieties of bamboo and serving 
as a term for bamboo in general, which mcludes three other named varieties and 
for which there is no single lexeme.) 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 49 



There are nevertheless strong indications that such juxtapositions do not label 
intermediate taxa^ or form part of any systematic taxonomy. In contrast to a taxon 
like nipa (snakes), the class of birds designated as peti kolo is highly indetermi- 
nate, both in regard to contextual variabiUty and insofar as informants disagree 
as to which birds it should include. Also noteworthy is the circumstance that 
some birds classified as peti, or ana peti (itself a variably defined grouping), are 
not referred to as peti kolo. Pertinent here is the functional or utilitarian character 
of the latter category, which primarily refers to birds that damage cereal crops; 
and not all birds classified as ana peti axe crop pests. On the other hand, there are 
birds that regularly consume crops, such as crows and cockatoos, which Nage 
reject as instances of peti kolo. In fact, while observed use of the term reveals a 
more inclusive reference, Nage often deny that the pairing refers to anything 
other than the two sorts of birds explicitly named. Put another way, peti kolo, and 
other formally identical expressions to be discussed below, are (as one informant 
explicitly noted) collective designations subsuming neither subcategories nor 
individual members. In no case, therefore, can the referent be ennumerated, or 
modified with a numeral classifier, so that whereas one can speak of "one snake" 
{nipa sa eko), one cannot speak of one (or two or more) peti kolo. 

The nontaxonomic status of such expressions is further apparent from the 
existence of pairings conjoining quite diverse biological kinds (or different life- 
forms), for example piko dheke, "quails (and) rats," another reference to crop 
pests, and thus another indication of the functional definition of such classes. 
Here it is also noteworthy that kolo (dove) further pairs with piko to form piko 
kolo, referring to birds Uke Columbiformes and GalUformes that are regularly 
hunted as food, and hence to a utilitarian category of another sort. 

The importance of functional criteria in various instances of folk biological 
classification has been forcefully argued by a number of authors (see Hunn 1982; 
Morris 1984:57; Randall and Huim 1984; Turner 1987). Yet there are obvious formal 
differences between binary expressions Uke peti kolo and a term like nipa (snake), 
which, as I show just below, designates a well-defined taxon readily distinguishable 
on the basis of perceptual characteristics alone. Other examples of lexical pairing 
involving ethnobiological categories are discussed toward the end of the paper, 
where the significance of this pattern of naming is considered further. 

NAMING, IDENTIFICATION, AND TAXONOMY 



During the last two decades much attention has been given to questions of 
whether, or to what extent, folk classifications are organized according to the 
taxonomic principle encountered in scientific biology (see Atran 1990; Berlin 1992; 
Buhner 1979; Ellen 1986; Hunn 1976; Hunn and French 1984; Randall 1976, 1987; 
Taylor 1990:60-83; Wierzbicka 1984). Although taxonomy is sometimes used syn- 
onymously with classification, or is equated with any classification organized ii\ 
part by relations of inclusion, taxonomy as a systematic feature of classification is 
most clearly in evidence where class inclusion admits at least three levels (two or 
more kinds are conceived as members of a more inclusive category that in turn 
instances a still more mclusive class) and where this is combined with transitive 
relations (if 'a' is a member of 'b/ and 'b' of 'c/ than 'a' should also be recognized 



50 



FORTH 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



ANA WA (animals) 



f 



NIPA (snakes) 



i 
I 

BA 
I 

I 
I 



BA 

( BHOLO ) 



I 
I 

BA BAGO 



I 

GOKA 

I 

I 

I 
I 



i 
I 



G. DENU G. LEO 



T 
I 



HIKU 



I 

HIKU 
( BHOLO ) 



T 
I 

H 



I 
I 



(ETC.) 



MANU 



I 
I 



MEPU 



FIG. 1 — Nage classification of snakes arranged in a tree diagram. 



as a member of 'c'). Later on I discuss features of their language that indicate that 
Nage do not distinguish class inclusion from other sorts of association which I call 
resemblance. Even so, particulars of biological nomenclature reveal that in limited 
areas, Nage classification of living things does admit true taxonomic relations 
comprising more than two levels of named taxa. In order to illustrate such a 
taxonomic ordering I describe the Nage classification of snakes (nipa; see Table 1 
and Fig. 1). 

Nage ethnoherpetological classification comprises four levels, and displays 
not only inclusion but also transitivity (a snake is an animal, thus any particular 
named kind of snake is also an animal). These levels are indicated by ana wa 
(animal), nipa (snake), a series of 10 terms denoting zoological species or genera, 
and a series of further terms referring to varieties of several more inclusive kinds. 
These are listed in Table 1(a). 

In the absence of a comprehensive ethnozoological investigation, the her- 
petological identifications given in Table 1 must be considered provisional. Nev- 
ertheless, the scientific referents of ha, gala, goka (goka denu and goka leo), hiku, 
and pupu zupi, all of which designate quite distinctive species, are beyond reason- 
able doubt. Following van Hoesel (1958:33-34), ulu pali, the "two-headed" snake, 
is a cylinder snake {Cylindrophis opisthorhodus Boulenger). The term goko, desig- 
nating what Nage describe as a "flying snake," names a species of Chrysopelea, 
probably C. ornata (Loveridge 1946:133-134; Reinhard and Vogel 1971:412). 
Although the species is found in the Indonesian archipelago as far east as Sul- 
awesi (Celebes), it does not appear in de Rooij's (1917:304) list nor, so far as I can 
discover, in other lists of Flores species. Even so, informants' detailed descriptions 
leave little doubt of its presence in central Flores. 

In contrast to the foregoing categories, sawa and nipa 'e'e each appear to 
denote two or more different species. Sawa (not to be confused with Indonesian 
'sawa' or the same word as used in the Ende and Lio regions of Flores for 
pythons) is applied to a rat snake (probably Elaphe subradiata); but may refer as well 
to another large snake (perhaps Dipsadomorphus cynodon; see de Rooij 1917:200). 
Employing de Rooij's and other lists, elimination alone would suggest an associa- 
tion of nipa 'e'e with Psammodynastes pulverulentus (de Rooij 1917:202; cf. Verheijen 
1982), and perhaps one or more wolf snakes (Lycodon spp,). In fact, nipa 'e'e, which 
literally means "ugly snake" {Ye, ugly, unattractive, deteriorated), names a rather 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



51 



TABLE 1. — Kinds of nipa (snakes). 



BA 



BA (BA BHOLO) 
BA BAGO 



Russell's viper, Vipera russelU limitis 
Common Russell's viper 



// 



Hurling" Russell's viper 



GALA 



Slender, dark blue arboreal snake, Dendrelaphis pictus 



GOKA 
GOKA DENU 
GOKA LEO 



Python, Python spp. 
Reticulated python, R reticulatus 
Timor python, P. timorensis 



GOKO 



Flying snake, Chrysopelea sp. 



HIKU 



HIKU (HIKU BHOLO) 

HIKUMANU 

MEPU 



Green 



Common hiku 



us 



poisonous 



called hiku eko to, 



tailed hiku" 



LOLABA 



Small, nonpoisonous snake resembling Russell's 
viper (ba) in coloration, possibly the Indian Wolf 
Snake, Lycodon aulkus, or L. subcinctus [van Hoesel 

1958:35] 



NIPA 'E'E 



NIPA KELA 



PUPU ZUPI 



SAWA 



SAWA PIPI TO 



ULU PALI 



''Ugly snake," two or more species of small, non- 
poisonous snakes, probably including Psammo- 
dynastes pulverulentus and Lycodon sp. 



"Variegated snake," sometimes classified as a variety 
of nipa 'e'e, perhaps Psammodynastes pulverulentus. 

Spitting cobra, Naja naja (zupi, to blow, exhale) 



Large, nonpoisonous snake, Elaphe subradiata or 

Dipsadomorphus cynodon 
Red cheeked saiva, not distinguished by associ- 
ation with a particular species from other snakes 
designated as sawa 



a 



■headed" snake, Cylindrophis opisthorhodus 



Boulenger (ulu, head; pali, at both ends) 



Sources of information on Horenese snakes: Grzimek et al. 1971, Gruber 1971, van Hoesel 
1958, Loveridge 1946, Petzold 1971, Reinhard and Vogel 1971, de Rooij 191Z van Suchtelen 1921, 
Verheijen 1967, 1982. 



52 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



general category comprising several harmless, mostly small, and otherwise un- 
distinguished species that can further be designated with descriptive expressions 
referring to coloration (e.g., nipa 'e'e mite, black, dark nipa 'e'e; nipa 'e'e deto 
deto, flecked, speckled nipa 'e'e). 

With regard to the descriptive quality of the term, also included among these 
may be a snake Nage call ntpa kela (variegated, multicolored snake). Indeed, the 
statements of two informants indicated that this category could be subsumed by 
nipa 'e'e, with one man rendering the name as nipa 'e'e kela, while descriptions 
provided by others contrasted nipa 'e'e and nipa kela. Similar disagreement con- 
cerns lola ha, denoting a small, harmless snake named with reference to its re- 
semblance to the deadly Russell's viper (ba; whether lola has another relevant 
sense is unclear), which some Nage also described as a "kind of" nipa 'e'e. 

In view of their highland territory, it is not surprising that I encountered no 
special terms for the eight or so species of sea and freshwater snakes reported for 
Flores (see de Rooij 1917:304). In fact only a minority of people are familiar with 
aquatic snakes that live entirely in water (or nipa ae, water snakes, as they are 
simply described). While one man claimed that nipa kela referred to such a snake, 
others denied this. From direct questioning, Nage appeared to be unfamiliar as 
well with blind snakes (genus Typhlops), of which at least two Flores species are 
reported (de Rooij 1917). Two informants described "earth snakes" (nipa awu) 
living in cavities some distance underground; but their descriptions did not 
accord with distinctive features of Typhlops. That blind snakes do not figure 
clearly in the classification of nipa is consistent with their subterranean habitat 
and secretive behavior (Loveridge 1946:110). Nage unfamiliarity with "water 
snakes" and "earth snakes" justifies the omission of both from Table 1. 

It is worth noting that the number of named taxa in Table 1 is comparable to 
those reported from other parts of Flores (see van Suchtelen 1921:60, who reports 
nine named varities for the Ende region, and Verheijen 1982:164, who gives a list 
of 11 for Komodo). While not all herpetological species present in central Flores 
are included in their classification of snakes, all evidence suggests that Nage 
apply nipa only to true snakes. Questioning thus revealed that neither eels {tuna) 
nor centipedes ,(/iete te'e), for example, are classified as nipa (cf. Arndt 1961:359, 
1933:295, whose dictionaries indicate that centipedes may be so classified in the 
neighboring languages of Ngadha and Lio). 

Since all nipa are animals {ana wa), the information presented in Table 1 
reveals a taxonomy comprising at least three levels for any terminal taxon (see 
Fig. 1). Several usages indicate a fourth level. The two species of python {goka) are 
distinguished as goka denu and goka leo. Leo, the name of the black-naped oriole 
{Oriolus chinensis), refers to the resemblance between the coloration of one kind of 
goka (P. timorensis) and the bird's brilliant yellow and black plumage. The other 
modifier, denu, which is applied to the less colorful (though reportedly more 
aggressive) kind of python (P. reticulatus), has no further meaning that could 
illununate its use in this context. At the same time goka denu specifies a kind that 
is often designated simply as goka, or goka bholo (common python). It is thus 
clearly the xmmarked member of the pair. 

The categories ha and hiku provide examples of the same pattern. Nage 
distinguish ha hago, a variety of Russell's viper that characteristically hurls {hago) 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 53 



itself at victims, from a more usual variety, ha, or ha bholo (common ba), whic 
does not. The hurling viper is sometimes also described as smaller and possessing 
less pointed tail than the other sort.^ Similarly, in addition to the usual and ui 
marked variety of hiku (or hiku bholo, the green tree viper), Nage distinguish 
smaller and less daneerous sort called hiku manu (manu is "domestic fowl/' allut 



aggressive 



and especially venomous sort distinguished as mepu or occasionally, as i 
"red-tailed hiJcu."* Not only do Nage speak of mepu, hiku bholo, and hiku manu as 
variants of a single kind, however; several informants described them as possible 
growth stages of one and the same snake. While no such claim was made with 
regard to the two varieties of ba, the herpetological literature indicates that the 



hurling 



)r attributed exclusively to ba bago — the snake s ability to project 
victun with such force that its tail leaves the ground — is characteris- 



in ceneral (Loveridee 1946:176). It seems 



may be dealing with a single species, or even subspecies 



cheeked sawa." des- 



were similarly unsure whether sawa pipi to, 'red 

kind of snake distinct from those simply designated as sawa (see 



Most 



some sawa have red cheeks, indicating a more 
se then do lexical distinctions pertaining to tl 



sawa unequivocally refer to distinct natural species, or what the Nage, employing 
an Indonesian term, describe as a difference of jenis (kind, type, species). In this 
regard, the classification of these three kinds of snakes appears to differ from that 
of pythons {goka), in which the two named varieties are associated with two 
separate herpetological species. Yet even here there is a question of how far Nage 



themselves 



in kind. Some informants 



them as constituting a smgle kind {ienis). One man even claimed 



skins 



animals with old skins that had become 



What this sueeests is that in spite of lexical distinctions composmg 



terms occupy 



same 



ing a single kind with one or more 



more 



components of a fourth level immediately below nipa Ye. 



Among the snake taxa listed 



necessary component of the names 



Nipa is frequently, though not mandatorily included in the names of several 
others, mcluding nipa ba, nipa sawa, and nipa ulu pall In contrast, the remam- 
ing kinds {gala, goka, hiku, lola ba, pupu zupi) are less usually if ever, expressly 
designated as nipa. Whatever the reason for this contrast (see Taylor 1990:58-59), 
there is nothing to suggest that the latter five are considered any less representa- 
tive of the category nipa than are the others. 

This circumstance raises the wider issue of focality While certain categories 
located at the fourth, and least inclusive, level of Nage snake classification are 
evidently focal or prototypical (e.g., goka denu or goka bholo, in relation to goka 
in the more inclusive sense), there is no evidence that one or more of the third 



/ 



54 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



level categories are more closely identified with the term tiipa than are the others. 
The fact that certain snakes, most notably pythons, are represented by Nage as 
exceptional in regard to size or behavioral peculiarities does not render them 
peripheral to the category nipa. On the contrary, pythons (goka, but also occa- 
sionally nipa goka), considered as embodiments of leaders of groups of earth 
spirits initu) whose lesser members are manifest as other kinds of snakes, are in at 
least one respect central to the category. Following Randall and Hunn (1984), 
genuine life-form taxa as defined by Brown may be a rarity in folk classifications. 
However, the evidence of Nage usage indicates that nipa is subject to none of the 
restrictions associated with supposed life-form terms encountered in some other 
languages, such as Samal or Sahaptin (ibid.). 

This absence of a hierarchy of central and peripheral members signals an 
important difference between Nage classification of snakes and other animals 
(ana wa). It is also consistent with the degree to which the former accords with a 
scientific model of taxonomy. It may be noted, for example, that while bird argua- 
bly exists as a covert category of Nage ethnozoology certain less inclusive named 
categories, and particularly the one labelled ana peti (small passerine birds, espe- 
cially Lonchura), are demonstrably more focal, or more closely associated with the 
concept of bird, than are others. (Pertinent here is the fact that Nage usage some- 
times equates ana peti with birds in general, while in other contexts the term is 
appUed to a far more restricted class of avifauna.) 



POLYSEMY AND CLASS INCLUSION 



Terms like ba and hiku, denoting common, unexceptional, prototypical, or 
tmmarked varieties at the least inclusive taxonomic level, can be called poly- 
semous, since they refer both to more inclusive and included taxa. In folk classi- 
fication, this pattern is so widespread as to be characteristic (e.g., Berlin et al. 
1973; Hage and Miller 1976; Berlin 1992:110, citing Wyman and Harris 1941). As 
indicated above, it also occurs in other areas of Nage ethnobiological nomencla- 
ture. Apart from distinctions among two or more wild species, the same pattern 
is encountered when undomesticated varieties are marked with the modifiers 
witu (undergrowth, brush) and bene (wild) and thus distinguished from domesti- 
cated counterparts designated only with the basic term (e.g., wawi, domestic pig, 
and wawi witu or wawi bene, wild pig). In contrast, other examples of the same 
formal pattern are unproductive m the sense that the marked term is not 
regarded as an instance of a category designated by the unmarked. Thus while 
various uncultivated plants are named by terms incorporating the name of a 
cultivated plant plus the modifier nitu (spirit; see Balee 1989, who describes a 
similar nomenclatural practice among the Ka'apor of Brazil), "spirit rice" (pae 
nitu) or "spirit millet" (wete nitu) are not considered as members of the categories 
labeUed pae (rice) or wete (nullet). In a similar vein, Nage do not regard the 
papaya, in one dialect named muku jawa (Javanese banana), or the resin plant 



typ 



see Verheiien 1984:17), in Bo'a Wae 



smiply as a pattern in which more 



mgs ot a smgle term are analyticaUy distinguishable, polysemy in Nage naming 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 55 



practices is not in every case clearly associated with taxonomic relations in the 
strict sense. A taxonomic model is attested where the exclusive (or included) 
sense can be linguistically specified with the use either of an alternative name or, 
more usually, by a modifier meaning "common/ "typical/" "real, true/' or "origi- 
nal" (see Berlin 1992:34). The language of scientific biology uses this device, as for 
example when herpetologists speak of "true snakes." As regards, both zoological 
and botanical nomenclature, polysemy in Nage classification articulates tax- 
onomic relations with the modifier bholo, as seen in the case of the classification 
of snakes. Bholo otherwise translates as "just, merely; only, alone; empty;" thus 
an expression like hiku bholo might be translated as "(it is) just a hiku" (i.e., not a 
hiku manu or tnepu). Nowadays, biUngual Nage often use instead the Indonesian 
word hiasa, tommon, ordinary, usual" for this purpose; hence unexceptional hiku 

are also specified as hiku hiasa. ^ 

Since this device appears as a general feature of Nage biological nomencla- 
ture, the distinction between taxonomic and nontaxonomic polysemy pertains 
not so much to a difference between their classification of snakes and other 
animals {ana wa) as to one between biological and nonbiological objects. In this 
respect, the Nage case supports the view that natural species are everywhere 
classified differently from artifacts and other cultural things (see Atran 1990). 
Nevertheless, the Nage treatment of snakes {nipa) is sufficiently different from 
their classification of most other zoological kinds (which in turn more closely 
resembles the classification of artifacts) as to raise a query. The perceptual 
salience of snakes, in respect of their physical form, method of locomotion, and so 
on, does not provide an adequate explanation. Thus some other Indonesian peo- 
ples, for whom snakes would appear to be just as salient, do not possess a single 
term that includes all named ophidians. The eastern Sumbanese (Forth, impub- 
lished field notes) and the Nuaulu of Seram (Ellen 1979) provide examples. In view 
of the same comparison, neither utilitarian factors nor general cultural complexity, 
on which Brovm's (197^;^ 1979) quasi-evolutionary argument relies in accounting for 
the emergence of life-form categories, can accoimt for the appearance of a single 
term for snake in some eastern Indonesian societies but not in others. 

The systematic taxonomic ordering of snakes obviously reUes to a large 
degree on the presence in Nage of a term denoting animals {ana wa) that un- 
equivocally includes snakes, as well as a nonpolysemic life-form term {nipa) 
designating a well-defined taxon subordinate to ana wa that facihtates transitive 
relations (i.e., all specific kinds of nipa are simultaneously recognized as ana wa). 
As regards ethnozoology, the only other area of the classification revealing a 
similar degree of taxonomic rigor concerns fish. As a gloss of Nage ika,fish is the 
only other apparent life-form taxon designated with a single lexeme. This charac- 
terization, however, requires qualification. Nage do not apply ika to several spe- 
cies of freshwater fish described as having scales only on the head and as remain- 
ing at the bottom of streambeds or attaching themselves to rocks. Nor are eels 
{tuna) included in the category. On the other hand, sharks {iu), dolphins {lohhu), 
and whales (known only as ika meze, big fish) are counted as ika. In the last 
regard, it appears significant that as an interior people, Nage are quite unfamiliar 
with sea creatures, and are likely to know of whales, dolphins, and sharks only 
indirectly and simply as aquatic animals resembling large "fish" {ika). Thus ika 



56 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



provides a less straightforward example of an ethnozoological category corre- 
sponding to a unit of scientific taxonomy than does nipa. 

Opposed to writers who see ethnozoological classification as reflecting a 
natural order of perceptually saHent, physical (morphological or behavioral) dif- 
ference and resemblance are those who consider such classifications as grounded 
largely in fimctional or practical, and therefore social and cultural, considerations 
(e.g. Hunn 1982; Ellen 1993; Randall 1987; Randall and Hunn 1984; Wierzbicka 
1984, 1985). That practical factors play little part in the Nage classification of 
snakes follows from several particulars. First, snakes have virtually no economic 
importance, figuring neither as a source of food (unUke fish) nor as stealers of 
domestic fowls (unlike diurnal raptors and monitor lizards, for example) or as 
crop pests (unlike various birds and insects).'' Several species are venomous and 
dangerous to humans. This is not a significant factor for the Nage classification of 
snakes^ however, since there is no term denoting a separate class of poisonous 
snakes, nor any word readily translateable as "venomous."^ The use of hiku ha, a 
phrase conjoining the names of two species of viper, to denote dangerous snakes 
in general, does not contradict this characterization; for as shown earlier, such 
expressions do not denote discrete taxa. On the other hand, creatures that sim- 
ilarly deUver painful and injurious bites, such as scorpions (called eko teko, 
striking tail) and centipedes Qiete te'e), are not classified as nipa. 

Finally, while snakes in general are identified with spiritual beings, and in 
some contexts particular kinds of snakes with particular spirits, there is no formal 
correspondence between ethnoherpetological and spirit classification. Although 
spirit leaders are commonly thought to assume the form of pythons, other, lesser 
spirits can manifest as any sort of snake. What is more, some such beings take the 
form of fish and eels rather than snakes, while some named varieties of spirits 
(e.g., noa) never appear in snake guise. For Nage, the possibility of snakes being 
an embodiment of spiritual beings, most of which are capable of causing mystical 
harm, is no less a matter of practical, or functional, concern than is the possession 
by some snakes of poisonous bites. Despite the close association of spirits with 
snakes, the Nage classification of spirits provides a good example of a nonbiologi- 
cal classification in which polysemy does not articulate scientific taxonomy. I will 
return to this topic after reviewing several other issues of classificatory language. 



CLASS INCLUSION AND LANGUAGE 



Because taxonomic relations are systematically revealed in certain areas of 
theu- ethnozoological classification, one cannot simply assume that the Nage 
language possesses special means of explicatmg class (or hierarchical) inclusion. 
In modern scientific biology, inclusion, the fundamental principle of taxonomy, is 
unequivocally expressed with terms like genus and species. Ahnost by definition, 
traditional societies lack special terms that exactly translate these concepts. Some- 
times, folk biological classes are described with general terms meaning "kind. 



type, group, grouping," or even "lineage, clan." Nage uses no words 
sorts for this purpose (cf. Ellen 1993:61). Nor is there a word 
English "member." The inclusion of one category by anothei 
identifying a creature as a python igoka) and then as nipa m, 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY bl 



This statement, however, does not reveal which is the inclusive category; nor does 
it necessarily imply that all members of one category will belong to the other. 

There are two other ways of expressing inclusion^ as for example when one 
wants to say ''the python is a kind of snake. "^ The first is exemplified by ^ofca {ke) 
ko'o nipa (python (the) [is] of snakes; ke, functioning either as a demonstrative 
pronoun or definite article, is optional). As a preposition, ko'o generally indicates 
possession, participation, or contaimnent. Class inclusion is one sort of relation- 
ship thus denoted, yet it is not the only one, possession of property and anatomi- 
cal relations between whole and pdrt being others (e.g., ko'o nga'o, of me, mine). 
Moreover, the form of words indicating the inclusion of one class in another (such 
as pythons in snakes) does equal service in expressing the inclusion of an individ- 
ual within a class. The sample statement ^oA:a ke ko'o nipa is therefore reversible; 
one can also say nipa ke ko'o goka, "that (particular) snake is a python." In other 
words, the form pertains as much to identification of single specimens as to 
classification, or the articulation of relations between categories. More generally, 
statements Uke X (ke) ko'o Y are expressions of identity comparable to "X is Y," 
with ko'o possessing some of the functions of the English copula. 

The other form of statement capable of conveying the idea that pythons, for 
example, are a kind of snake is goka (ke) bhia ko'o nipa. This differs from the first 
only by the appearance of bhia (dialectal bhila). While often translateable as "like, 
resembling," bhia is most accurately glossed as "(to possess the) manner, way, 
form, shape, or appearance of something" (cf. Ellen 1993:61 s.v. Nuaulu nita, 
way). As a substantive it also has the sense of "appearance of a thing" (see bhia 
nge'e ko'o goka, "this shape belongs to pythons," i.e., "this looks like a python;" 
bhia nge'e can also mean "like this, in this way"). Consistent with the foregoing, 
Nage pointed out that bhia referred not to just any similarity, but to a particularly 
close resemblance between two things. Goka bhia ko'o nipa is therefore more 
accurately translated as "(the) python has the form of a snake" than as "pythons 

are similar to snakes." 

In any language to say that an item has the form of something can imply that 
it is an instance of that thing.^o Yet, in response to questioning, Nage sometimes 
rejected goka bhia ko'o nipa as an expression of the python's inclusion in the 
category of snakes, claiming that the phrase should be understood as stating that 
pythons resemble snakes. Some informants then further pointed out that this 
cannot be correct, since pythons are not "like" snakes— they "are" snakes. State- 
ments of this kind were nevertheless ehcited or observed with sufficient regu- 
larity as expressions oi relations between, for example, individual kinds of snakes 
and the category nipa, as to confirm that bhia ko'o (to have the form of) refers to 
inclusion in certain contexts. That the same form of Nage words can express 
either inclusion or resemblance is perhaps not surprising, for the same is true of 
English. In coUoquial speech to say that "X is a kind of Y" does not always entail 
that X is, in any strict sense, a member of class Y. It can also mean that X is 
"something hke Y" or "is of a kmd with Y" (e.g., "a ukelele is a kind of guitar;" "a 
mug is a kind of cup," cf. Kempton 1978; "a bat is a kind of flying mouse"). In this 
respect, the main difference between the two languages may be that, whereas 
English "kind of" primarily expresses inclusion, Nage bhia fco'o has resemblance 
as its principal sense. 



58 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



Also relevant in this connection is the modern Nage use of Indonesian words 

like macam and jenis, two terms they now regularly employ when talking — in the 
national language, but sometimes in Nage as well — about classificatory relations. 
In standard Indonesian, macam (kind, sort, type), expresses both inclusion and 
resemblance, rather like colloquial uses of English "kind." According to the dic- 
tionaries (e.g., Echols and Shadily 1963), jenis — a word deriving ultimately from 



(kin) via 
express < 



more the sense of "species," 



interchangeably for resemblance and inclusion 



distinguish between the two 



m 



refer 



language statements like 



"eight kinds of snakes," whereas Nage 



bhia is not used in this way. In addition, by using the Indonesian words, Nage 
able to specify two things, or even two categories (e.g., goka denu and goka I 
as being of, or constituting, a "single kind" {satu jenis saja)}^ 

In any language ambiguity of this sort is bound up with polysemy insofa 
statements interpretable as expressions of inclusion as well as resemblance cai 
seen to involve two senses of the more inclusive term (e.g., table in "a desk 

kind of table"). Where this distinction is exoressible in laneuaee — as in the c 



or JNage snake classification, where the more specific sense of htku can be marked 
with the modifier hholo — then polysemy entails inclusion and hence taxonomy. 
Yet such is not always the case. The Nage classification of spirits provides a good 
illustration in this regard, as well as an apt comparison with their ethnoher- 
petological taxonomy. While reputedly manifest as biological kinds, and espe- 
cially as snakes, spu-its do not exist like animals as empirical beings with attri- 
butes independent of the mind. In this sense, then, they are human creations to 
the same extent as are tools and other material artifacts, and owing to their 
immateriality are more easily modified. 

Of all named categories of Nage free spirits, the most often mentioned is nitu. 
This term is applied to earth spirits manifest as snakes, as well as to a broader 
class to which this and other, distinctly named, varieties (e.g., hapu, noa, logo Ha, 
manu ke'o) belgng. Yet while Nage often depict the separately named spirits as 
instances of nitu in the more inclusive sense, and designate specific spirit images 
sometimes with nitu and sometimes with one of the other terms, they will typ- 
ically deny inclusion when questioned directly, stressing instead differences be- 
tween separately named spirits and the unmarked variety of nitu. Things are 
quite different with snake classification, where ha hago, for example, is clearly 
regarded as denoting a kind of ha (Russell's viper), the other kind then being 
specifiable as ha hholo. Accordingly, as I confirmed in direct questioning, there is 
no expression nitu hholo (conunon, true nitu) that could distinguish the un- 
marked variety from the broader class. 

Patterns of this sort, wherein a discernible polysemy does not effect tax- 
onomic relations, are better described as mstances of encompassment rather than 
inclusion. Encompassment is adopted from Dumont (1986), who uses it to refer to 
a situation in which a term subsumes its contrary, the defining feature of relations 
he calls "hierarchical classification" or "hierarchical ODDosition." Since Dumont 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 59 



(1986:227) characterizes the relation between the zoological categories animal and 
vertebrate as an instance of hierarchical opposition, I depart from his scheme in 
separating encompassment from taxonomy, in part by associating the two princi- 
ples with two distinct contexts of polysemy. To do so, however, is not to suggest 
that taxonomy and encompassment are completely opposed principles of classi- 
fication. Indeed, they are closely hnked by what appears to be an inherent cogni- 
tive difficulty in conceiving of a class completely abstractly, or separately from 
one or more of its members: its prototypical or focal instances. With taxonomy, the 
relation between central and peripheral members recalls encompassment insofar 
as the peripheral instances are subsumed as parts of a conceptual whole that, to 
some degree, is identified (by name or otherwise) with their contrary, which is to 
say the central member or members. 

Since taxonomic contraries may be expected to share one or more features in 
common, their relationship is also based upon resemblance. Indeed, taxonomy 
may develop — ontogenetically if not phylogenetically — from resemblance, that is 
from a perception of similarities to the formulation of abstract classes (see BerHn 
1992, Ch, 2, especially pp. 63-64), Consistent with this, while class inclusion 
always entails resemblance — between most if not all members of the same class — 
resemblance need not entail inclusion. At most, from a resemblance between 
things it might be inferred that they belong to a single kind. Yet this kind need not 

be definitely conceptualized. 

While resemblance is a property of both taxonomy and encompassment, the 
two relations differ in that taxonomic resemblance concerns only terms at the 
same level of contrast. (Thus, logically, a viper caimot be said to resemble a 
snake.) Encompassment, on the other hand, entails an additional resemblance, 
tending towards an identity, of terms at the superordinate and subordinate levels, 
inasmuch as these are not consciously distinguished. In this respect, encompass- 
ment is a fundamentally binary relationship, whereas taxonomy, requiring a su- 
perordinate term plus contrasting terms at the subordinate level, is minimally 
ternary. At the same time, the fact that encompassment links comparable terms 
that, owing to the ambiguity of the relation, exist simultaneously at the same and 
at different levels, recalls the equivocal nature of Nage hhta ko'o (to have the form 
of). That this phrase expresses both resemblance and inclusion underlines the fact 
that taxonomy and encompassment are not always easily distinguished. Encom- 
passment is also comparable to what Hunn and French (1984) call coordination; a 
biological category is named as X plus a modifier, and thus contrasted with 
uiunodified X without the latter being further identified as the name of a class 
superordinate to both. I differ from these authors, however, in regard to their 
identification of coordination with polysemy in general, or their claim that con- 
struing X as the common name of distinct superordinate and subordinate taxa 
always imposes an alien taxonomic form on ethnobiological naming patterns. 

PARALLELISM AND LEXICAL PAIRING OF BIOLOGICAL NAMES 



In characterizing the Nage classification of snakes (and, in a lesser degree, < 
other animals) as taxonomic, and their classification of spirits as nontaxonomic 
distinguish classification, as the more general term denoting ways in which cat 



60 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



gories are conceptually connected, from taxonomy, referring to a particular classi- 
ficatory principle. While inclusion is essential only to taxonomy, any form of 
classification entails the perception of resemblance. Yet members of a class may 
share one or more features in common with all other members or they may not. In 
the first case, one is deaUng with monothetic classification, and in the second with 
polythetic classification — a pattern of Wittgensteinian "family resemblances" 
wherein any member shares different features with different other members 
(Needham 1975). 

Taxonomy is distinguished from other forms of classification not on the basis 
of the monothetic nature of component classes, but by the abstract character of 
the superordinate class: the fact that it is conceptually distinct from all of its 
members. With other forms of classification, by contrast, items can be grouped 
together on the basis of resemblance alone, that is, on the basis of some purely 
horizontal, or cognatic, conception of relatedness — as for example, when two or 
more entities are spoken of as being related to one another in a kinship idiom (cf. 
BerUn 1992:19-20), In order to distinguish other forms of conceptual order from 
taxonomic classification, some of the former have sometimes been characterized 
as symbolic classification (Needham 1980:45). How useful it might be to charac- 
terize all nontaxonomic classification as symbolic is a matter that need not con- 
cern us here. It may however be remarked that forms of classification encountered 
in cosmology and ritual, for example, appear on the whole not to involve tax- 
onomic relations. 

As regards animal categories, one instance of a nontaxonomic classification 
based solely on resemblance is the previously mentioned practice of lexical pairing. 
Binary expressions conjoining a particular pair of ethnobiological names operate as 
a sort of dualistic synecdoche since they refer to a class of things larger than the two 
kinds named. As demonstrated with reference to peti kolo, mimia-dove, however, 
such classes do not participate in taxonomic relations owing to their indeterminate 
nature, internal variety, and collective reference (or indivisibility). 



im 



Further instances of the idiom, all of which exem 



ble 2^ which includes pairs of names referring to crop pests, wild animals 
food, bothersome creatures, particularly valuable domestic animals, and £ 
similar form of binary classification is reported for the Melpa of New Gi 
tio also pair biological kinds on the basis of "functional similarities," some 
en "standing for the whole class" that they exemplify (Lancy and Stra 



see 



im 



lexical pairing does not concern ethnobiological categories alone, but apphes as 
well to nonbiological things that, as several authors (van Esterik 1982; Stanlaw 
and Bencha 1985) have convincingly shown, are not classified in accordance with 
a consistently taxonomic model. Examples of such pairings include nitu hapu, 
comprising the name of two kinds of spirits and referring to a larger class of 
spiritual beings; ehu kajo, "grandparent" and "great-grandparent," in combina- 

signatmg ancestors in general; uta tua, "green vegetables" and "palm 



wine" 



Sim 



mbining the first person plural inclusive pronoun with a word specifying 



humans dissociated from the speaker, and referring to human beings in 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



61 



TABLE 2. — Instances of lexical pairings applied to more inclusive 
classes of animals. 



BIRDS: 



peti kolo 
piko kolo 
iki jata 



jata kua 



munia, dove; birds that destroy crops (see text) 
quail, dove; game birds (see text) 

to 

small falcon, Brahminy kite; diurnal raptors, 
especially ones that regularly steal domestic fowls 

kua names two or more kinds of eagle; the reference 
of this expression is the same as the iki jata 



INSECTS 



emu hale 



maju tnela 



metu mule 



mosquito, fly; bothersome flying insects 

bedbug, dog flea; tiny biting insects (also a reference 
to tmdesirable qualities removed from houses in an 
armual rite of cleansing) 

ant or red ant, black ant; ants in general, conceived 
as small insects that deliver a painful sting 



REPTILES: 



hiku ha 



iu ngebu 



green tree adder, Russell's viper; poisonous snakes 



erous 



inhabiting the sea. (Note: This expression pairs 
reotile with a nonreptile.) 



MAMMALS: 



kogha wawi 



bheku meo 



kutu betu 



bhada ja 



deer, (wild) pig; major and most valued game 
animals. (See also kogha wawi, kuza tuna, referring 
to wild foods in general, derived from both land and 
water; kuza, crustacean (e.g. crayfish); tuna, eel.) 

palm civet, (wild) cat; small animals occasionally 
taken as food, though particularly in the context of 
the annual ngobu ritual. 

porcupine, giant rat; smaller aninmls occasionally 
hunted; sometimes paired with bheku meo (see 

above). 

water buffalo, horse; largest and most valuable 
domestic animals, all animals used as bridewealth 
(cf. bhada wea, buffalo, gold; major animate and 
inanimate components of wealth, including 
bridewealth; thus a reference to wealth in general). 



62 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



Another example provides a particularly revealing illustration of the func- 
tional and cultural, as opposed to physical or perceptual, basis of this form of 
dualistic classification as it concerns natural kinds. Nage indicate the nocturnal 
presence of spiritual danger with the double pairing po ko, uci meet. Po and ko 
both refer to owls and owl vocalizations. Meci denotes both a kind of cricket and 
the insect's characteristic sound, while uci is a nocturnal vocalization not linked 
exclusively with any zoological species. Since Nage regard all four sounds as 
auditory manifestations of witches and malevolent spirits, and thus as inauspi- 
cious omens, it is clearly this common mystical association rather than any mor- 
phological or behavioral similarities that links together the implicated zoological 
kinds. 

While the motivation for such pairings is resemblance relating to the func- 
tional value — or cultural significance — of named kinds, the fact that it is always 
two kinds, or sometimes two pairs, that are named together cannot be explained 
in practical terms. This reflects instead a pervasive dualism, a general principle of 
Nage culture evidenced in a wide variety of social, cosmological, and ritual 
forms. Lexical pairing is not simply a common form of naming objects, but a 
general feature of Nage syntax. Thus, words with verbal senses are also regularly 
juxtaposed (e.g., tana ngale, "io enquire, request," compromising two words that 
by themselves mean "to ask"), as are terms denoting types of social groups, 
territorial units, social persons or statuses, spiritual beings, and kin (see Forth 
1993:117-119). 

As some of these applications may suggest, lexical pairings do not always 
designate classes of things more inclusive than the pair actually named. In many 
cases the component terms are roughly synonymous (as in the example of tana 
ngale). In this instance, moreover, the main function of the idiom is disambigua- 
tion rather than class designation. (Thus tana means not only "to ask," but also 
"land, earth," and so when similarly conjoined with watu, "stone,'' figures in 
another pairing, tana watu, as a reference to "territory") Disambiguation is also 
operative in the zoological pairings kogha wawi and bheku meo (see Table 2) 
insofar as it is inunediately clear, from the complementary terms, that the refer- 
ents are specifically wild pigs {zvawi witu) and wild cats {meo witu), rather than 
their domestic counterparts. Nevertheless, whether they are synonyms or words 
with quite distinct referents, conjoined terms always have significances that are in 
some way comparable or figure as complementary components of unitary mean- 
ings, so that one can accurately speak here of parallelism (cf . Jakobson 1973). 

In addition to the mundane lexical pairing illustrated above, the Nage ten- 
dency "to speak in pairs" (cf. Fox 1988) is extensively evidenced in the canonical 
parallelism of Nage ritual speech, which requires that elements (words, phrases) 
always be combmed with specific other elements. Certain pairings from everyday 
speech also appear in this formal idiom, which is largely reserved for ceremonies 
(addresses to spirits, invocations, prayers). In this case they are typically elabo- 
rated by the addition of other words or phrases (verbs, modifiers) separating the 
paired elements. For example, the phrases kogha poma, wawi jola (deer bathe, 
wild pigs wallow) refer in pakn-tapping ritual to people enjoying an abundant 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 63 



endeavour. 



ong others, dove that urges c 
company of others, or seeks 



means 



more mundane 



to the mundane pairings metu mule, kogha wawi, and peti kolq (see Table 2), in 
the ceremonial idiom one finds the pairings mule//ipu (black ant//immature 
form of riverine fish), wawi/ fmanu (domestic pig//domestic fowl), and 
kata//piko (junglefowl/ /quail). Denoting creatures that occur in large num- 



many offspring, these names 



ring hopefully to human 



many 



many 



domestic 



piko wigho (reproduce like junglefowl in the plains, cluster together like quail 



exam 



insects and fish; mammals 



comparable onlv in regard to very specific attributes (e.g., swarmmg 



m 



when kata mala, "junglefowl of the plain," is paired with mako ae, a flowering 
plant {Ipomoea sp., cf. Verheijen 1990:31, 51, 69) that grows prolifically near 
bodies of water (ael In contrast, mundane lexical pairings typically denote 
animals that share a more general resemblance and are mc 



. «xiw^ U.X.V. w...^. ^, ^nd horses, Munia 

wild cats). A number of parallelistic expressions, 



many 



mostly ones whose similarity lies precisely in the augural 



in 



Names of snakes, the most taxonomically ordered of animals, rarely appear 
as components of binary expressions in either mundane or ceremonial speech. 
In the latter idiom I have discovered only one pairing, and this comprises 
ethnoherpetological terms occupying different classificatory levels. The expres- 
sion is nipa lia, gala bha (snake in a cave, white gala snake), and refers to 
something that is rarely seen. (The gala is normally a dark-colored snake.) That 
snakes should provide the one instance of a life-form term paired with the name 
of an included terminal taxon is hardly surprising. The relative absence of 



names from all forms 



named snakes — in contrast to 



birds or mammals, for example— are so aUke that individual kinds lack spec 
metaphorical value. RecaUing that mundane ethnozoological pairings mos 
designate functional classes, another factor may be that particular snakes, age 
by comparison to other animals, are relatively devoid of functional or utiHtari 
valup. (A'i rpcr;,rrl<; nrarHral sifmificance. while not all snakes deliver a painl 



manifestations 



malevolent being; 



64 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



CONCLUDING REMARKS 



Although no speech form unequivocally denotes class inclusion, taxonomic 

relations involving both inclusion and transitivity are present in Nage ethno- 

zoological classification, while absent from other areas of classification, for 

example, that of spiritual beings. Taxonomic ordering, best exemplified by their 

classification of snakes, is not equally developed in all areas of Nage zoological 

nomenclature. It is not an external framework arbitrarily imposed on selected 

data; it is a property of certain forms of language use and so discernible as the 

product of their analysis. As an examination of Nage snake classification has 

shown, ethnoherpetological categories cannot be interpreted in any way but as 

components of a taxonomic order. No evidence indicates that any named kind is 

more focal, exemplary, or protot5^ical of the category nipa than any other. 

Polysemy is evidenced at lower levels, but neither polysemy nor prototypicality 

is inconsistent with taxonomy either in Nage or scientific zoology, where a 

polysemous use of terms designating both genera and species or species and 

subspecies (see e.g., Naja naja naja, the spitting cobra) is a standard and com- 
mon practice. 

Various instances of Nage classification reveal a nontaxonomic relationship 
between categories that can be called encompassment. With encompassment, 
inclusion is implied by linguistic usage yet usually contradicted by informants' 
statements. A category encompasses another when there is no regular distinction, 
lexical or otherwise, between a superordinate conceptual entity and one existing 
at the same level of contrast with a distinctly named encompassed term. While 
encompassment is thus formally similar to taxonomic polysemy, in which the 
same name is applied to taxa occupying superordinate and subordinate levels 
(e.g., a word denotes both a group of biological kinds and a particular kind 
included in the group), the latter is distinguished by a recognition by users of two 
distinct senses of the polysemous term. This is the formal difference. In practice it 
may not always be apparent whether what the analyst would recognize as poly- 
semy articulates encompassment or taxonomy. Related to this, insofar as the Nage 
language does not entirely distmguish resemblance and inclusion, both classifica- 
tory relations can be expressed by the same form of words. 

Using classification in a broad sense, a major outcome of the present study is 
the discovery that the Nage possess three distinct classifications of biological en- 
tities. One, which may be called ethnobiological, does admit taxonomic relations 
and order categories primarily on the basis of morphological and other physical 
resemblances between natural kinds. The other two modes of classification can 
both be described as parallelistic. One occurs m ritual speech, where two terms 
are conjoined owing to their symbolic or metaphoric similarity— the fact that the 
natural kinds to which they refer both serve as metaphorical references to the 
same things. Although ritual speech pairings are sometimes the same as those 
encountered in everyday language, there are numerous distinct mundane pair- 
ings that designate functional or utilitarian classes. These binary expressions 
operate quite differently from taxonomic names. Mundane pairings do not name 
categories that comprise numerable individuals, and so for this reason alone 
cannot participate in taxonomic relations. Nor do they serve as figurative refer- 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 65 



ences, for example to qualities or powers of humans or anthropomorphous beings, 
as do the pairings of ritual language. 

In this last regard, the two instances of binary speech contrast in a way 
reminiscent of the standard distinctions of metaphor (connecting semantically 
contrasting wholes) and metonymy (connecting parts with wholes) and of symbol 
and sign (cf. Leach 1976). The two appHcations of the pair piko (quail) and kola 
(dove) exemplify these contrasts. Their elaborated combination- in ceremonial 
contexts links the bird categories with human reproductive power, while their 
simple juxtaposition in mundane speech produces a form of synecdoche whose 
reference remains ornithological. The contrasts of whole to whole and whole 
to part relations, often used to characterize the distinction of metaphor and 
metonymy, also bear upon the contrast of resemblance and inclusion as it pertains 
to different forms of classification. Not constituting true taxa, expressions like 
piko kolo (game birds) do not fully accommodate relations of inclusion. Nev- 
ertheless, they do rely on inclusion — the use of two included parts to name a 

—to fhp pxtpnt that thp binarv exoression is emploved to refer to a 



larger whole - 

large group o\ 

Inasmuch 



comprise more than the two kinds specified by name 



be seen 

to involve encompassment. That is, piko kolo can be understood in two undis- 
tinguished senses, as a reference to all game birds and as a subsumed category 
denoting only quails {piko) and doves (kolo). The second sense would then con- 
trast with an unnamed category of other game birds, similarly subsumed by piko 
kolo in the first, encompassing sense, in a way completely comparable to the 
relation between the spirit categories nitu and bapu. Being identifiable with en- 
compassment, expressions like piko kolo are therefore dissociated from taxo- 

nomic relations in yet another respect. 

Since the components of some mundane juxtapositions are identical to paired 
terms in ritual language, one may infer that functional resemblance is more 
readily converted into symbolic association than is taxonomic linkage. However 
that may be, it is clear that Nage connect animal categories m several ways, and 
only one of these is taxonomic. In this eastern Indonesian society systematic 
taxonomy co-exists with nontaxonomic forms of classification, even when these 
concern identically named biological kinds. By the same token, identical catego- 
ries form part of both hierarchical and symbolic classifications (Needham 1980). 
Writing on the Melpa of New Guinea, who similarly combine taxonomy and 
pairing, Lancy and Strathern (1981:788) suggest that the binary mode of expres- 
sion may "interfere with" or "block" the taxonomic ordermg of biological catego- 
ries. I have no evidence that this occurs among Nage, and there is good reason to 
suppose it does not. For in the eastern Indonesian case, pairing and taxonomy 
evidently relate to forms of conceptual order effected for quite different purposes. 



NOTES 



;e words are written with the following orthographic conventions. The /bh/ and / 
implosives; /c/ approximates English 'ch'; /gh/ represents a voiceless fricative 



66 



FORTH Vol. 15, No. 1 



Ehitch '%'); while /w/ is often closer to English 'v'. Glottal stops are indicated with /7. 
These have phonemic value initially and medially but not terminally. In initial positions in 
disyllabic words (e.g., fega, kingfisher), /e/ (without an accent) represents the schwa. 
Where the /e/ is long in this position, it is marked with an acute accent (see e.g., fega, to 
regain consciousness). In monosyllabic words and in the last syllable of longer words, the 
/e/ is always long, as it is when followed by another vowel or a glottal stop (see e.g., tneo, 
cat; te'e, mat); hence in these positions, in the interests of economy, the /e/ is not marked 
with an accent. All other letters represent sounds roughly similar to their common English 
referents. Whenever I mention the Indonesian language below, I refer to Bahasa Indonesia, 
the Malay-based national language. 

2Wierzbicka (1985:157; see also 1984) argues that many speakers of "ordinary English" 



snakes as a kind of aninaal 



traordinary. Wierzbicka 



refers here to snakes being excluded from the prototype of "animal," which basically 
comprises large, four-footed mammals in English and in Nage as well. For all the attention 
Wierzbicka gives to the notion of "kind of," it is curious that she never remarks on the 
ambiguity of this term in ordinary English, where it can express both resemblance and 
inclusion. Nor does she consider whether other languages may differ from English in the 
way they express notions of class inclusion. 

^It may also be considered less dangerous, in respect of the curious notion that if a hurling 



victim, the latter will be unharmed 



victim 



lizard 



similarly 



'As Goa (the Makassarese centre in southwestern Sulawesi) and Jawa (the island of Java) 
compose a standard pair designating all places outside of Flores, in this context the names 
mean "foreign" rather than specifically "Goanese" or "Javanese" (cf. Barrau 1979 regard- 
ing methods of naming exotic plants in Indonesia and Oceania). 



-n also occurs in the naming of cultivated 

labeUed 



able as uwi bholo (or uwi biasa), as well as uwi kaju, cassava. Interestingly, both of the 



further 



This would appear imusual 



this w< 

named 



// 



further 



^Although 



begim 



Python skin 



mically significant as a source 



snakes 



are said to "hite"(kiki) or "strike" (kedho). As Nage recognize, however, 
these behaviors are not exclusive to venomous species. 

^ample statements presented to informants for translation were in Indonesian, with 
"kind" being rendered with the Indonesian word jenis. Questioning of this sort was 
supplemented by observation of Nage speech. 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



67 



loCf. Gould (1983:363, cited in Lakoff 1987:120) who, in criticizing the cladistic approach to 
biological classification, states that "a ceolocanth looks like a fish, tastes like a fish, acts 
like a fish, and therefore.../s a fish." 



^^Nage also use Indonesian sehangsa, "of the same kind," when classifying an entity by 
reference to another, similar entity In this respect, bangsa (nation, race, group, category, 
kind) functions identically to macam and jenis in referring indiscriminately to resem- 
blance or inclusion. 



^^Especially in myth and formal speech, eastern Sumbanese pair animal names when 
designating a single kind. Butt meo rumba, monkey-wild cat, for example, refers simply 
to monkeys, and ringu tanoma, dugong-turtle, to dugongs (Forth 1988:221). Since the 
words for monkey and dugong both have other meanings, disambiguation may be a 
function here. I have yet to encounter any usage completely comparable to these among 
Nage, who tend to use biological pairings to denote more, rather than less, inclusive 
classes. 



ACKNOWLEEX^EMENTS 



Information on Nage ethnobiology derives from more general ethnographic enquiries 
I conducted during several visits to Flores between 1984 and 1994. Initial fieldwork was 
sponsored by the Indonesian Institute of Sciences (LIPI), the National Institute of Cultural 
Research (LRKN), and Nusa Cendana University At different times funding was provided 
by the British Academy and from grants awarded by the Central Research Fund of the 
University of Alberta and the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada. 
I am gratefiil to all of these bodies for their support and assistance. 



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ish Columbia. Journal of Ethnobiology 
7:55-82. 

WYMAN, L. C. and S. K. HARRIS. 1941. 
Navaho Indian Medical Ethnobotany. 
Anthropology Series, Bulletin 366. Uni- 
versity of New Mej^ico Press, Albu- 
querque. 

WIERZBICKA, ANNA. 1984. Apples are 
not a "kind of fruit": The semantics of 
human categorization. American Eth- 
nologist 11:313-328. 

. 1985. Lexicography and Concep- 
tual Analysis. Karoma Publishers, Ann 
Arbor, MI. 

VERHEIJEN, JILIS A. J. 1967 Kamus Mang- 
garai I: Manggarai-Indonesia. Mar- 
tinus Nijhoff, 's-Gravenhage. 

-. 1982 Komodo: Het Eiland, het Volk 

en de Taal. ( Verhandelingen van het Ko- 
ninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land-en 
Volkenkunde No. 96) Martinus Nij- 
hoff, The Hague, 

: 1984. Plant Names in Austrone- 



sian Linguistics. Badan Penyelenggara 
Seri NUSA 20. Universitas Katolik In- 
donesia Atma Jaya, Jakarta. 
— . 1990. Dictionary of Plant Names of 
the Lesser Sunda Islands. Pacific Lin- 
guistics Series D - No. 83. Research 
School of Pacific Studies, The Austra- 
lian National University, Canberra. 



70 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 15, No. 1 



BOOK REVIEW 



The Ethnobotany of Southern Balochistan, Pakistan, with Particular Reference 
to Medicinal Plants. Steven M. Goodman and Abdul Ghafoor. Chicago, lUi 
nois: Field Museum of Natural History. Fieldiana, Botany, New Series, No. 31 
1992. Pp. v; 84. ($20.00) (paperbound). ISSN 0015-0746. 



This book is a compendium of ethnobotanical and medicinal knowledge of 
the Baloch people of the Balochistan Province of southwestern Pakistan. Steven 
Goodman, a field biologist at the Field Museum of Natural History, and Abdul 
Ghafoor, a botany professor at the University of Karachi in Pakistan, travelled 
around this arid expanse of desert and mountains, by foot and by four-wheel- 
drive vehicle for four months to undertake this study. They interviewed nomads 
and villagers about their ethnobotanical knowledge, and traditional healers about 
all aspects of their application of herbal medicines, following Unani and Ayur- 
vedic medicine systems. Despite the inevitable influences of "modernization," 
heaUng traditions in the region remain viable. 

Following a brief introductory section, describing the project, the state of 
ethnobotanical knowledge, the settings of the study, and the general format, the 
book is divided into two major parts. Part 1, Ethnobotanical Uses of Wild Plants, 
includes a total of 114 plants in 43 families having local usage. For each species, 
the family and scientific names, voucher specimen number, locality, and vernacu- 
lar name are provided, along with notes on use, treatment (for medicine) and, 
often, comments relating to the plant and its history. Part 2, The Pharmcopoeia of 
Balochistan Herbalists, begins with a brief summary of the Unani and Ayurvedic 
Systems of medicine, followed by a description of the herbalists and herbal doc- 
tors consulted, and the interviewing methodology. It then comprises a systematic 
list of herbal medicine plants, totalling 56 plant species in 33 families, in a similar 
format to the plant of Part 1. 

This is a useful compendium of information, and it will serve as a good 
foundation for comparative research, as well as representing a valuable refer- 
ence for the ethnobotany of a Httle known area. The index of local names will 
make the information accessible to local botanists, healers and others as well, as 
long as they can read English. The book contains a number of excellent black 
and white photographs of the places and people, and a few of the plants; more 
illustrations would have made it more useable for local people. Perhaps it can 
serve as a basic source of information for a more "user-friendly" local eth- 
nobotanical guide. 



Nancy J. Turner 
Environmental Studies Program 

University of Victoria 



Columbia 



V8W 



/. Ethnobiol 15(l):71-87 



Summer 1995 



BIOLOGICAL DIVERSITY AND COMMUNITY LORE IN 

NORTHEASTERN THAILAND 



LYNDON WESTER 

Department of Geography 
University of Hawaii 

and 
SEKSON YONGVANIT 

Faculty of Humanities and Social Science, 

Khon Kaen University 



ABSTRACT. 



economic 



particiilar 



typically reassessed. How much people currently know 



will 



cultivated, tended 



this subject, populations 



four villages, and two educational instituti< 
Thailand, were asked to identify certain food 



information about each species. High school students scored signif: 

university 



but not receiving formal education, did best. People 
consistently knew more than urban dwellers, and those 
undeveloped provinces scored highest. Ownership c 



knowledg' 



The results suggest that as more opportunities become available for education, 
and as migration to urban centers continues, knowledge and use of traditional 
food plants will decrease. More recognition of these as resources is needed in the 
formal education system. 

RESUMEN.— Conforme las comunidades se desarrollan economicamente, se 
rooT^oii'i-i T-ir^,. i« rrat^ar■^^ oi i7aTr«r Ap lot; rpnirsns fradicionales. La medida en que la 



particvdares plantas alimenticias ind 
Ae> pllait; son vistas como una forma 



seguiran 



cultivadas, protegidas o silvestres en un paisaje transformado por la moaerniza- 
cion . Para abordar esta cuestion, se pidio a la poblacion de cuatro pueblos y dos 
instituciones educativas de la region nordeste de Tailandia que identificaran cie- 
rtas plantas alimenticias en fotografia y que proporcionaran alguna informacion 
sobre cada especie. Los estudiantes a nivel medio lograron puntuaciones signifi- 
cativamente mejores que los estudiantes universitarios, si bien personas de edad 
comparable que no habian recibido educaci6n formal obtuvieron los mejores 
residtados. Las personas del campo y las aldeas sabian consistentemente mas que 
los habitantes urbanos, y aquellas que venian de las provincias m5s remotas y 
subdesarrolladas lograron las puntuaciones mas altas. La 



inversamente 



examen de conocimiento 



72 



WESTER & YONGVANIT Vol. 15, No. 1 



que se abren mas oportiinidades para educacion y continua la migracion a los 
centros urbanos, el conocimiento y uso de las plantas alimenticias tradicionales 
disminuye. En el sistema de educacion formal se requiere major reconocimiento 
de estas plantas como reciu-sos. 



RESUME. — Alors que les conununautes coimaissent un developpement economi- 
que, la valeur des ressources traditionnelles est typiquement reevalue. Les con- 
naissances des plantes indigenes vivriere particulieres et les attitudes envers ces 
plantes sont vues comme moyen de predire si ces plantes feront ou non partie 
de Talimentation locale et si elles continueront a etre cultivees, entretenues ou 
resteront a Tetat sauvage dans un envirormement transforme par la modernite. 
Afin d'elaborer ce sujet, il e ete demander a la population de quatre villages et a 
qux membres de deux institutions educationnelles de la region du Nord-est de 
Thailande d'identifier, d'apres des photographies^ certaines plantes vivrieres et de 
donner des informations sur chaque espece. Les eleves de lycees ont nettement 
mieux reussi que les etudiants d'universites, encore que les personnes d'un age 
similaire mais n'ayant reiju aucime education scolaire ont eu plus de succ&s. 
Fermiers et villageois en savaient constamment plus que les habitants des villes; 
de plus ceux des provinces les plus reculees et les moins d^veloppees se sont 
averes les meilleurs. La possession d'lm moyen de transport ainsi que Texperi- 
ence des voyages etcdent inversement reliees aux resultats de Tepreuve de con- 
naissance. Les resultats suggerent qu'avec davantage d' opportunity d' etudes 
devenant accessibles et avec la migration vers les centres urbains continuant, la 
connaissance et Tutilisation des plantes vivrieres traditionnelles diminueront. II 
est necessaire que dans le syst&me d' etudes conventiormelles celles-ci soit plus 



recoimues conune ressources. 



INTRODUCTION 



What people know about the plants they eat or see growing around them 
reflects the relationship between themselves and their physical and cultural 
envirorunent. Economic development in parts of Southeast Asia is making dra- 
matic material improvement in the circumstances of large segments of the popu- 
lation. However, social and cultural traditions that were once characterized by 
great geographical variability, are being profoundly altered by new, typically 
urban, tastes and values. This is producing both cultural homogenization and a 
reduction in biological diversity as local varieties and even species are no longer 
tended or cultivated or their habitat is lost as a result of changes in land use. 
Villages beyond the end of the road, where former traditions may persist, are also 
often refugia for germplasm upon which modern commercial agricultural sys- 
tems may ultimately depend (Soemarwoto et al. 1985). Thus the prosperity of the 
broader national or world economy will suffer unless genetic raw material is 
protected to allow development of new commercial crops, or advanced varieties 
of existing ones. Seed banks and botanical gardens have a crucial role to play in 
the preservation of taxa recognized by plant scientists, but there is more to biolog- 
ical diversity than this. The fullest range of genetic diversity can be perpetuated 

where cultural traditions and practices associated with these plants are main- 
tained as well. 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 73 



The objective of this research is to investigate the current levels of knowledge 
about traditional food plants in Northeast Thailand, where the population is 
experiencing rapid social and economic change, in order to help guide conserva- 
tion planning. 

Loss of traditional knowledge among agricultural communities in many parts 
of the developing world has been noted. In Northern Thailand Anderson (1993) 
has expressed concern about the perpetuation of such information among the 
Hill Tribes. Works (1990) has recorded that elders in a Peruvian community fre- 
quently lament that the young are no longer interested in plants or gardens. 
Maikhuri and Gangwar (1993) observed that among the Khasi and Garo tribes of 
Northeastern India, knowledge about plants by the young was judged to be poor. 
It is commonly believed that children learn to recognize species, and the skills for 
collecting and cultivating plants, as they assist their parents and grandparents 
with field work (Brierley 1985). When this does not occur an important unifying 
bond for the community is weakened and the biological heritage reduced as some 
plant taxa are no longer cultivated, collected, or even recognized as resources. 

Ironically, communities that have moved further along the path of economic 
development discover that traditions relating to the growing and the consump- 
tion of traditional plant foods— valuable means of fostermg cultural pride and 
ethnic identity— have diminished in the process of modernization. Unfortimately 
this may only occur after many negative aspects of economic transition have 
manifested themselves and many plant taxa have already been lost. In Hawai'i 
taro (Colocasia escuJenta [L.] Schott) was the staple food for indigenous people, but 
the amount under cultivation has declined skice the nineteenth century. However, 
at present among native Hawaiians there is a reawakening to the value of the 
plant both for its nutritional qualities and as a focus for ethnic pride. In the 1930s 
342 names of taro varieties were recorded, but only 67 existing taxa could be 
found by the 1980s, suggesting that significant losses had ab^ady taken place 

(Abbott 1992). 

In the face of degradation of traditional knowledge, one approach is to record 
and archive as much material and information as possible from a decreasing 
number of informants who still retain such knowledge. However, there is much 
that can not be recorded in written form, especially in a language and culture 
different from the one in which the culture evolved and developed (Sarukhan 
1985). An alternative procedure is to focus on maintaining the mtegrity of the 
encompassing human-ecological system. Referred to as in situ conservation, some 
see this as a more effective way to protect genetic resources, since the aim is to 
conserve plant species within their established physical and cultural environmen- 
tal setting. In situ conservation has the added advantage of also preserving those 
organisms whose value or ecological role is not yet appreciated by any culture 

(Altieri and Merrick 1987). 

For such a contextual approach to biotic conservation and cultural continmty 
to be successful, the focus must be on the character and function of the commu- 
nity as a whole. It is important to understand how and when information is 
acquired and passed between members of the community. It is often not clear, for 
example, whether most information on a particular subject is shared by all mature 
adults or known only by particular individuals, who have a special role as con- 



74 



WESTER & YONGVANIT Vol. 15, No. 1 



servers and depositories of knowledge (Padoch and de Jong 1991). Considering 
how perpetuation of this knowledge is affected by new external forces now 
shaping traditional societies, such as enhanced opportunity for formal education 
and geographical mobility, is of vital importance. 



STUDY SITE 



The foothills of the Himalayas in mainland Southeast Asia have long been 
recognized as an important center of diversity for cultivated plants (DeCandoUe 
1883; Vavilov 1926; Sauer 1952). Archaeological discoveries in Thailand have con- 
firmed that its inhabitants were lively experimenters with indigenous plant 
resources by 10,000 BP (Gorman 1969; Glover 1977; Solheim 1970, 1972). The legacy 
of an ancient Southeast Asian agricultural system survives in many parts of rural 
Thailand. Upland swidden agriculture and traditional kitchen gardens contain a 
diverse assemblage of crops and animals raised together in a complex struc- 
turally and functionally similar to a natural ecosystem in which one component 
supports another (Fernandes and Nair 1986; Soemarwoto et al. 1985). On the basis 
of the large number of cultivated varieties found in this general area, Vavilov 
(1926) suggested it was a likely hearth of agriculture. 

Today, within Thailand, the Northeast region is known for the many food 
plants that are cultivated, casually tended, or collected directly from the wild. 
Scholars often attribute the variety of organisms consumed as food to the eco- 
nomic poverty of a region where every possible source of sustenance must be 
utilized. Although urbanized Central Thais view some of the typical foods in the 
Northeast with some distaste, in fact the Northeast has contributed much to the 
richness and diversity of Thai cuisine (Van Esterick 1992; Wester and Chuen- 



guansat 



remain eenerallv strone in Northeastern Thailand 



this region as the main site for this research. The 16 provinces 
sTortheast region, referred to as Isaan, extend over an area 



known as the Korat Plateau (Fie. 1). This 



more im 



generally poor quality of the sandstone-derived soil, and also because the area is 
ringed by mountains that extract moisture from rain-bearing monsoon air- 
streams. This makes the plateau more susceptible to drought than any other part 
of mainland Southeast Asia. Isaan has its own distinctive language and culture 
within Thailand akin to that of neighboring Laos (Rambo 1991). Rural people, 
particularly in the northern part of Isaan, identify themselves as "Lao." The Lao 
language is more commonly spoken in villages than standard Thai, which is 
learned in school. Historically, the area has been under the control of Khmer, 
Mon, Thai, and Lao kingdoms, but the majority of the population today is eth- 
nically Lao. 

The staple food of the region is glutinous rice. Protein in diets comes mainly 
from fish, insects, crustaceans, amphibians, reptiles, and mammals and is com- 
plemented by a wide variety of plants that serve as the main sources of vitanuns 
and minerals (Somnasang et al. 1986). People collect a multitude of wild plants 
from the forests and often transplant useful soecies to more convenient locations. 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



75 



LAO 



Si Chiang Mai 



NaBoi 



Chianq Khan 



T 



N&ngKh 



KohKhon 



Udon 



Nong Phal 



^7^11 



Nakhon 
Phanonn 



Thani r\ii •Sakon Nakhon 

Sawang Daen Din y \ ^KhamPerm 
^^uan^« ? *s^' ■^^"fl 



KhonKaen 



TH AILA^ND 



akhon 
Ratchasima 

(Korat) 



Bangkok 



\ 



FIG. 1 



CA 



BODI A 



PROVINCES 



Buriram 

Chaiyaphum 
Kalasin 
Khon Kaen 

Loei 

Maha Sarakham 

Nakhon Phanom 

Nakhon Ratchasima 



Nong Khai 

RolEt 
Sakon Nakhon 

Sisaket 

Sunn 

Ubon Ratchathani 

Ubon Than! 
Yasothon 



sites in Northeast Thailand 



such as home gardens (Moreno-Black 1991). Many plants are identified 
domesticated ihaan) or a wild or forest {paa) variety. Plants and seeds 



within and between villages, and with 



limited 



mcome for a household (Yongvanit et al. 1990). Although most of tl 
ant materials offered for sale in markets is commercially produced 



76 



WESTER & YONGVANIT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



TABLE 1. — Plant species richness in Thai markets. 



Northeast Region 



Other 



Khon Kaen 
Sakon Nakhon 2 
ThaBo3 
Nong Khai 
Khon Kaen 2 
Loei, Night Market 
Nakhon Fathom 
Korat 

Sawang Daen Din 
Chiang Khan 
Loei, Day Market 
Sakon Nakhon 

Udon Thani 
Si Chiang Mai 
ThaBo4 

ThaBo 1 
ThaBo2 

Kranuan 

Kham Perm 

Aw Dtaw Gaw, Bangkok 
Pak Khlong, Bangkok 
Aw Dtaw Gaw, Bangkok 
Bangkeng, Bangkok 
Aw Dtaw Gaw, Bangkok 
Khlong Thoey, Bangkok 
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia 
Narathiwat, Southern Region 



AVERAGE 



Total species 
106 
93 
92 
90 
85 
82 

80 
78 
77 
76 
74 
73 
69 
69 
69 
65 
65 
54 

35 

115 
107 
101 

98 

91 

89 

72 

57 

80.0 



typically several traders who specialize in the fruits, roots, flowers, and leaf vegeta 
bles which reflect the variety and character of the former subsistence agriculture 



METHODS 



In the absence of other statistical information, observing the composition of 
merchandise offered for sale in a market is an indirect way of determining what 
kinds of food are available or preferred in an area (Ishige and Ruddle 1986). 
Accordingly, we surveyed fresh plant foods in 20 produce markets, mostly in the 
Northeastern region (Table 1). Some markets in Bangkok and elsewhere were 
included for comparison. We prepared a hst of expected species for rapid recording 
of those identified by sight in markets. Rarer species were of special interest. We 
recorded local names and collected voucher specimens whenever possible for later 
identification. As plants were often represented only by juvenile leaves, which 
typically lack crucial diagnostic characters, a number of species have yet to be 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



77 



TABLE 2. — Plant species used in identification test. 



Botanical name (Family) 



Common name 



correct 
indent 



Percent Frequency 



in 

markets 



Marsilea crenata (Marsileaceae) 

Cratoxylum spp. (Guttiferae) 

Barringtonia subangulata (Barringtoniaceae) 

Trapa incisa (Trapaceae) 

Caesalpinia mimosoides (Leguminosae) 

Cissus hastata (Vitidaceae) 



phak waen 
phak tin 
kra don, chik 
kra chip 
khayaa, chalueat 
hop hep, poun 



Hydrocharis morsus-ranae (Hydrocharitaceae) nong ma, pae, tao 
Garcinia spp. (Guttiferae) 



Momordica charantia (Cucurbitaceae) 
Perilla fnitescens (Labiatae) 



som mong 
mara, phak hai 
ngaa khee mon 



75.2 
62.6 
61.7 
46.5 

40.6 
23.3 

21.8 

19.8 

19.2 

0.0 



7 

15 

3 

2 
8 
1 
4 
3 
1 
2 



^ This was not the common weedy plant whose leaves are found in most markets or the domesticated 
bitter melon cultivated for its fruits but a variety with sharply ribbed fruit possibly collected from the 
wild. The ripe fruit of this species is known to be toxic, but the leaves and immature fruits are eaten in 
India and the Far East apparently without ill effect (Purseglove 1968). 



satisfactorily identified. Markets were surveyed during the wet season in the months 
of July and August as early in the morning as possible. We surveyed some markets 
more than once to assess variation from day to day and at various times of day. 

To obtain an objective measure of the degree to which information about 
traditional subsistence food plants is being transferred to the younger generation, 
we conducted a total of 795 interviews among six populations. These populations 
were: uruversity students at Khon Kaen University, high school students at a rural 
high school in Sawang Daen Din (a district center within Sakon Nakhon Pro- 
vince), and villagers in four rural settlements; Kok Khon and Na Bon (Nong Khai 
Province); Sai Thong (Kalasin Province); and Sawang Daen Din district (Sakon 
Nakhon Province) (Fig. 1). The last named population consisted of two sub- 
populations, one from the village of Nong Phai and the second from several 
villages nearby. In some cases we treated these subpopulations separately, as will 



be discussed below 



knowledge, a set of high quality 



photographs of 10 selected plants was prepared. The photographs depicted 
leaves, young shoots, or fruits of food plants that we observed for sale in produce 
markets (Table 2). All plants used for the identification test are found in other 
parts of Thailand, where distinctive regional names are sometimes appHed to 
them (Smitinand 1980). We did not include very common species, but selected a 
range of plants found moderately commonly to rarely in markets. Plants not 
believed to be part of the indigenous agricultural system were excluded, as were 
species produced by large scale cormnercial agriculture. The presence of diagnos- 
tic visual characters of species influenced the choice of plants for the test pro- 
cedure. We selected two species very similar in appearance to test whether sub- 
jects could differentiate them from photographs. 



78 



WESTER & YONGVANIT Vol. 15, No. 1 



Each subject was asked to identify each plant, and provide son\e information 
about it. The ability to supply a commonly used name for a plant was assumed to 
be a measure of a person's familiarity with it. We also asked subjects for some 
personal information, such as age, place of birth, educational level, and whether 
their home was rural (a village or farm) or urban (a town or city). In an effort to 
obtain some measure of mobility, and so determine experience beyond their 
homes, subjects were asked what transport vehicles their family owned (bicycle, 
motor bike, car, or truck) and whether they had ever visited the main cities of the 
Northeastern region (Nakhon Ratchasima or Korat) and the neighboring North- 
em region (Chiang Mai), the national capital (Bangkok), or a foreign country. 
Field assistants who were native Thai speakers conducted all interviews in that 
language. The high school students were asked to complete information in a 
classroom setting by a teacher as part of a course in environmental studies. Hired 
assistants conducted all other interviews individually. Assistants included stu- 
dents from Khon Kaen University already trained in interview techniques, and 
others trained specifically for this project. The university students surveyed were 
selected randoinly on the university campus. In each of the villages surveyed, we 
mapped the location of all houses and selected a predetermined number of 
houses. In most cases only one person from each household was interviewed. 

A list of plant names was compiled from the respoiises given at interviews and 
compared with pubhshed records (Smitinand 1980; Bunkerd et al. 1982; Vidal 1959). 
We asked four local authorities — two professional botanists at Khon Kaen Univer- 
sity and two local informants with post-graduate degrees in biology or agricul- 
ture — to consider the full list of names given for each plant and to indicate which 
names were appropriately applied. These experts generally agreed on which names 
were correctly used for each plant. Other names supplied usually referred to other 
species. In a small number of cases, subjects used names that did not appear in any 
reference source or were unknovm to the authorities we consulted. 



RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 



The market surveys yielded a total of 233 species, including 65 that were 
found in only one of the markets. Total numbers of species per market ranged 
from 11 5 to 35, with an average of 80 (Table 1 ) . This compares to about 70 fresh 
produce species typically found in a large supermarket in the United States. The 
markets richest in species tended to be those in Bangkok that catered to foreigners 
or Thais with more cosmopolitan tastes and where certain temperate fruits and 
vegetables were being offered for sale in addition to traditional Thai foods. A 
considerable number of subsistence food plants was found especially in Klong 
Thoey and Aw Daw Gaw markets of Bangkok, which are close to areas where 
recent immigrants from country areas have settled. Levin (1992) has observed that 
"coimtry foods" are popular in the rural areas of Southern Thailand, but in 
Bangkok are usually regarded as unsophisticated fare. However, she also found 
instances where such plants were considered exotic luxury items in Bangkok. 

There was some variation in markets surveyed on different days. Those vis- 
ited later in the day usually yielded lower counts. The bulk of produce in markets 
comes from large-scale commercial erowers. so a nrpdirtable set of plants is 



Sununer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



79 



TABLE 3. — Variation in score with gender. 



Age 



10-19 
20-29 
30-39 
40-41 
50-59 
60-69 
70-79 
80-89 
90-99 



TotaP 



Male 



Number 



121 
118 

21 

19 
16 
8 
3 

1 

307 



Average 
score 



2.4 

2.7 
6.5 
6.9 
7.4 
7.4 
5.3 



0.0 



Number 



219 

148 

37 

32 

34 

9 

4 





483 



Female 



Average 
score 



2.8 
2.9 
6.8 
7.1 
7.4 
7.2 
7.8 



^ age or gender was not recorded for five subjects. 



lable in most markets. The species encountered less frequently are typically 
e supplied by local farmers on an informal basis. We surveyed Tha Bo market, 
[ong Khai Province, several times at approximately 8:00 am and consistently 
id between 65 and 70 species. When it was surveyed at 6:00 am, however, an 
itional 20 species were observed, including five we did not see during any 
r survey. Moreno-Black (1991) has observed that less common commodities 
typically brought to the market early in the day (4:00 or 5:00 am), when 
iucers can obtain cheapest transport from village to town. These are sold or 
ed off very quickly, an indication of the demand for the commodities. 
In the interview survey, which included a photo-recognition test of ten plants, 
most freauentlv recognized species was the very distinctive fern Marsilea 



crenata 



which 



ability of subjects to recognize it, was not strong. The patterns of response were 
similar in all populations, however. Two species selected because of their sim- 
ilarity (Cratoxylon and Barringtonia) were among the most readily recognized out 
of the set of ten. Barringtonia was mistaken for Cratoxylon only 2% of the time. The 
reverse occurred in only two instances out of 795. This suggests that people, at 
least within these populations, were able to interpret photographs of plants with 

some facility. 

In almost aU age groups women scored sUghtly higher than men (Table 3). 
There was a general tendency for score to increase with subject age until about 70 
years, when scores of men showed a sharp decline. One possible explanation is 
that men lose their faculties earUer than women. Alternatively, perhaps m the past 
there was a dichotomy in the knowledge learned by men and women, which is 
now only evident in the older age classes. However, since we only interviewed 
eight people in this age group, a larger sample is desirable to verify the pattern of 
decHning male knowledge. It is clear, however, that the elderly are particularly 



80 



WESTER & YONGVANIT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



cc 

O 
o 

CO 





<30 



<40 



<50 
AGE 



<60 



<70 



<80 




Khon Kaen Univ 



e- Na Bon 




Sai Thong 
Nong Phai 





Koh Khon 
Sawang H.S 



FIG. 2 — ^Variation in scores attained in plant identification test with age. 



important as depositories of information. This is supported by informants who 
assert that they had learned much about plants from their grandmothers. 

In marked contrast to the scores of village populations were those of the two 
populations of students, all of whom were less than 30 years old (Fig. 2). Although 
scores in both student populations showed an increase with age (Table 4), those of 
imiversity students were extremely low even compared to the younger high 
school students from the Sawang Daen Din. About 44% of the university students 
came from farms and village homes, so the background of this subgroup is most 
directly compaxable to that of the high school students. However, even the uni- 
versity students from rural homes did not score as high as high school students 
who remained in the less urban environment of a small town as opposed to a city 
(Table 5). This would imply either that university-bound students from rural 
areas do not acquire traditional knowledge readily, or that they forget it when 
they leave the rural setting. 

Variations in scores are also apparent among students from different geograph- 
ical origins. Of the students surveyed at Khon Kaen University, 76% were bom in 
the Northeast, but all regior\s of Thailand were represented in the sample. Those 
from the Northeast did better than students from other regions. Students from 
Bangkok and the South had the least number of correct identifications (Table 6). The 
higher scores of students from the Northeast may in part reflect familiarity with 
the local environment and food plants that are most popular in that region. It 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



81 



TABLE 4. — Variation of score with age among student populations. 



Sawang Daen Din 
High School 



Age 



No. 
subjects 



Average 
score 



13 
14 

15 
16 
17 
18 
19 
20 
21 
22 
23 
Other 

Total 



10 
40 
4 
13 
19 
14 



2.8 
3.1 
3.8 
3.4 
3.9 
3.6 




100 



TABLE 5.— Variation in score with type of home 



Sawang Daen Din 
High School 



Nature of home 



No. 
subjects 



Average 
score 



Rural 
Urban 
No reply 

Total 



61 

36 

3 

100 



3.7 

2.7 



Khon Kaen 
University 



No. 
subjects 



Average 
score 



78 
80 
84 
73 

24 
10 
19 

368 



1.3 
1.4 
1.4 
2.1 
1.8 
1.8 



Khon Kaen 
University 



No. 
subjects 



Average 
score 



160 
202 

6 
368 



2.1 
1.0 



is worth noting that students from rural homes in the Northern region scored 
almost as weU as the rural Northeastemers, perhaps reflecting the cultural and 
ecological similarity between the regions (Table 6). Average scores of groups from 
different provinces within the Northeast were highest among students from pro- 
vinces that are regarded as the poorest and least developed— for example, 
Kalasin, Yasothon, Mukdahan, and Loei. (Table 7). It is notable that from what- 
ever part of the country students came, those from rural homes ahnost mvanably 
scored higher than those who indicated their famiUes Uved in to\\Tis or cities. 

For three of the village populations, subjects were asked what level of school- 
ing they had attained. Very few of the subjects had any high school education. In 
all of the viUage populations, subjects who had four or fewer years of elementary 
school education scored higher than those who completed elementary school or 



82 



WESTER & YONGVANIT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



TABLE 6. — Comparison of scores attained by students at Khon 
University according to region of origin. 



Rural 



Urban 



Region of origin 



No. 
subjects 



Average 
score 



No. 
subjects 



Average 
score 



Northeast 

North 

Central 

Bangkok 

South 

TotaP 



133 

9 
7 
1 

10 

202 



2.3 
1.8 
1.0 
1.0 
1.0 



142 

13 

12 

26 

9 

160 



1.2 
0.6 
0.8 
0.9 
0.2 



^ Six stxidents did not indicate whether they were from rural or urban homes. 



TABLE 7. — Average scores of students at Khon Kaen University from 
Northeastern Provinces. 



Rural 



Urban 



Province 



No. of 
subjects 



Average 
score 



No. of 
subjects 



Average 
score 



Kalasin 

Yasothon 

Loei 

Mukdahan 

Sisaket 

Roiet 

Buriram 

Khon Kaen 

Mahasarakham 

Nakhon Phanom 

Sakon Nakhon 
Nakhon Ratchasima 
Udon Thani 
Ubon Ratchthani 
Chaiyaphum 
Surin 
Nong Khai 

Total 
Average 



4 
5 
2 
2 
7 
9 
6 
21 

6 

3 

8 

12 

23 

8 

5 
7 
5 

133 



3.8 
3.6 
3.5 
3.0 

2.7 
2.5 

2.3 
2.3 
2.3 
2.3 
2.1 
2.2 
2.2 
2.0 
1.6 
1.6 
0.6 



7 
2 

1 
3 
3 
6 

40 

4 

3 

6 

19 

23 

11 

1 

9 

4 

142 



1.4 
2.0 



3.0 
2.7 
1.3 
2.0 
0.9 
1.8 
1.0 
1.7 
0.9 
1.0 
1.2 

0.0 
1.7 

2.0 



2.2 



1.2 



nded high school (Table 8) . It would appear that the pursuit of formal 
n takes students away from agricultural pursuits where they are most 
learn traditional plant lore. Studing takes time that might otherwise be 
educing or collecting food. Furthermore, a formal education is an urban- 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 83 



TABLE 8. — Educational Attainment and Scores. 



Khon Kaen Sawang 

U. H.S. KokKhon Nong Phai Sal Thong 



Education No. Score No. Score No. Score No. Score No. Score 



37 6.8 15 6.3 31 5.7 



10 6.1 5 6.0 17 4.6 



0-4 years 

elementary 

5-7 years 

elementary 

1-6 years 100 3.3 7 6.1 1 6.0 

high school 

1-5 years 368 1.5 

university 

No record 2 

Total 368 100 54 21 50 



izing process, since the student must often live away from home in a town or city 

for long periods. 

As a measure of economic prosperity, we asked subjects what types of vehi- 
cles their families owned (bicycle, motorcycle, triick, or car). Those with no or 
fewest vehicles (usually bicycles or motorcycles) had higher average scores (Fig. 
3). Mobility was also measured by the number of selected places each subject had 
visited. The high degree of mobility of all populations was surprising. For exam- 
ple, more than 50% of the high school students had been to Bangkok, 1,000 km 
away, and many subjects had been to several foreign countries, mostly for work. 
In general, the people who knew the largest number of plants were those who had 
travelled least (Fig. 4), although the relationship did not appear as strong as with 
vehicle ownership. This finding may reflect the fact that the common response of 
the poorest people to bad times is to migrate temporarily for work. 



CONCLUSIONS 

An inventory of plant species present in produce markets provided informa- 
tion about the relative abundance and a vailabiUty of fresh plant food s in a variety 
of communities, from major cities to small towns. TypicaUy there are more species 
found in Thai markets than in the produce section of supermarkets m culturally 
diverse cities in the United States. Other surveys have also demonstrated the 
richness of available food plants and their variation from place to place m Thai- 
land gacquat 1990; Moreno-Black 1991; Yongvanit et al. 1990 and Pei 1987). The 
largest numbers of species are found in the markets of Bangkok. Bangkok markets 
offered temperate fruits and vegetables relatively new to Thai cuisine, as well as 
some "country foods." The latter suggests that inrniigrants from rural areas retain 
a taste for plants from their homes. The high mobihty of aU populations shidied 
explams why a selection of these minor food plants are found in parts of Bangkok 
frequented by recent immigrants. 



84 



WESTER 



Vol 15, No. 1 




NUMBER OF TYPES OF VEHICLES 



FIG. 3 — ^Variation in scores attained in plant identification test with typ 
vehicles owned. A maximum of four was possible if the family own 
bicycle, a motorcycle, a car, and a truck. 



Knowledge of traditional food plants, as measured by a plant identification 
test, was almost the exact opposite of results of most standardized tests. People 
who scored the highest had the least formal education. Those who did poorest 
were the most mobile or urbanized of the subjects and had the largest number of 
middle class credentials. Within each population, knowledge increased with age, 
but the future educated elites (present day university students) knew least of alL 
These results suggest that knowledge continues to be transmitted in poorest and 
most rural households. 

In many instances the abandonment of traditional practices is not a conscious 
choice but the incidental result of new patterns of living. For example, as formal 
education occupies a larger proportion of the day for children, or as young adults 
migrate for extended periods to the metropolis and beyond for work or advanced 
education, the amount of time during which people of different generations 
spend together is greatly reduced, and hence the opportunities for transfer or 
traditional cultural information are fewer. It would appear that people still value 
traditional ways. For example, they return to their villages of origin on a frequent 
basis and often prefer to resettle there in retirement. However, it seems that the 
traditional connection between land and life has been sigiufi 



y 



a 



from the locale during crucial 



simulv because individuals 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



85 



7 



6 



5 



uj 4 
cc 

O 

o 

CO 3 




2 



1 




oV 



#4 A ^ ^ L B B ^m «*»« ■ *«* ■ »« ■ B w ■ 



■ ■*v»* fc4wfr^«4 



' **#***■ *<-#*^ 




t»fr-**4^»*« ^*-+ *« ^*> 



NUMBER OF PLACES VISITED 

FIG. 4— Variation in scores attained in plant identification test with mobility. 
Mobility was measured by the number of specified places each subject had 
visited. A maximum of four on the scale was possible if the subject had visited 
Bangkok, Nakhon Ratchasima (Korat), Chiang Mai, and a foreign county. 



Continued expansion of educational opportimities and increased availability 
of cheap transport to allow people to migrate for work to Bangkok or beyond will 
help to break the ties with the land and impede the transmission of knowledge 
about indigenous plant use. Furthermore, those likely to be responsible for the 
design and implementation of any official conservation program will be increas- 
ingly drawn from a generation that has acquired little appreciation of this tradi- 
tional lore. In addition, some Thais make a conscious effort to distance themselves 
from their materiaUy poor rural origins and the associated low social status. 
However, loss of traditional plant knowledge is no doubt also an unintended by- 
product of the strongly felt urge to modernize. If the richness of rural Thai culture, 
including a cuisine characterized by great variety, is to be maintained, the cultural 
base from which it stems must be supported, and the physical envu-onment on 
which it depends protected. 

UTERATURE CITED 



ABBOTT, ISABELLA A. 1992. La'au 
Hawai'i: Traditional Uses of Hawaiian 
Plants. Bishop Museum Press, Hon- 
olulu, HL 



,TIERI, MIGUEL A. and LAURA C. 
MERRICK. 1987. In situ conservation 
of crop genetic resources through 
maintenance of traditional farming 
systems. Economic Botany 41:86-96. 



86 



WESTER & YONGVANIT 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



ANDERSON, EDWARD F. 1993. Plants 
and People of the Golden Triangle: 
Ethnobotany of the Hill Tribes of 
Northern Thailand. Dioscorides Press, 
Portland, OR. 

BRIERLEY, JOHN S. 1985. West Indian 
kitchen gardens: A historical perspec- 
tive with current insights from Gre- 
nada. Food and Nutrition Bulletin 
7:52-60. 

BUNKERD, SAAD, J. SADAAKORN, and 
T. SADAAKORN. 1982. Vernacular 
Names of Thai Plants. Forestry De- 



kok. 

CANDOLLE 



t University, Bang- 

1883. Origine des 
iblioteque Scientifi- 
No. 44. G. Bailliere 



et Cie, Paris. 
FERNANDEZ E 



1986. An evaluation of the structure 
and function of tropical homegardens. 
Agricultural Systems 21:279-310. 
3VER, Ian C. 1977. The Hoabinian: 
Hunter-gathers or early agricultural- 
ists in South East Asia. Pp. OOO-OOO in: 
Hunters, Gatherers, and First Farmers 
Beyond Europe, J.V.S. Megaw (editor). 



U.K. 



University 



GORMAN, CHESTER 
Man: A pebble-tc 



complex with 
is in Southeast 



Asia 



IGE, NAOMICHI and K. RUDDLE. 
1986. Markets of Asia: A picture of 
Thai markets (in Japanese). Kikan 
Minzokugaku, Bulletin of the National 



94- 



111. 



JACQUAT, CHRISTINE. 1990. Plants 



Kamol, Bangkok. 

LEVIN, PENNY. 199 

products: Wild e^ 



Thailand. Ehiang 



Southern Thailand. Pp. 35-58 



Society and Non-timber Forest Prod- 
ucts in Asia. Jefferson Fox (editor). 
East- West Center, Honolulu, HI. 
MAIKHURI, R. K. and A. K. GANGWAR. 
1993. Ethnobiological notes on the 
Khasi and Garo triobes of Meghalaya, 
Northeast India. Economic Botany 
47:345-357. 



MORENO 



GERALDINE. 1991 



land: Environmental, cultxiral, and 
economic factors. Paper presented at 
the annual meeting of the American 
Anthropological Association. 

PADOCH, CHRISTINE and WIL DE 
JONG. 1991. The house gardens of 
Santa Rosa: Diversity and variability 
in an Amazonian agricultural system. 
Economic Botany 45:166-175. 

PEL SHENG-JI. 1987. Human interactions 



The 



mmor 



Thailand 



Wiang 



Interactions Study of a Rural Land- 
scape: The Case of Phu Wiang Water- 
shed, Northeast Thailand. Southeast 
Asian Universities Agroecosystem 
Network, East-West Center, Hon- 
olulu, HI. 



PURSEGLOVE, T. W 



Wiley 



Traditional foods in Northeast Thai 



RAMBO, A. TERRY. 1991. The Human 
Ecology of Rural Resource Manage- 
ment in Northeast Thailand. Farming 
Systems Research Project, Khon Kaen 
University, Khon Kaen. 

SARUKHAN, JOSE. 1985. Ecological and 
social overviews of ethnobotanical re- 
search. Economic Botany 39:431-435. 

SALTER, CARL O. 1952. Agricultural Ori- 
gins and Dispersals. American Geo- 
graphical Society, New York. 

SMITINAND, TEM. 1980. Thai Plant 
Names. Royal Forest Department, 

Bangkok. 

SOEMARWOTO, OTTO, I. SOEMAR- 
WOTO, E.M. KARYONO, SOEKAR- 
TADIREDJA, and A. RAMLAN. 1985. 
The Javanese home garden as an in- 
tegrated agro-ecosystem. Food and 
Nutrition Bulletin 7:44^7. 

SOLHEIM, WILLIAM G. 1970. Northenj 
Thailand, Southeast Asia, and world 
prehistory. Asian Perspectives 13:145- 

162. 

. 1972. An earlier agricultural revo- 
lution. Scientific American 226:34-41 . 

SOMNASANG, P., P. RATHAKETTE, and 
S. RATHANAPANYA. 1986. Natural 
Food Resources of Northeast Thailand. 
Khon Kaen University, Khon Kaen. 

VAN ESTERICK, PENNY. 1992. From 
Marco Polo to McDonald's: Thai cui- 
sine in transition. Food and foodways 

5:177-193. 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



87 



VAVILOV, N. I. 1926. Studies on the 
origin of cultivated plants. Bulletin of 
Applied Botany 16:139-248. 

VIDAL, JULES. 1959. Noms vemaculaires 
de plantes en usage au Laos. Bulletin 
de I'Ecole Fran^aise d'Extreme-Orient 
49(2)435-603. 

WESTER, L. and D. CHUENSANGUAN- 
SAT. 1994. Adoption and abandon- 
ment of Southeast Asian food plants. 
Journal of Home and Consumer Hor- 



ticulture 1 :83-92. 



WORKS, MARTHA A. 1990. Dooryard 
gardens in Moyobamba, Peru. Focus 
40:12-17. 

YONGVANIT, S., T. HOM-NGERT and 

K. KAMONPAN. 1990. Homegardens 
in Dong Mun National Forest Reserve: 
A case study from Ban Na Kam Not, 
Kalasin Province. Pp. 53-76 in: Voices 
from the Field. C. Carpenter and J. Fox 
(editor). East West Center, Honolulu, 
HI. 



BOOK REVIEW 



Wild Plants of Sub-Saharan Africa: An Annotated C 
; the Woodland and Savanna Floras of Eastern ai 
luding Plants Utilized for Food by Chimpanzees ai 

Peters. Eileen M. O'Brien, and Robert B. Drummond 



947643 



very specialized one at that, drawn from 



plants — 



ture that reflects more the life experiences of the authors than a guided intellectual 

inquiry (with some exceptions). 

The 3-page introduction outlines the broad history of the authors' study of 
wild plants since its inception in the 1970s. The 200-page list of plants foUows, and 
is divided into the major plant groupings: I. Pteridophyta, II. Spermatophyta, 
A. Gymnospermae, B. Angiospermae, 1. Monocotyledons, 2. Dicotyledons. Fami- 



groups 



index to famihes 



n their iiutial goal to synthesize information on indigenous 
f Africa, Peters, O'Brien, and Drummond later broadened 
embrace ecological and conservation issues, and eventually ^ 

— most prominently nonhtmian 



consumers 



mates. Finally, they fixed on chimpanzees and baboons in southern 
Africa since these primates eat some of the same plants that local peoples 



com 



(p. 1). 



The authors emphasize eastern and southern Africa, and for humans, consult 
some West African references as well. Each entry in the plant Ust contains up- 



ical nomenclature, and synonyms 
Annotation is eenerally limited to 



who consumes 



consumption by humans 



chimpanzees, and baboons, respectively. In this context it is interestmg to call 
attention to a growing body of related, and more sophisticated studies that reveal 
that some of what used to be regarded as primate "feeding" behaviors are instead 
intentionaUy medicinal, cosmetic, and otherwise different from food acquisition. I 
mention this here to encourage a broader sphere of inquiry, not to diminish the 
list, which still serves its purpose as a document of "consumption." 



88 



BOOK REVIEW Vol. 15, No. 1 



In addition to nomenclature and use, a few additional remarks are scattered 
among the entries — e.g., directions to use a young plant, or to consume a plant 
raw, and qualifiers such as "slightly toxic," "famine food," "pepper substitute." 
Whether an entry is so embellished depends entirely on whether the reference(s) 
cited contained such detail. The result is that the individual plant records are 
uneven, a fact that distracts but also does not diminish the Hst. 

The authors caution that, although "the identity of plants was checked as far 
as possible" (p. 3), botanical identification cannot be certain for records not 
backed up by voucher specimens. This statement reveals a sensitivity to the 
critical importance of vouchers for all studies involving plants (these preserve the 
identity of the plant in question and provide the only irrefutable link between 
local knowledge and bioscientific paradigms). Paradoxically, the statement also 
compounds whatever problems may be embedded in the references that lack 
vouchers. This problem is by no means unique to these authors, and I believe that 
it seriously compromises their work. Further, they (as others conmionly do) miss 
the related problem that many researchers do not pay attention to the variability 
of common names for the same botanical species. Instead, they rely on the vernac- 
ular used in one village to identify plants by the vouchers that were collected in 
another location, where at least some of the common names are likely to be 
different: variability in local names occurs across space — even within villages and 
households — and over time. 

That many of the references consulted are more than 20 years old raises an 
important issue. What has this to do with contemporary plant use, especially since 
the authors identify as one potential audience of this book "those whose job it is to 
set priorities for genetic preservation" (p. 1). Finally, scholars of human-plant 
relations in Africa, and generally, will note serious omissions among the refer- 
ences cited. 

Overall, one could say that the authors achieved their goal — a synthesis, but 
one bearing some of the blemishes of the literature it cites. The list serves a rather 
specialized audience; researchers who work with these plants, and in these parts 
of Africa, will want to consult it for insights they may gamer as they reflect on 
their own work, and should urge their institutional library to order a copy. 

The production quality of the book is very good, and is reflected in its cost. 



Nina L. Etkin 

Department of Anthropology 

University of Hawaii 
Honolulu- Hawaii 96822 



/. Ethnobiol. 15(l):89-98 



Summer 1995 



''GHOST'S EARS" (Exobasidium sp. affin. vaccinii) AND 
FOOL'S HUCKLEBERRIES (Menziesia fermginea Smith): A 
UNIQUE REPORT OF MYCOPHAGY ON THE CENTRAL 

AND NORTH COASTS OF BRITISH COLUMBIA 



BRIAN D. COMPTON 



>/ 



'/ 



Vancouver, B.C., Canada V6T 1Z4 

ABSTRACT.— The cultural roles of mycocecidia (fungal galls) of the fungus Exo- 
basidium sp. affin. vaccinii on Menziesia ferruginea Smith (false azalea, or fool's 
huckleberry) among various Pacific northwest coast cultures are identified and 
discussed. As many as nine distinct coastal groups named and ate these mycoce- 
cidia. Among at least three coastal groups, the Henaaksiala, Heiltsuk, and 
Tsimshian, the mycocecidia had mythological importance. 

RESUMEN.— Se identifica y discute el papel cultural de las agallas producidas 
por el hongo Exobasidium sp. affin. vaccinii al crecer sobre Menziesia ferruginea 
(cuvos nombres vernaculos en incles se traducen como "azalea falsa" y "arandano 



culturas 



comian 



grupos costeros, los Henaaksiala, Heiltsuk y Tsimshian 
an importancia mitologica. 



RESUME 



sur 



Menziesia ferruginea Smith ("fausse azalee"). Le role de ces gaUes dans la culture 
de differents peuples ou groupes autochtones de la cote nord-ouest du Pacifique 



discute ici. Jusqu'a neuf de ces peuples ont nomine, et utilise 

comme nourriture. Chez au moins trois groupes, 
.^ 7^^ ToirvicVn'^n Iac cy;illp<; avalent une import 



logique. 



Indige 



// 



embraces part of the central coast of British Columbia. In one of then- myths, 
en and Squirrel/' Squirrel invited all the people, with the exception of their 
, Raven, to feast on berries at his house. FeeUng sUghted, Raven retahated by 
ucing talkmg excrements that lured Squirrel's guests from the house long 
Lgh to aUow Raven to sneak in and eat the berries (Boas 1928:34-35, 1932:19; 
3as 1977:233). The following paper represents an attempt to clarify the nature 



this 



// 



" are 



mdigenous terminology 
In one version of the'tale involving Raven and Squirrel these "berries 
referred to by the Heiltsuk name Li'nxwas (or \inx->as)^ but their botamcal iden- 
tity is unspecified (Boas 1928:35). Boas also recorded the comparable Heiltsuk 
term dEtiqlwas (or Uq'^as), which he interpreted as referring to "a berry (Boas 
1928:287). These terms correspond to other terms in the Upper North Wakashan 



90 



COMPTON Vol. 15, No. 1 



isolects, i.e., Henaaksiala, Haisla, Heiltsuk, and Oowekyala, that were previously 
regarded as separate and apparently related, yet ambiguously defined, viz., 
Henaaksiala / Haisla Xi^^^as, Heiltsuk K^/c^as, and Oowekyala Kif^^^as; and, in 
contrast, Henaaksiala /Haisla K^q'^as, Y.^q'^as, Heiltsuk X^q'^ds, and Oowekyala 
Kifq<^as (Lincoln and Rath 1980:184, 1986:346; Rath 1981:601). All of these terms 
have been translated as referring to some type of plant either with or without 
"berries." In addition, Lincoln and Rath (1986:492) have questioned the legit- 
imacy of the linguistic root (V^"'':"*-) that was originally interpreted as the basis 
for the first three of the preceding series of Upper North Wakashan terms. 

As a result of recent transcriptional revisions utilizing the testimony of the 
late Henaaksiala elder Gordon Robertson, a Henaaksiala speaker, the dubious 
Upper North Wakashan root, RL985 (i.e., root Ust #985), ^/Knk^- (Lincohi and 
Rath 1980:184, 1986:492) and its derivates (Henaaksiala /Haisla Xi^^^as, Heiltsuk 
K^k^ds, and Oowekyala Ktf^^as) have been rejected (John Rath, personal com- 
mimication, 1988) m favor of RL986, \/\nq^- (Lincohi and Rath 1980:184, 
1986:492). However, the terms derived from this latter root, i.e., Henaaksiala/ 
Haisla K^/c'^as or IK.i^q'^as (Gordon Robertson and John Rath, personal communi- 
cations, 1988; cf. Lincoln and Rath 1986:346), Heiltsuk X^q'^ds and Oowekyala 
^ivq'^as, have emerged with conflicting definitions: plant (unidentified) without 
berries (Lincohi and Rath 1980:184); plant (unidentified) with either red or pur- 
pHsh edible berries (Lincoln and Rath 1986:346, 1980:184; Rath 1981:601); red or 
blue kind of huckleberry (Lincohi and Rath 1986:492); or something associated 
with one's nose as well as a "berry" which shares the physical characteristics of 
the contents of one's nose (Lincoln and Rath 1986:346). 

From additional testimony provided by Gordon Robertson and several other 
Native elders of coastal British Colimibia it may now be seen that each of the 
definitions associated with Henaaksiala K^q^as, Heiltsuk Ki^q^ds, and 
Oowekyala Ki:^q^as describes aspects of the botanical referents of these terms. 
Evidence related to these referents was obtained when Gordon Robertson and 
Heiltsuk-speakers Mary Hunt, and the late Annie M. Wilson and Maggie Wind- 
sor identified Henaaksiala /Haisla K^q'^as and Heiltsuk Ki^q'^ds as referring, at 
least in part, to Menziesia ferruginea Smith, an ericaceous plant known as fool's 
huckleberry,^ rriock azalea, rusty-leaf, rusty menziesia and, more commonly, false 
azalea (Hitchcock and Cronquist 1973:345). Annie Wilson also indicated that the 
Heiltsuk name K^q^ds, said to mean "sad plant," can be used to refer to an 
unidentified plant with droopy branches, possibly some type of willow (Salix sp.) 
(cf. Lincoln and Rath 1980:184). According to Gordon Robertson, the name for M. 
ferruginea in the Henaaksiala and Haisla languages derives from the development 
of reportedly mucous "berries" (cf. Lincoln and Rath 1986:346) on the leaves, 
flowers, and stems. These "berries" have been noted by Mary Hunt and Annie 
Wilson, who refer to them in Heiltsuk as pspiyu yis^ludl, Hterally, 'ear of ghost'.* 

A gloss equivalent or loan translation for the Heiltsuk term pspiyu yis\Jlual 
in the Southern Tsimshian language (Skiiiixs) was verified by Kitasoo elder Violet 
Neasloss and the late Haihais elder Louisa Hall, both of Klemtu, one of two 
Native communities in which Southern Tsimshian is still spoken. This term is 
Skiiiixs ts' imukin^hk (also, Skuiixs tsHm muki ndnaq or Skiiuxs ts' imu-xino-nk , 
Hterally, 'in ear-ghost/ or "ghost ear") (John Dunn, personal communication, 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 91 



Marie-Lucie TarDent, personal communication 



Heiltsuk and Southern Tsimshian terms are all essentially semantically equivalent. 

Although he referred to the edible structures emanating from Henaaksiala/ 
Haisla K^q^as as "berries," Gordon Robertson described these structures in a 
way that suggested they may actually represent a plant structure parasitized by a 
fungus. Exobasidium vaccinii (Fuckel) Woronin, a fungal parasite of M. ferruginea, 
seemed a likely candidate (Robert Bandoni, personal communication, 1988; Ginns 
1986:135). Research in Canada by Drs. Nancy Nickerson (personal communica- 
tion, 1990) and Savile (cf. Savile 1959:648) and in Sweden by Nannfeldt (cf. Nann- 
feldt 1981:6-10, 63-64) indicates, however that the fungus on M. ferruginea is 
probably a species distinct from E. vaccinii (J. A. Parmelee, personal conununica- 
tion, 1990) that has a very restricted host range. D. Savile (personal communica- 
tion, 1990) recommends that this fungus be referred to as Exobasidium sp. affm. 
vaccinii until it can be further studied, properly described, and named. 

The botanical Latin identity of the "berries" growing on M. ferruginea was 
confirmed in 1990. Gordon Robertson examined fresh specimens of Exobasidium 
sp. affin. vaccinii parasitic on M. ferruginea, obtained from Prince Rupert, British 
Columbia (Compton #187, 6 June 1990, UBC #n3569) and near Vancouver (Wells & 
Hiebert #1762, 28 July 1990, UBC #F13570).5 He confirmed that these fungi were 
the "berries"^ of the plant named K^^'^as in Henaaksiala and Haisla. This leads to 
the conclusion that these "berries" are equivalent to the "ghost ears" described by 
Mary Hunt, Annie Wilson, Violet Neasloss, and Louisa Hall. Furthermore, Mil- 
dred Wilson of Hartley Bay verified the Coast Tsimshian (Sm'algyax) term 
tsntuu' no :' nax in reference to a photograph of E. sp. affin. vaccinii on false azalea 
(see Fig. 1). This term, said to mean "ear ghost," is reported to be derived ety- 
mologically from Sm'algyax tsmuu'm h'aa'lx, Hterally, 'in-ear-modifier clitic- 
ghost.' Mildred Wilson also referred to the fungus as Sm'algyax tse'MC, said to 
mean 'ear wax' or 'deaf,' although the proper term for 'deaf is Sm'algyax sgawk. 
The former term. Sm'alevax tse'ax, "running eai 



" more 



discharge (Margaret Seguin, personal communication, 1991). People m Hartley 
Bay refer to the shrub on which this "berry" grows as Sm'algyax sqan tse'ax, a 
term that incorporates the Coast Tsimshian word for shrub (Mildred Wilson). 

Exobasidium species are parasites lacking a distinct fruiting body that usually 
confine their host range to members of Ericaceae (Frankland et al. 1982:11; Smith 
1908:422). Exobasidium spores may infect the leaves, stems, and flowers of false 
azalea, resulting in organ deformation and hypertrophic growth that accom- 
panies fungal development (cf. Rae 1922:725; Savile 1959:648; Sinclair et al. 
1987:26-27). Eventually the fimgus sporulates on the surface of mycocecidia (fun- 
gal galls) that range from 1-2 cm in size and are indeed somewhat berry-like (i.e., 
they are globular, somewhat sweet, and crisp). Although the mycocecidium pro- 
duces a whitish bloom when sporulating (Sinclair et al. 1987:26-27; Smith 1908: 
423; Annie Wilson), the immature sfructure may be pale rose (Smith 1908:423), as 
observed in a recent coUection ( WeUs & Hiebert #1762, 28 July 1990, UBC). When 

^^t — A i-T — «u^^,.;^«," ^Y-a ^nnaiAcrt^A r\rtp (Gordon Robertson). Further, 



rose 



Smith 



"red or purple patches occur 



aves (which are infected by Exobasidium), opposite to the portion occupied 
frmgus below." The claims that Henaaksiala/Haisla X^^ "as /Heiltsuk 



92 



COMPTON 



Vol. 15, No. 1 




^ - ^ \y 



FIG. 1. 



huckleberry: Exobasidium sp. affin. vaccinii infection 



ing in deformation and hypertrophy of leaves and flowers of Menziesia ft 
Brian D. Compton). 



K^q 



CO 



/o 



! morphological characteristics of E. sp. affin 
infection. 



claims bv some 



individuals that Henaaksiala K^^^as/Heiltsuk Xpa^^^as/Oowekyala Kf^q'^as lacks 



The 



are prominent only during the summer, particularly in July 

This fungus is not uncommon in the Pacific Northwest but it may 



climatic factors) or simolv freauently overlooked 



Although the m 
mbling "snot/' he. 



Mary Hunt, Annie Wilson, and Maggie Windsor 



Mildred Wilson said that children 



trimchy'' fungu 



azalea are unpalatable capsules, the possibility exists that the "berries" of Squir 



are £. sp. affin 



affin. vaccinii and Menziesia ft 



44 



olved in Henaaksiala and Tsimshian mythology. As a child 
earned from his Tsimshian grandfather and various Henaakf 
f Henaaksiala clgikja, a creature known to steal corpses (cf . < 
That clgikla blew [itsl nose and threw it and it hit those litt 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 93 



why it grows there [i.e., on the leaves of M. ferruginea]/" Elsewhere in the area 
comparable creatures are known for undesirable actions, such as kidnapping 
children. Thus the clgikla is remembered among the Henaaksiala not only for its 
heinous acts, but also for causing Xj^^^as (or Xifq^as) to have its own ''berries." 

This paper represents the first report for British Columbia in which Exoba- 
sidium sp. affin. vaccinii has been identified as a culturally recognized associate of 
M.ferruginea. It corroborates and clarifies Gorman's (1896:76) observation that the 
Haida are fond of and eat apparently comparable structures raw. Gorman^ how- 
ever, erroneously attributed the edible portion to a gall-forming insect. Outside 
British Columbia, the use of E, sp. affin. vaccinii as food has been reported among 
Eskimo peoples of Cordova on Prince William Sound and in Port Graham on the 
lower Kenai Peninsula, Alaska. In the Sugpiak language spoken at Prince William 
Sound this fungal gall is known as piugtem cuutii; in Sugpiak spoken at Port 
Graham it is known as cuuteruaq, literally, 'dog ears' (Alix Wennekens, personal 
communication, 1990). 

The use of £. sp. affin. vaccinii is perhaps not limited in British Columbia to 
the area encompassed by the Haida, Haihais, Henaaksiala^ Heiltsuk, Coast Tsim- 
shian, and Southern Tsimshian cultures (see Fig. 2). The existence of the Ooweky- 
ala term Xp^^as implies that the Oweekeno may have eaten this fungus. Further- 
more, Boas (1947:130) referred to the Kwak'wala term pd'^was (^pux^as)"^, which 
was said to refer to the "fruit of Menziesia ferruginea Smith,'' indicating that the 
Kwakwaka'wakw also recognized and possibly ate this fungus (cf. Boas 
1921:1402, 1455, 1910:222-23). The reference to Kwak'wala pd':fwas as a "fruit," in 
conjunction with Gordon Robertson's conunents that these are "berries," provide 
evidence that Native people recognize the berry-like appearance of M. ferruginea 
infected by E. sp. affin. vaccinii. ^^ Note, however, that Kwak'wala *piix^as was 
said by Boas to refer to "willow tree" (Lincoln and Rath 1980:63; Neville Lincoln, 
personal communication, 1990), although this Kwak'wala word was not known to 
contemporary Kwak'wala speakers who were consulted (Neville Lincoln, per- 
sonal communication, 1990). 

There is further suggestive evidence among the Haida that these fungal galls 
represent "berries." Menziesia ferruginea is known as 'raven's berry bush' (Turner 
and Levine 1971:83), although the reason for this name is unclear. There is evi- 
dence that either E. sp. affin. vaccinii or M. ferruginea has been regarded by 
speakers of North Wakashan tongues, Tsimshianic languages, and the Haida 
language as a "berry." Specifically, Gordon Robertson has indicated that £. sp. 
affin. vaccinii mycocecidia are regarded as true "berries" (referred to in Henaak- 
siala and Haisla as mam}Jcimas) in the Henaaksiala sense^^ and MUdred Wilson 
also regards them as "berries." However, it is currently unclear whether Heiltsuk 
pspiyu ytsuludl Heiltsuk Hq'^ds and Oowekyala l^nq'^as can be referred to the 
Heiltsuk and Oowekyala herry folk botanical classes (Heiltsuk guldli/gu^limds 
and Oowekyala gulali) or whether the comparable Coast Tsimshian and Southern 
Tsimshian taxa may be regarded as berries. With the exception of Turner and 
Levine's (1971) work, no previous studies of Pacific Northwest Native eth- 
nobotany and folk biological classification systems indicate such a likelihood. On 
the other hand, Gordon Robertson's comments imply that this fungus would 
traditionally be regarded as a berry throughout Upper North Wakashan folk 



94 



COMPTON 



Vol. 15, No. 1 




Vancouver Island 



FIG. 2. — Approximate locations of British Columbian ethnolin 
guistic groups discussed in the text. 



botanical classification. Additional ethnobotanical research among other Indige- 
nous Peoples of British Columbia and Alaska may result in the documentation of 
more widespread recognition and use of E. sp. affin. vacdnii and Native percep- 
tion that this fungus is a type of herry. 

Evidently neither M. ferruginea nor E. sp. affin. vacdnii has great significance 
in terms of their relative contributions to the nutritional and technological pur- 
suits of the North Wakashan, Coast Tsimshian, and Southern Tsimshian peoples 
and their neighbors. These species are significant, however, because of the evi- 
dence they offer for Native recognition of an understudied host-pathogen rela- 



Summer 1995 JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 95 



tionship as well as for a rare instance of mycophagy among coastal peoples o 
British Columbia. The research reported here is significant for illustrating th< 
importance of making cross-cultural folk biological comparisons within thi 
North Wakashan and Tsimshian ethnolinguistic areas. Specifically, I have identi 
fied an intriguing distinction between the maimer in which speakers of Henaak 
siala, Heiltsuk, and Southern Tsimshian relate E. sp. affin. vaccinii to other foil 
taxa. In addition, I have documented previously ignored Heiltsuk, Henaaksiala 
and Tsimshian mythological roles for one or, possibly, both of these species. Thi; 
study illustrates the importance of continuing ethnobiological research on Nortl 
American oreanisms or biological associations that are distini?uishpd bv anr 



environment 



seemingly 



overlooked 



may be integral to the understanding of interesting 



cultural relationships 



NOTES 



^The indigenous isolects and languages significant to this research are classed in the 
Wakashan and Tsimshianic language families. The term "isolect'' refers to Upper North 
Wakashan tongues of imdefined scope (Nater 1987:239, footnote 2). Within Upper North 
Wakashan, Heiltsuk (with two dialects, Bella Bella and Klemtu) and Oowekyala are 
regarded as isolects, although Henaaksiala and Haisia are treated as separate languages 
(Neville J. Lincoln, personal communication, 1992). The phonemic inventory used in the 
transcription of terms from the North Wakashan tongues (Henaaksiala, Haisia, Heiltsuk, 
Oowekyala, and Kwak'wala, spoken by the Kwakwaka'wakw) cited in this paper is after 
Lincoln and Rath (1980, 1986) and Rath (1981). The phonemic inventory is as follows: 
consonants - b, d, z, X, g, g% g, ^« (plain plosives); p, t, c, X, k, k% q.q"^ (aspirated plosives); 
p, i, c, 3t ^/ fc'^f q, q^ (glottalized plosives); s, /, x, x"^, i, i" (fricatives); m, «, /, y, w, h (plain 
resonants); m,n,l, y, w, ti (glottalized resonants); m, n, I ("vocalic resonants"); w, ti, 
I (glottalized 'Vocalic resonants"); vowels - a, i, w, a (plain); J, «, a, (glottalized); other ■ 
elements - : (reduplication boundary), : (jimcture), ? (glottalizing juncture). The symbol 
"^" is used to indicate lip-rounding, an articulatory feature characteristic of those 
obstruents indicated. Accent, when unpredictable, is indicated by use of the grave C). In 
the case of the Heiltsuk tongue the acute (') over a vowel or vocalic resonant indicates high 
tone, its absence indicates low tone. Generally, slashes (/.../) are used to indicate a 
phonemic level of transcription, but they are omitted with the imderstanding that all 
Upper North Wakashan terms are in phonemic transcription. 

Southern Tsimshian terms presented in this paper are from field notes and tape record- 
ings I made in Klemtu. Terms were transcribed by John A. Dunn. The phonemic inventory 
used is essentially that of Halpin and Seguin (1990:267) for Coast Tsimshian. It was used in 
transcribing Coast Tsimshian forms communicated to me by Dr. Seguin, with some minor 
orthographic variations. The Coast Tsimshian phonemes are: (plain stops and affricate) ;;, 
f, c, k, /c«>, q, ?; (glottalized stops and affricate) p, h c, ^, /c«, q; (continuants) s, t, x, h; 
(plain sonorants) m, n, /, w, m, y, (an tmrounded velar glide); (glottalized sonorants) m, n, 
^/ w'/ Vr y; (short vowels) /, e, a, o, u; (long vowels) r, e; ([e •]) a% o% u% I; (stress) v. The 
plain nonglottal stops and affricates are contextually voiced to [b], [rf], [?l Igl Ig^^l 1^1 the 
velars are palatalized to [fcv, gv] and [Hv] before o(') or u(') and optionally before other 
vowels. It may be possible to analyze the vowel system as having only three phonemic 
short vowels, with what are here written as i and e as allophones of i, and u and o as 



96 



COMPTON Vol. 15, No. 1 



allophones of u. The Sugpiak term reported in the paper is presented in the form commu- 
nicated to me by A. Wennekens. 



^The forms in parentheses here and in the following sentence were written by Neville J. 
Lincoln using the contemporary orthography presented by Lincoln and Rath (1980, 1986). 

^This common name is probably based on the failure of M. ferruginea to produce berries (it 
produces capsules) although it is similar in appearance and related to other berry-pro- 
ducing species in the Ericaceae, (i.e., huckleberries). 



^Single quotation marks are used to denote Uteral translations of non-English terms. Dou- 
ble quotation marks indicate approximate English glosses, terms quoted by one or more 
Native consultants, or items cited verbatim from a published source. 

^These specimens were identified by J. A. Parmelee, Economic Fungi Project, Agriculture 
Canada Biosystematics Research Centre, Ottawa, Ontario. They are deposited at the Her- 
barium of the Department of Botany at The University of British Columbia in Vancouver 
(UBC). 



^This is how Mr. Robert 
in the botanical sense. 



^om C. Wells 



of M. ferruginea over the last several years, but has not found this fungu: 



common 



^I have not noted excessive sweetness in the specimens I have tasted. 

+ 

^This word, as indicated by the precedmg asterisk, derives from a Kwa 



un 



been 



tddence of Kwakwaka'wakw knowledge of the "berries" of M. ferruginea has 
ed by Grubb (1977:69), who recorded that "eating berries [of false azalea] 
dimib and is potentially poisonous." This belief may refer to uninfected 

mycocecidia, however, as Turner and Bell (1973:283) have docu- 



mented that Kwakwaka'wakw report that chewine the leaves causes 



also be noted 



(Turner 



i^The concept of real or true berrh 
native berries, several berrv-like 



nontechnical English 



gymnosperms. Although this concept may correspond 



berry as a ftiiit in which much or all of the ovary 



jmcy, and which contans seeds within 



1980:53). 



ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 



I am indebted to the members of the Henaaksiala, Heiltsuk, Oowekyala, 
Tsimshian, and Southern Tsimshian speech communities who made vital contributi 
this paper. Those individuals are: the late Louisa Hall (Haihais. Southern Tsimshian). 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



97 



nt (Heiltsuk), Violet Neasloss, the late Gordon Robertson (Henaaksiala), the late Annie 
Wilson (Heiltsuk), Mildred Wilson (Coast TsimshianX and the late Maede Windsor 



acknowledgi 



Kitasoo Indian Band and thank 



assistance. Information regarding Heiltsuk ethnobotany contained in original tape record- 
ings or notes produced on the Heiltsuk Indian Reserve is presented with the permission of 



Heiltsuk Indian Band through the contributions of the Heiltsuk Ci 
ire. The Band and I share control over access to original data gathered 



Robert 



, John A. E>unn, Karl D. Hauffe, M. Dale Kinkade, Suzanne L. Lathr 
Jack R. Maze, Nancy L. Nickerson, T.A. Parmelee, John C. Rath, Scott 



D.B.O. Savile, W.B. Schofield, Margaret Seguin, Marie-Lucie Tarpent, Nancy J. Turner, 
C. Wells, and Alix Wennekens. Financial support for this research was provided by g 
to me from the Jacobs Research Funds (administered by the Whatcom Museum So 
Whatcom Museum of History and Art, Bellineham, WAX the Phillips Fund (Ame 



Philosophical 



Natural 



LITERATURE CITED 



BOAS, FRANZ. 1977 Indian myths and 
legends from the North Paciific Coast 
of America. Unpublished manuscript. 

British Columbia Indian Language 
Project, Victoria, British Columbia. 
(English translation by Dietrich Bertz 
of a document originally published in 
1895 by A. Asher and Co., Berlin, as 
Indianische Sagen von der Nord- 
Pacifischen Kiiste Amerika.) 

. 1910. Kwakiutl Tales. Columbia 

University Contributions to Anthro- 
pology, Vol. II. Columbia University 
Press, New York. 

. 1921. Ethnology of the Kwakiutl. 

Thirty-fifth Aimual Report of the 
Bureau of American Ethnology, 1913- 
1914, Parts 1 and 2. Smithsonian Insti- 
tution, Washington, D.C. 

. 1928. Bella Bella Texts. Columbia 



University Contributions to Anthro- 
pology, Vol. V Columbia University 
Press, New York. 

, 1932. Bella Bella Tales. Memoirs of 
the American Folk-Lore Society, Vol. 
XXV G. E. Stechert and Co., New 
York. 

— . Helene Boas Yampolsky (editor). 
1947. Kwakiutl Dictionary., Manuscript 
#30 Wla.21 of the Boas Collection. 
American Philosophical Society, Phila- 
delphia, PA. 
PR ANKLAND, JULIET C, J. N. HEDGER, 
and M. J. SWIFT (editors). 1982. De- 



composer Basidiomycetes: Their Biol- 
ogy and Ecology. Symposium of the 
British Mycological Society held at 
Queen Mary College, London, March 
1979. Cambridge University Press, 
Cambridge. 
GINNS, JAMES H. 1986. Compendium of 
Plant Disease and Decay Fungi in 
Canada 1960-1980. Research Branch, 
Agricultural Canada, Publication 1813. 
Canadian Government Publishing 

Centre, Ottawa. 
GORMAN, M. W. 1896. Economic botany 



Alaska 



64-85. 



GRUBB, DAVID McC. 1977 A Practical 
Writing System and Short Dictionary 
of Kwakw'ala (Kwakiutl). National 
Museum of Man Mercury Series, Can- 
adian Ethnology Service Paper No. 34. 
National Museums of Canada, Ottawa, 

Ontario. 

HALPIN, MARJORIE M. and MARGA- 
RET SEGUIN. 1990. Tsimshian peo- 
ples: Southern Tsimshian, Coast Tsim- 
shian, Nishga, and Gitksan. Pp. 267- 
284 in Handbook of North American 
Indians, Vol. 7, Northwest Coast- 
Wayne Suttles, (editor), Smithsonian 
Institution, Washington, DC. 

HITCHCOCK, C. LEO and ARTHUR 



CRONQUIST 



Washingt 



Press, Seattle 



98 



COMPTON 



Vol. 15, No. 1 



LINCOLN, NEVILLE J, and JOHN C. 
RATH. 1980. North Wakashan Com- 
parative Root List. National Museum 
of Man Mercury Series, Canadian Eth- 
nology Service Paper No. 68. National 
Museums of Canada, Ottawa, Ontario. 

. 1986. Phonology, Dictionary and 

Listing of Roots and Lexical Derivates 

of the Haisla Language of Kitlope and 
Kitimaat, B.C. Canadian Museum of 
Civilization Mercury Series, Canadian 
Ethnology Service Paper No. 103. Na- 
tional Museums of Canada, Ottawa, 
Ontario. 

LITTLE, R. J. and C. E. JONES. 1980. A 
Dictionary of Botany. Van Nostrand 
Reinhold, New York. 

NANNFELDT, J. A. 1981. Exobasidium, a 
taxonomic reassessment applied to the 
European species. Symbolae Botani- 
cae Upsalienses 23(2):l-72. 

NATER, HANK E 1987 An areal investi- 
gation: Nuxalk and Upper North 
Wakash. in Papers from the 22nd In- 
ternational Conference on Salish and 
Neighboring Languages, held 13-15 
August, 1987, Victoria, British Co- 
lumbia. 

OLSON, RONALD L. 1940. The social 
organization of the Haisla of British 
Columbia. Anthropological Records 
2(5):169-200. University of California 
Press, Berkeley. 

RAE, CARLESON. 1922. British Basidio- 
mycetae. A Handbook to the Larger 
British Fungi. Cambridge University 
Press, London. 



RATH, JOHN C. 1981. A Practical HeUt- 
suk-English Dictionary with a Gram- 
matical Introduction. National Mu- 
seum of Man Mercury Series, Cana- 
dian Ethnology Service Paper No. 75. 
National Museums of Canada, 
Ottawa, Ontario. 



SAVILE 



1959 Notes on Exoba- 



sidium. Canadian Journal of Botany 

37:641-656. 

SINCLAIR, WAYNE A., HOWARD H. 
LYON and WARREN T JOHNSON. 
1987 Diseases of Trees and Shrubs. 
Cornell University Press, Ithica, NY 

SMITH, WORTHINGTON G. 1908. Syn- 
opsis of the British Basidiomycetes. A 
Descriptive Catalogue of the Draw- 
ings and Specimens in the Depart- 
ment of Botany, British Museum. Wil- 
liam Clowes and Sons, London. 

TURNER, NANCY C. and MARCUS 
A. M. BELL. 1973. The ethnobotany of 
the Southern Kwakiutl Indians of Brit- 
ish Columbia. Economic Botany 27: 
257-310. 

TURNER, NANCY J. and ROBERT D. 
LEVINE. 1971. The Ethnobotany of the 
Haida Indians of the Queen Charlotte 
Islands, British Columbia. Manuscript 
on file. Botanical Garden, The Univer- 
sity of British Columbia, Vancouver. 

TURNER, NANCY J. and ADAM E 
SZCZAWINSKI. 1991. Common Poi- 
sonous Plants and Mushrooms of North 
America. Timber Press. Portland. 



/. Ethnobiol 15(1):99-117 



Summer 1995 



SOME NOTES ON 

ETHNOGRAPHIC SUBSISTENCE SYSTEMS 

IN MOJAVEAN ENVIRONMENTS IN THE GREAT BASIN 



CATHERINE S. FOWLER 

Department of Anthropolog}/ 

University of Nevada, Reno 

Reno, NV 89557 



ABSTRACT. — Subsistence resources utilized by Southern Paiute and Shoshone 



Moj 



discussed 



the ethnographic literature. In the 1930s, Isabel Kelly worked with a number of 



un 



some additional data, help to outline their subsistence systems. Recent studies 
among the Timbisha or Death Valley Shoshone also elucidate aspects of their 
subsistence cycles. Although these groups share a number of subsistence aspects 
with their linguistic kinsmen in the Great Basin Desert to the north, they also 
developed some unique foci based on certain locally occurring resources such as 
legumes, agaves, and yuccas, as well as tortoises, and chuckwallas. The spread of 
garden horticulture into the eastern part of the region prior to the mid-17005 



mi 



this dry area. 



RESUMEN 



por 



Sureno y Shoshone del Desierto Mojave del occidente de Norteamerica hacia el 



perturbacion 



CO discutid( 
un niimero 



de campo ineditas, asi como algunos datos adicionales, ayudan a esbozar su 
sistemas de subsistencia. Estudios recientes entre los Timbisha, o Shoshone de 
VaUe de la Muerte, esclarecen tambien algunos aspectos de sus ciclos de subsis 
tencia. Si bien estos grupos comparten un buen numero de aspectos de la subsis 
tencia con sus parientes lingiiisticos en el Desierto de la Gran Cuenca hacia e 
norte, tambien desarrollaron algunos focos particulares basados en cierto 
recursos de distribucion local, como leguminosas, agaves y yucas, asi como tor 
tugas y lagartijas. La expansi6n de la horticultura a la porcion oriental de L 
region antes de mediar el siglo XVIII probablemente agrego un margen impor 
tante a los sistemas indigenas de subsistencia en esta area arida. 



RESUME.— Les ressources utilisees par les peuples Paiute de Sud et Shoshone 
dans le desert du Mojave d'Amerique du Nord occidentale, aux abords des 
annees 1840, periode de contact important et de derangement de leurs moeurs, 
figurent peu dans la literature ethnographique. Pendant les annees 1830, Isabel 



?lly fit des recherches dans un nombre de groupes I 
ses notes nonoubliees, ainsi que d'autres donnees 



Death 



100 



FOWLER Vol. 15, No. 1 



- « 



Valley servent egalement a elucider certains aspects de leurs cycles de subsis- 
tance. Bien que ces groupes partagent plusieurs aspects de leur subsistance avec 
leurs parents linguistiques du desert du Great Basin au Nord,ils ont egalement 
developpe certaines specialisations d'apres les ressources locales telles que les 
feculents, Tagave et le yucca, ainsi que les tortues et les chuckwallas, Le deploie- 
ment de rhorticulure vers Test de la region avant la moitie du 18^ '"^ siecle 
contribua certainement une marge importante aux moyens de subsistance indi- 
genes dans cette region aride. 



INTRODUCTION 



Ethnographic subsistence systems for the Great Basin of western North 
America have been defined in the past largely as focused on cold desert resources. 
This is because much of the published field v^ork deals with groups in the Great 
Basin Desert, a relatively high, arid, and cold regime (see, for example, Chamber- 
Un 1911; Fowler 1986, 1989, 1992; Kelly 1932, 1964; Smith 1974; Steward 1933, 1938, 
1941, 1943; Stewart 1941, 1942; Shimkin 1947; Zigmond 1981). However, a signifi- 
cant number of the native peoples of the Great Basin culture area lived in and 
depended upon the resources of hot deserts, particularly the Mojave Desert 
(Fig. 1), a lower, dryer, and warmer regime.^ In historic times, groups in the 
Mojave Desert included several subgroups of the Southern Paiute (Las Vegas, 
Pahrump, Moapa, Shivwdts, St. George, Chemehuevi), the Timbisha (Death Val- 
ley), Panamint Valley, and Koso Shoshone, and some adjacent Kawaiisu. Non- 
Great Basin (or non-Numic-speaking) groups also in this desert and with whom 
Great Basin peoples shared much in terms of subsistence and other features of 
adaptation included, among others, the Cahuilla, Serrano, Mohave, and some 
Walapai subgroups. By focusing subsistence around floral and faunal species 
common to both the Great Basin and the Mojave deserts, but also on certain 
key Mojavean resources (e.g., legumes, agaves, and yuccas; desert tortoises and 
chuckwallas), all of these groups learned to cope with the Mojave's seeming 
harshness. In historic times, some of these groups also supplemented these natu- 
rally occurring products with several derived from garden horticulture. 

In this paper data on the distribution and character of the subsistence com- 
plexes focused on the uniquely Mojavean resources are discussed for the Great 
Basin groups. What is known of the history and importance of gardening among 
them is also reviewed. Sources for these data include the extensive unpublished 
notes of Isabel Kelly (1932-34) for the Southern Paiute,^ the author's field data for 
Southern Paiute in the Mojave Desert (Fowler 1968, 1986-1990) and for the Tim- 
bisha or Death Valley Shoshone (Fowler 1992-1993), and certain published mate- 
rials (e.g., BeU and Castetter 1937, 1941; Castetter et al 1938; Coville 1892; Irwin 
1980; Laird 1976; Schroth 1987; Steward 1938; Stuart 1945; Wallace 1980; Zigmond 
1981). Unfortunately since all of these data were gathered long after Mojavean 
subsistence systems ceased to function in their entirety, the data suggest more of 
the "what" and "how" than of the "how much" and "how often" of the use of 
these resources. Statements of consultants regarding these other aspects are occa- 
sionally included, but cannot now be verified. 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



101 




FIG. 1.— Great Basin Tribes in Mojave Desert environments. 



FLORAL RESOURCES 



The mesauite com 



The term mesqu ite complex has been previously applied 
to the series'of procedures involved in gathering and making edible certain mem- 
bers of the Fabaceae, includmg primarily honey mesquite (Prosopis glandulosa 
Torr. var. torreyana [L. Benson] M.C. Johnston) and screwbean (P pubescens Benth.; 
see Bean and Saubel 1972: Fowler 1986:67; Schroth 1987). These, as well as certain 



102 



FOWLER Vol. 15, No. 1 



Other members of the family (e.g.. Acacia spp.), are important components of the 
Mojavean flora as well as that of the adjacent Sonoran Desert. They were likewise 
important in the diets of Southern Paiute and Shoshone peoples (but not 
Kawaiisu [Zigmond 1981:54]), in some local areas replacing the all-important 
pinyon and /or acorn, or at least standing equal to them. It is difficult today to 
judge the former distribution, and especially the density and productivity of 
mesquite groves properly as many have succumbed to drought brought on by the 
tapping of groundwater resources to salve the seemingly insatiable thirst of mod- 
ern Mojave Desert dwellers. However, their focal distributions seem once to have 
been most of the drainage patterns throughout the Mojave (Benson and Darrow 
1981). Screw beans were of more limited occurrence, but equally favored where 



found. 



mesquite (called ohbi in Timbisha 



Paiute) were used slightly differently by Shoshone and Southern Paiute people, 
with additional differences probably occurring among families. Among the Tim- 



use was made in the spring when the pods were 
were pit-roasted on a laver of hot stones, with 



bein 



1934:LVI:99;M:44;CI:40;SG:23) did not report this use among the Southern Paiute. 
However, the Moapa and Pahrump Southern Paiute as well as the Timbisha 
Shoshone ate the green pods raw as snacks at a slightly later stage — after the 
seeds had formed. For this purpose people with several mesauite eroves or trees 



from sam 



from 



1986-1990; 1992-1993). 

More elaborate processing attended the taking of mesquite later in the season, 
after the pods had begun to ripen or had dried. * Southern Paiute people collected 
ripened but still green pods from the trees, then pounded them into a pulp in 
stone mortars with stone pestles. They made a drink from the resulting pulp 
(Kelly 1932-1934:LVI:99;M:44;CI:40). The Timbisha and Panamint Shoshone peo- 
ple apparently waited a little later, until the pods had turned yellow and had 
begun to drop from the trees. They pounded the still moist pods in large tree- 
stump mortars (Fig. 2)5 with cylindrical stone pestles and also made a juice. 



from the remaining 



much 



mixture would make them drowsy (Fowler 



made use of me 



made from fully ripened fruit. As a first step, i..^ ^.^^^ „^.^ .... 

remove all remaining moisture. They were then pounded into a fine pov 

(principally the mesocarp), a process that took considerable time and strei 

given the toughness of the exocarp and the endocarp surrounding the ; 

within a pod. The meal was further sifted in an open-twined tray to remove 

ungroimd material, especially the endocarp and seeds.7 The Timbisha Shosl 

then set aside both types of material to be used to prepare large meal cakej 
storage. 

The Timbisha Shoshone apparently prepared their cakes for storage in 
winnowing trays, while at least the Moapa Southern Paiute used conical bu] 



Summer 1995 



JOURNAL OF ETHNOBIOLOGY 



103 




FIG. 2. — Mesquite bean mortar collected in 
Saline Valley, CA, in 1959 (Eastern California 
Museum, Independence, A850; 32 cm). 



baskets (Stuart 1945). The Tmibisha people first lined a winnowing tray with the 
fiber retained from the pounding process, material called kahimbi. The meal was 
then formed into a cake on the tray, with water being sprinkled between the layers 
to help them pack more tightly. The cake, as much as a foot or more high, was then 
covered with an additional layer of kahimbi, wetted to form a crust. The cake, called 
pigibi, could then be sun-dried, removed from the h-ay, and cached in a grass-lined 
pit (Fowler 1992-1993). The Moapa Southern Paiute built their cakes either in coni- 
cal burden baskets, or in a small hole dug to shape and lined with mesquite pod 
pulp (Kelly 1932-1934:M:44). Their cakes were as much as 2 feet thick. After a few 
days, the baskets were inverted and the large cones of meal left to dry further; or 
the cakes were removed from the pits for the same purpose. The cones and cakes 
were then stored in grass- or bark-lined pits in rockshelters or caves, or in under- 
ground pits on bluffs or ridges (Stuart 1945). Both groups kept a cone or cake in the 
house and people removed pieces and ate them without further preparation, or 
added them to water for juice. The Moapa people also stirred dried mesquite meal 
into cooked agave and made the resulting mixture into small cakes. These were 
suitable for the trail or for meals in camp (Stuart 1945). 



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Vol. 15, No. 1 





1^ 




■-'■ 




^^.xrjx n^^x^ ■ ^ — 



FIG. 3. — Screwbean {Prosopis pubescens Benth.) near St. George, UT.